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Indianapolis UAW Workers Got Rid of Tiers With a Strike Threat

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Indianapolis UAW Workers Got Rid of Tiers With a Strike Threat


Fifteen hundred autoworkers in Indianapolis made their New Year’s resolution public: unless Allison Transmission agreed to eliminate tiers in wages, benefits, shift premiums, and holidays, they would hit the bricks.

“The fight plan throughout negotiations was ending tiers,” said Phil Shupe, a ten-year assembler on tier two and bargaining committee member. “We weren’t going to accept anything from the company that had any more division. We stood firm that we all needed to be equal.”

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Workers at Allison make commercial heavy-duty automatic transmissions for fire trucks, school buses, and tanks, as well as hybrid propulsion systems.

United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 933 members there hadn’t struck since the 1970s. But in December, they rejected Allison’s offer by 96 percent.

“The company realized this time around that we weren’t joking,” said Darrin Nelson, an eighteen-year employee and a shop committeeperson in skilled trades. “We were walking — making it very clear it was either put up or shut up.”

The company put up a four-year contract, compared to the last six-year contract term. Workers clinched a contract in the nick of time — by presenting a clear picture of what would happen if they walked.

Allison could have lost millions a day in revenue, taken a reputational hit, and lost customers, said Shupe. And even if it tried bringing in scabs, the truck drivers who deliver transmissions to customers wouldn’t cross the picket line. Some were Teamsters; others at Ryder Logistics were fellow UAW Local 933 members.

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“We let them know we meant business,” said Shupe.

Workers ratified their new contract by 82 percent on January 16. It hikes starting wages from $14.72 to $20 an hour and increases some workers’ earnings by 150 percent, and eliminates most aspects of the tiers (see box for details).

Allison’s customers include the Pentagon, Volkswagen’s subsidiary Traton SE, Mercedes-Benz Group AG, and Paccar, a large manufacturer of commercial trucks. These contracts have made big profits for Allison’s shareholders.

Coming off the UAW’s lucrative contract wins at the Big Three automakers, Allison workers thought it was their turn. They wanted to seize the momentum and win their share of the pie, too.

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“We saw that if our CEO was making what their CEOs were making even at a smaller company, we needed to demand more money,” said Monica Nelson, a seventeen-year job setter, a person who checks the measurements on the machines making sure everything is up to spec. “They [the Big Three] did away with the tiers, we needed to do away with the tiers.”

Allison Transmission had raked in $6 billion in profits in the last decade, and more than half a billion in the first three quarters of 2023, according to the UAW. CEO David Graziosi made $9.3 million in 2022, according to Securities and Exchange Commission filings.

Meanwhile, company managers were stingy about replacing broken microwaves.

Ahead of the contract expiration, managers started hauling workers into captive-audience meetings to surface any complaints. At one of these meetings, a worker raised the issue of a broken microwave in the break room.

The manager’s answer was, “I’ll have somebody go out there and look at it, but we are not replacing any broken microwave,” recalled Local 933 vice president Andy Davis, who works on the assembly line. “A billion-dollar company is going to be that petty! We work long hours. So you’re talking about somebody not even being able to microwave a lunch.”

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Davis, with fourteen years on the job, didn’t expect any better from company honchos. “But I was really happy to see my union brothers and sisters hear the manager’s response,” he said, “so they could see who we’re dealing with.”

The company had proposed a wage opener mid-contract last February. In a tight labor market, it was having a hard time hiring at $14.72. “People could earn better money at a car wash,” said Davis.

But workers rejected the reopener, near the end of a six-year contract. “If the contract is no longer viable, then let’s start negotiations now,” said Davis. “We’ve got nine months till the contract runs out anyways. Instead of just picking and choosing what you want to do as a company, why don’t we sit down and have an honest discussion about what could benefit everyone?”

Apparently in retaliation, though on the pretext of safety, the company went around the factory floor removing all the chairs — a salve to workers’ sore feet from standing for ten to twelve hours.

“After we rejected the wage proposal by vote, the supervisors formed a pack,” said Davis. “They moved from department to department, grabbing all of our chairs, putting them on a fork truck and taking them out — laughing and being jerks about it.”

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As the November contract expiration neared, workers began organizing across divisions — electing a new shop committee, more representative of the various tiers.

George Freeman, bargaining chair, joked when sitting across from company negotiators that they’d bring in hard-charging, Indiana-native UAW president Shawn Fain. The threat threw management off-balance. “They want us to know they are in charge — master and servant,” said Freeman.

But their savior wasn’t Fain, even though workers credited the international for providing legal and communications support. The organization that they built across the plant was the key to their success.

Workers started holding gate meetings to update members on the progress in negotiations, answer questions, and make sure people were united behind the demand to end tiers.

In the last round of negotiations, the company had thrown money around in a signing bonus just before the holidays to entice workers into voting yes for a six-year contract. Monica Nelson wanted to make sure her coworkers didn’t fall for that old trick again.

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“They’re offering you $10,000 up front, but you’re locking in on this six-year contract,” she said about the company’s past sign-on bonus. “You need to vote it down and ask for more money on the hour. Because if you get more money on the hour, you can make that $10,000 they gave you in two months.”

The big task was building solidarity after the company had successfully used solidarity-wrecking tiers to keep workers divided. “We had to get everybody on board,” said Nelson. “We had to start getting people to be more unified. If they throw out four people, you don’t need to take the overtime. Because if you’re taking the overtime, you’re basically proving we don’t need those four people that they threw out whose jobs were protected by contract language.”

Nelson had these conversations on the floor because she was a floater. But one person couldn’t reach everybody. Monica Nelson and Davis began organizing the meetings outside the plant gates on “red T-shirt Wednesdays,” once every two weeks. The instructions were simple: “Wednesday, 5 p.m. break, front gate, bring your questions, write them down, and we’ll answer them.”

“It started with five to seven people, then it turned into thirty people,” Nelson said. “And when it got to forty people, the shop committee would come out, with the chairman.” Eventually, they expanded the meetings to a second shift and different plants in the factory complex. They also handed out flyers with charts showing the CEO pay.

For Darrin Nelson, the change was long overdue. He had attended the UAW convention in 2014 as an alternate delegate and concluded it was a big con.

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“I thought to myself, ‘This is all for show, because everything’s already predetermined,’” he said. “Nobody has a chance to run for any of these positions, because the convention was set up for the caucus that’s in power to always win.”

So when reformers organized for one-member, one-vote elections in 2021, Nelson threw himself into the project. “The direction that we’ve been going the last fifteen, twenty years has been absolutely brutal for the membership,” he said. “The only way that things are going to change, from the top down to the local levels, is if we get one-member, one-vote to pass and let the membership as a whole decide on who they want as their elected officials.

“At the end of the day, it’s the results. If you make gains and go in the right direction, you show the membership that things are possible. We got a new leadership who says, ‘Enough is enough, we’re gonna walk.’ Because that’s the only tool that you have to get them to the table to get the things that you deserve.”





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Indianapolis, IN

Indianapolis Colts Select Ohio State Defensive End Caden Curry in Sixth Round of 2026 NFL Draft

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Indianapolis Colts Select Ohio State Defensive End Caden Curry in Sixth Round of 2026 NFL Draft


Caden Curry is going home.

The Indianapolis Colts selected the Greenwood, Indiana, native with the No. 214 overall pick in the sixth round of the 2026 NFL draft, making the former Ohio State defensive end the 10th Buckeye off the board in the 2026 NFL draft.

The Colts’ selection of Curry was years in the making, as Colts general manager Chris Ballard watched Curry play at Center Grove High School and actually called Ohio State coach Ryan Day to tell him the Buckeyes should recruit Curry.

It’s the second year in a row Ohio State has had double-digit draft selections.

Curry is the third Ohio State defensive end selected in the last two NFL drafts, joining JT Tuimoloau – also drafted by the Colts with the No. 45 overall pick in last year’s draft – and Jack Sawyer (No. 123 overall, Pittsburgh Steelers in 2025). Curry is the second Ohio State defensive lineman to be selected in the 2026 NFL draft, joining defensive tackle Kayden McDonald, who the Houston Texans drafted in Round 2 (No. 36 overall).

Ohio State’s 2026 NFL Draft Picks

  • Carnell Tate: Round 1, No. 4, Tennessee Titans
  • Arvell Reese: Round 1, No. 5, New York Giants
  • Sonny Styles: Round 1, No. 7, Washington Commanders
  • Caleb Downs: Round 1, No. 11, Dallas Cowboys
  • Kayden McDonald: Round 2, No. 36, Houston Texans
  • Max Klare: Round 2, No. 61, Los Angeles Rams
  • Davison Igbinosun: Round 2, No. 62, Buffalo Bills
  • Will Kacmarek: Round 3, No. 87. Miami Dolphins
  • Lorenzo Styles Jr.: Round 5, No. 172, New Orleans Saints
  • Caden Curry: Round 6, No. 214, Indianapolis Colts

Curry spent three years learning behind Sawyer and Tuimoloau at defensive end to start his Ohio State career, though he carved out rotational roles in the Buckeyes’ defense in 2023 and 2024. In 2025, Curry got his chance to start and capitalized.

Curry racked up 66 tackles with 16.5 tackles for loss and 11 sacks for Ohio State’s No. 1-ranked defense in 2025. His relentless motor, athleticism and savvy gave offensive tackles headaches throughout the year, as he recorded a team-high 46 total pressures of opposing quarterbacks, per Pro Football Focus.

The Buckeyes have now produced 12 total draft picks at defensive end since Larry Johnson took over as defensive line coach ahead of the 2014 season and 2015 NFL draft, with three top-three selections headlining the pack: Nick Bosa in 2019 (No. 2 overall, 49ers), Chase Young in 2020 (No. 2 overall, Commanders) and Joey Bosa in 2016 (No. 3 overall, Chargers).

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Curry might not have had the measurables to be an early-round pick, but his production could make him a steal for the Colts in the later stages of the draft. He was a first-team All-Big Ten selection by the conference’s media and second-team All-Big Ten by its coaches in 2025.

Curry is the 10th Buckeye selected in the 2026 draft, joining first-round selections Carnell Tate (No. 4 overall, Titans), Arvell Reese (No. 5, Giants), Sonny Styles (No. 7, Commanders) and Caleb Downs (No. 11, Cowboys), second-round selections McDonald, Max Klare (No. 61, Rams) and Davison Igbinosun (No. 62, Bills), third-round pick Will Kacmarek (No. 87, Dolphins) and fifth-round pick Lorenzo Styles Jr. (No. 172, Saints).

Curry is the seventh player from Ohio State’s 2025 defense to be selected in the 2026 NFL draft. Ohio State has now had 15 defensive players selected in the last two drafts.





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Retro Indy: Indianapolis lawyer’s campaign against ‘Bob & Tom’

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Retro Indy: Indianapolis lawyer’s campaign against ‘Bob & Tom’


You can’t get to millions of fans without making a few enemies. 

And that was certainly true for the hosts of “The Bob & Tom Show,” an Indianapolis WFBQ’s talk radio program that’s now nationally syndicated. Longtime listeners celebrated more than 40 years of laughs in the wake of former host Bob Kevoian’s death from stomach cancer April 17 at age 75.  

But in the early years of the show, not everyone was a fan of the signature suggestive humor of Kevoian and cohost Tom Griswold.

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Two years after the 1983 premiere of “Bob & Tom,” an outspoken conservative lawyer launched a campaign to tone down the show.  

According to IndyStar archives, Indianapolis lawyer John Price waged a five-year war against the duo and their contribution to Indianapolis’ “dirty radio” problem. Price took offense to Kevoian and Griswold’s raunchy humor, which often manifested itself in off-color skits and banter between the hosts and guests.

Through his Decency in Broadcasting watchdog group, Price outlined a three-pronged plan of attack in a Sept. 10, 1985 IndyStar article, which would culminate in publishing the show’s list of advertisers and calling for a boycott. Kevoian and Griswold fired back in an interview with IndyStar on Oct. 15, 1985, maintaining that they had a “right to make people laugh.” 

“What’s more important than making people laugh?” Kevoian said in the interview. “Should we teach them to blow each other’s heads off?”  

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Phase Three of Decency in Broadcasting’s plan materialized in an ad in the Oct. 20, 1985 Star imploring readers to stop supporting sponsors of “The Bob & Tom Show.” The ad featured a question-and-answer section arguing why the show wasn’t fit for air and a coupon-style cutout that allowed readers to send away for a list of sponsors to avoid (and donate to cover the cost of postage). 

“Bob and Tom regularly and persistently focus on masturbation, human waste, comparative sizes of male and female body parts, sodomy, adultery and other sacrilegious material,” Price’s ad read. “Bob and Tom are both talented, but their ‘humor’ is totally inappropriate for our community.” 

Days after the ad ran, 18 sponsors pulled their advertisements from the show. A petition to defend the show’s right to free speech quickly followed and garnered more than 500 signatures from fans of the show.

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Price’s gripe with Kevoian and Griswold wasn’t just a matter of taste, he argued: The show, Price said, broke the law. He pointed to Miller v. California, a 1973 U.S. Supreme Court case that ruled obscene material isn’t protected under the First Amendment’s free speech provisions. In addition, he argued, the federal Communications Act prohibited stations from broadcasting “obscene, indecent or profane material” on public airwaves.

Price had more to gain than just the moral high ground in the crusade. He was gearing up for an Indiana Senate run.

Decency in Broadcasting’s first official complaint filed in 1985 failed, but another attempt in 1987 led to the FCC launching an obscenity probe into WFBQ. Five years after Price’s first barbs at “Bob & Tom,” the lawyer gained a victory: The FCC levied a $10,000 fine against the show in 1990, finding four of its broadcasts had violated obscenity law. 

But Kevoian and Griswold struck the final blow, and it was a low one. On May 8, 1990 — primary Election Day — Griswold and around 200 “Bob & Tom” listeners rallied outside Price’s campaign headquarters in Carmel and chanted Nazi slogans. Kevoian and Griswold also read material on-air calling Price “Yankee Doodle Hitler.” 

Price lost the Republican primary for District 29 in the Indiana Senate to incumbent Sen. William Soards. A 1998 U.S. Senate campaign and a 2000 gubernatorial run were also unsuccessful, according to Price’s 2017 obituary. 

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Price filed a defamation lawsuit against Kevoian and Griswold for the demonstration incident that was ultimately struck down, according to an August 1991 IndyStar story. Kevoian and Griswold were suspended for two days after the Election Day incident, and they invited Price to appear on “Bob & Tom” after the fact, but Price declined — too little, too late, he said.  

Contact IndyStar Pop Culture Reporter Heather Bushman @hbushman@indystar.com. Follow her on X @hmb_1013. 



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Black-owned bank makes history, opens in Indianapolis

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Black-owned bank makes history, opens in Indianapolis


The landscape of financial equity in Indiana underwent a historic shift on April 23 as Generations Community Bank (GCB) officially opened its doors, becoming the state’s first-ever Minority Depository Institution (MDI) and the first new startup bank in Indiana since 2008.



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