Indiana
What to Expect: Indiana at Nebraska
Indiana’s first road game tips off Friday night in Lincoln against Nebraska at Pinnacle Bank Arena. The Huskers are 6-2 and are coming off an 89-52 loss at Michigan State.
Friday’s game is an 8 p.m. ET tip on FOX:
Indiana’s struggles against last season are well documented. The Hoosiers lost three times to the Huskers and none of the games were competitive. Nebraska won 86-70 in Lincoln on January 3, 85-70 in Bloomington on February 21 and 93-66 at the Big Ten tournament on March 16. That’s an average margin of 18.
Both teams underwent roster makeovers in the offseason. Still, Fred Hoiberg’s ability to spread Indiana out and score an average of 88 points in three easy wins was a major reason the Hoosiers didn’t sniff the NCAA tournament a season ago.
The Hoosiers have won four straight games (all by 15 or more points), but a win Friday would be a surefire signal the Hoosiers are trending in the right direction after a shaky performance last month in the Bahamas.
MEET THE HUSKERS
After reaching the NCAA tournament for the first time under Hoiberg last March, the Huskers are in a transition period in his sixth season. Keisei Tominaga graduated, Rienk Mast is out for the season with a knee injury and the offense has taken a significant step back statistically.
According to KenPom.com, Nebraska had the nation’s 32nd-best offense last season but is currently ranked 99th this season after eight games.
Three Huskers are averaging double figures – seniors Brice Williams, Juwan Gary and junior Connor Essegian.
This wing-heavy offensive attack presents problems for an Indiana rotation featuring a frontcourt that doesn’t guard well away from the paint (Oumar Ballo and Malik Reneau) and struggles to guard movement and execute switches (Mackenzie Mgbako).
Williams is a 6-foot-7 fifth-year wing who is excellent at getting to the line and converts at an elite rate. He leads the Huskers with 17.5 points per game and shoots 92.5 percent (53 attempts) from the line. He’s also a capable 3-point shooter and has connected on 11 of his 29 attempts from deep.
The 6-foot-6 Gary, another fifth-year player, is an undersized four averaging 10.6 points and 4.4 rebounds in 25 minutes per game. Gary is just 7-for-27 on 3s (25.9 percent).
Essegian, an Indiana native, was one of the Big Ten’s best freshmen two seasons ago at Wisconsin. After falling out of the regular rotation in Madison last season, Essegian entered the transfer portal and landed in Lincoln where he’s returned to form in his third season. Essegian is Nebraska’s second-leading scorer at 13 points per game. He’s made a team-high 20 3-pointers and is shooting 42.6 percent from the perimeter.
Utah transfer Rollie Worster has taken over the starting point guard spot for the Huskers. Another fifth-year player, the 6-foot-5 Worster is averaging a team-high 2.6 assists and is second on the team with 1.5 steals per game.
Ahron Ulis, who sat out last season following a gambling probe and Sam Hoiberg provide most of the backup minutes in the backcourt. The 6-foot-3 Ulis is just 2-for-13 on 3s and is shooting 33 percent from the field. Hoiberg is an energy player who is fearless in attacking offensively and is a major pest defensively. His 1.8 steals per game lead the Huskers.
On the wing, Rutgers transfer Gavin Griffiths hasn’t made a 3-pointer since Nov. 13 and is 3-for-19 from distance on the season. The 6-foot-7 sophomore was considered one of the best shooters in the country coming out of high school.
With Mast sitting out this season, Hoiberg has pieced together a frontcourt that includes three transfers: Braxton Meah, Andrew Morgan and Berke Buyuktuncel.
Meah, who previously played at Fresno State and Washington, provides the Huskers with legitimate size in the post at 7-foot-1 and 264 pounds. He’s averaging 3.7 points and four rebounds in 15 minutes per game.
Morgan is a 6-foot-10, 245-pound arrival from North Dakota State who is the team’s second-leading rebounder. Morgan pulls down 5.3 rebounds in 17 minutes per game off the bench while averaging 8.4 points on 45 percent shooting.
Buyuktuncel transferred from UCLA and started the first six games for Nebraska. He’s the leading rebounder at 5.9 per game, is making 75 percent of his 2s and has a team-best six blocked shots.
TEMPO-FREE PREVIEW
Both teams are playing with pace, with Nebraska ranking 88th in adjusted tempo, per KenPom.com and Indiana at 39th.
The Huskers, however, are handling the ball much better than the Hoosiers and forcing more turnovers. Through 10 games, Indiana has committed 140 turnovers and forced just 121, while Nebraska has committed 90 and forced 130.
The free-throw line will also be key for both programs. The Huskers excel at drawing fouls and then converting at the line. Nebraska’s free-throw percentage of 76.6 ranks 51st in the country and 30th in free-throw rate (FTA/FGA).
While 3-point shooting was Nebraska’s primary strength offensively last season, that isn’t the case this season. The Huskers are taking fewer 3s – their 3PA/FGA is 38.2 percent this season versus 44.3 percent last season. Nebraska shot 35.7 percent from deep last season and is just 29.8 percent this season from deep.
WHAT IT COMES DOWN TO
The KenPom projection is Nebraska by one, with a 47 percent chance of an IU victory. Bart Torvik’s ratings favor the Huskers by two, with a 43 percent chance of a Hoosier victory.
Indiana played one of its best games this season against Minnesota on Monday but still struggled for stretches in the second half.
The Hoosiers will have to take care of the ball and limit Nebraska’s free throw attempts to prevail in what should be a hostile environment in Lincoln. Nebraska has one of the better home-court advantages in the league and has dominated Indiana recently.
The Huskers will also be looking to rebound from an embarrassing 37-point beatdown in East Lansing and avoid an 0-2 start in Big Ten play. For Indiana, the road trip marks an opportunity to grab a fifth-straight win and establish clear momentum heading into the two final non-conference games in Bloomington later this month.
Filed to: Nebraska Cornhuskers
Indiana
Indiana’s Curt Cignetti Wins Coach of the Year Award for 2nd Straight Season
For the second consecutive season, Indiana head coach Curt Cignetti has been named college football’s Coach of the Year following a magical 2025 campaign.
Cignetti, who joined Indiana last November, won the Home Depot Coach of the Year Award on Friday night, making him the first coach to win the award in back-to-back seasons. He is also just the second coach to win the honor twice, joining Brian Kelly, who won it in 2009, 2012 and 2018.
Cignetti’s Hoosiers delivered an encore worthy of recognition following his successful first year in Bloomington where they fell in the first round of the College Football Playoff after going 11-2 overall and 8-1 in the Big Ten. Unlike 2024, however, the 2025 season will go down as the best in program history with Cignetti and California transfer quarterback Fernando Mendoza leading the way.
Indiana went undefeated (13-0) for the first time since 1945 and won its first outright Big Ten championship since 1967 with a win over Ohio State en route to clinching the No. 1 seed in the CFP for the first time. The Hoosiers enter the CFP as the favorites to win their first-ever national title.
While Indiana was one of CFB’s most well-rounded teams, Mendoza proved to be a major catalyst behind the success. In his first season with Cignetti, the redshirt junior earned the right to call himself a Heisman Trophy favorite after leading the nation with 33 touchdown passes to just six interceptions, and completing 71.5% of his passes (226-of-316).
Mendoza has won multiple awards, including the Davey O’Brien (top QB) and Maxwell (Player of the Year) Awards, entering Saturday’s Heisman Trophy ceremony. Should he win the coveted honor, Mendoza would be the first Hoosier to ever win the Heisman, giving Cignetti another feather in his cap as top-seeded Indiana looks to make CFP history, starting with its first-round game on Jan. 1.
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Indiana
Indiana’s rejection of new voting map shows Trump’s might is not unlimited
The Indiana legislature’s rejection of a new map that would have added two Republican seats in Congress marked one of the biggest political defeats for Donald Trump so far in his second term and significantly damaged the Republican effort to reconfigure congressional districts ahead of next year’s midterm elections.
The defeat showed that Trump’s political might is not unlimited. For months, the president waged an aggressive effort to twist the arms of Indiana lawmakers into supporting a new congressional map, sending JD Vance to meet in person with lawmakers. Trump allies also set up outside groups to pressure state lawmakers.
Heritage Action, the political arm of the Heritage Foundation, which has close ties to the Trump administration, issued a dramatic threat this week ahead of the vote: if the new map wasn’t passed, Indiana would lose federal funding. “Roads will not be paved. Guard bases will close. Major projects will stop. These are the stakes and every NO vote will be to blame,” the group posted on X. The state’s Republican lieutenant governor said in a since-deleted X post that Trump administration officials made the same threat.
All of that may have backfired, as Republican state senators publicly said they were turned off by the threats and weathered death threats and swatting attempts as they voted the bill down.
“You wouldn’t change minds by being mean. And the efforts were mean-spirited from the get-go,” Jean Leising, an Indiana Republican state senator who voted against the bill, told CNN. “If you were wanting to change votes, you would probably try to explain why we should be doing this, in a positive way. That never happened, so, you know, I think they get what they get.”
Nationally, the defeat complicates the picture for Republicans as they seek to redraw districts to shore up their majority in an increasingly messy redistricting battle. The effort began earlier this year when Trump pushed Texas Republicans to redraw the state’s congressional map to pick up GOP seats, a highly unusual move since redistricting is usually done once at the start of the decade.
“This isn’t the first time a Republican state legislature has resisted pressure from the White House, but it is the most significant, both because of the over-the-top tactics President Trump and speaker Johnson employed, and also the fact that there were two seats on the line,” said Dave Wasserman, an expert in US House races who writes for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. “It changes the trajectory of this redistricting war from the midpoint of possible outcomes being a small, being a modest Republican gain to a wash.”
Republicans in Texas and Democrats in California have both redrawn their maps to add as many as five seats for their respective parties, cancelling each other out. Republicans in North Carolina and Missouri have also redrawn their congressional districts to add one Republican seat apiece in each of those states. The Missouri map, however, may be blocked by a voter initiated referendum (Republicans are maneuvering to undercut the initiative). Democrats are also poised to pick up a seat in Utah after a court ruling there (state lawmakers are seeking a way around the ruling).
Ohio also adopted a new map that made one Democratic district more competitive, and made a new Democratic friendly and Republican friendly district out of two different competitive districts.
The biggest remaining opportunity to pick up seats for Democrats is in Virginia, where they currently represent six of the state’s 11 congressional districts. Don Scott, the House speaker, has said Democrats are considering adding a map that adds four Democratic seats in the state. Republicans could counter that in Florida with a new congressional map that could add as many as five Republican seats. There is also pending litigation challenging a favorable GOP congressional map in Wisconsin.
The close tit-for-tat has placed even more significance on a supreme court case from Louisiana that could wind up gutting a key provision in the Voting Rights Act that prevents lawmakers from drawing districts that weaken the influence of Black voters. After oral argument, the court appeared poised to significantly curtail the measure, which could pave the way for Louisiana, Alabama, and other southern states to wipe out districts currently represented by Democrats. It’s unclear if the supreme court will issue its decision in time for the midterm elections.
“The timing of that decision is a huge deal with two to four seats on the line,” Wasserman said. “We haven’t seen the last plot twist in this redistricting war, but the outlook is less rosy for Republicans than it was at the start.”
Indiana
Indiana redistricting: Senate Republicans side with Democrats to reject Trump’s voting map
Indiana Republicans have defied intense pressure from President Donald Trump by rejecting his demands that they pass a voting map meant to favour their party in next year’s midterm elections.
In one of the most conservative states in the US, 21 Republicans in the Senate joined all 10 Democrats to torpedo the redistricting plan by a vote of 31-19. The new map passed the House last week.
If it had cleared the legislature, Republicans could have flipped the only two Democratic-held congressional seats in the state.
Trump’s call for Republican state leaders to redraw maps and help the party keep its congressional majority in Washington next year has triggered gerrymandering battles nationwide.
Republican-led Texas and Democratic-led California, two of the country’s largest states, have led the charge.
Other states where redistricting efforts have been initiated or passed include Utah, Ohio, New Hampshire, Missouri and Illinois.
Republican state Senator Spencer Deery said ahead of Thursday’s vote: “My opposition to mid-cycle gerrymandering is not in contrast to my conservative principles, my opposition is driven by them.
“As long as I have breath, I will use my voice to resist a federal government that attempts to bully, direct, and control this state or any state. Giving the federal government more power is not conservative.”
Indiana Governor Mike Braun, a Republican, said he was “very disappointed” in the outcome.
“I will be working with the President to challenge these people who do not represent the best interests of Hoosiers,” he said on X, using a popular nickname for people from the Midwestern state.
The revolt of Indiana Republicans came after direct months of lobbying from the White House.
On Wednesday, Trump warned on his social media platform Truth Social that Republicans who did not support the initiative could risk losing their seats.
He directly addressed the Republican leader of the state Senate, Rodric Bray, calling him “the only person in the United States of America who is against Republicans picking up extra seats”.
To liberals, it was a moment of celebration. Keith “Wildstyle” Paschall described the mood on Thursday as “jubilant”.
“There’s a lot of relief,” the Indianapolis-based activist told the BBC. “People had thought that we would have to move on to a legal strategy and didn’t believe we could defeat it directly at the statehouse.”
The new map would have redistricted parts of Indianapolis and potentially led to the ouster of Indiana’s lone black House representative, André Carson.
In the weeks before Thursday’s vote, Trump hosted Indiana lawmakers at the White House to win over holdouts.
He also dispatched Vice-President JD Vance down to Indiana twice to shore up support.
Nearly a dozen Indiana Republican lawmakers have said they were targeted with death threats and swatting attacks over the planned vote.
Ultimately, this redistricting plan fell flat in another setback for Trump following a string of recent Democratic wins in off-year elections.
The defeat appears to have added to Republican concerns.
“We have a huge problem,” said former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon during his podcast, The War Room.
“People have to realise that we only have a couple opportunities,” he said.
“If we don’t get a net 10 pickup in the redistricting wars, it’s going to be enormously hard, if not impossible, to hold the House.”
Texas was the first state to respond to Trump’s redistricting request.
After a lower court blocked the maps for being drawn illegally based on race, the Supreme Court allowed Texas Republicans to go ahead.
The decision was a major win for Republicans, with the new maps expected to add five seats in their favour.
California’s map is also expected to add five seats for Democrats.
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