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Iowa takes a tough Bennett Stirtz lesson in Illinois loss | Leistikow

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Iowa takes a tough Bennett Stirtz lesson in Illinois loss | Leistikow


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IOWA CITY — For the third consecutive game, Mr. Forty Minutes — Iowa basketball’s Bennett Stirtz — found himself in foul trouble.

The Hawkeye senior thought he drew a charge, but officials called him for a block with 11 minutes, 36 seconds to go against No. 16 Illinois. And so, with four fouls, Iowa basketball coach Ben McCollum brought his star point guard to the bench with his team down 14 points.

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After a quick 3, Illinois’ lead was up to 58-41. Not a thing was going right for Iowa.

But instead of wilting, Stirtz’s absence actually gave Iowa a lift.

Not because Iowa is a better team without its star. But because his supporting cast stopped looking for Stirtz to save Iowa — and looked for one another.

That, above all other things, should be the takeaway from what became No. 19 Iowa’s 75-69 loss to No. 16 Illinois on Jan. 11.

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With Stirtz out, the 13,559 fans at Carver-Hawkeye Arena continued to match Iowa’s newfound energy. Tavion Banks soared through the air for a dunk to cut Illinois’ lead to 62-55. Tate Sage delivered a back-door cut and dunk to make it 62-57.

Stirtz waved his arms into the air from the Iowa bench as the noise came to a crescendo.

“We changed from playing with fear to fighting,” Stirtz would say afterward. “I’m proud of the guys for that.”

The Hawkeyes fell to 12-4 overall, 2-3 in the Big Ten Conference with a daunting trip to No. 5 Purdue (15-1, 5-0) on Jan. 14. This was their first home loss and first two-game losing streak of the McCollum era. A quick 21-5 deficit made this an uphill climb throughout.

“You’ve got to come ready,” McCollum said. “Not today.”

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Video: Ben McCollum reacts to Iowa basketball’s loss to Illinois

Ben McCollum meets with media after Iowa basketball’s 75-69 loss to Illinois.

And that’s two straight games in which Iowa was completely flat at the beginning — and then played better without Stirtz for a stretch. The same thing happened in the first half at Minnesota, too, where Stirtz got two fouls and his teammates started playing better and even took the lead.

Sage scored six points in the Stirtz-less run against Illinois; Cooper Koch had eight, including two 3-pointers. What woke up Iowa?

“Cutting,” Illinois coach Brad Underwood said. “I thought Sage was tremendous in his cutting.”

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In the 7:05 that Stirtz missed on Sunday, the Hawkeyes officially outscored Illinois (13-3, 4-1) by an 18-10 margin. He returned with Iowa down, 65-59, and 4:31 left.

“No, he’s not the problem,” McCollum said, answering a question about what fans might be thinking. “It’s that the floor shrinks when he comes off screens, and we’re not doing a good job of getting to the secondary actions after that.”

Let’s pause here for a little extra explanation.

In other words, in McCollum’s eyes, when Stirtz is drawing so much attention, his four teammates on the floor need to make opponents pay.

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Stirtz did have six assists to go with this 12 points against Illinois, but he shot 5-for-17 from the floor, with a lot of those misses being forced attempts — especially late.

Iowa needs to be able to win without Stirtz being at his absolute best. And he certainly wasn’t his best Sunday. Stirtz missed a wide-open layup with 37 seconds that could’ve cut the gap to 71-69.

“Sometimes when you have a player of his caliber, you search for him a little bit too much, and it doesn’t naturally flow,” McCollum said. “And I think we probably searched for him too much, and then when you search for him, then all five guys shrink.”

McCollum elaborated by describing how Illinois puts five elite players on the floor, complimenting how they each make one another better at what they do.

“Those guys benefit from each other, if that makes sense, and so we’re not benefiting from each other,” McCollum said. “… Leverage each other, not just leverage one person. And that’s partly me, too, I’ve got to do a better job of, ‘OK, why is that not working?’ We will. We’re getting there.”

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Stirtz was sick earlier this week at Minnesota, when he went scoreless in the first half but put up 21 points in the second in a 70-67 loss.

He is taking a lot on his shoulders right now, and defenses are giving him that kind of attention, too.

“They were throwing everyone at me,” Stirtz said.

Opponents know what they need to do to stop Iowa right now: Throw the kitchen sink at Stirtz.

“He’s really good,” Underwood said. “You’re not going to take everything away from him. More importantly, it’s making him guard the other end and making him work (on defense). Matchup-hunting was good for us, in this one.”

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There you go, Ben McCollum and Hawkeye fans. Underwood gave you the general script on how to suffocate Iowa. Make Stirtz work hard on both ends of the floor, and maybe he’ll reach here and there on defense and get into foul trouble.

Minnesota capitalized on it. So did Illinois. It’s time for Iowa to adjust.

Now, this was a really good Illinois team. This was hardly an embarrassing Iowa loss.

But, as McCollum voiced in the 66-62 loss at Iowa State a month ago, he isn’t interested in moral victories like two straight comebacks that barely fell short.

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Video: Cooper Koch on why Iowa got off to slow start vs. Illinois

Cooper Koch meets with media after Iowa basketball’s 75-69 loss to Illinois.

The crystalized lesson that the Hawkeyes must take from this loss is to take what they did without Stirtz … and play like that with Stirtz.

Then, this team can be really good, an NCAA Tournament team and maybe a threat to make a run.

Until they figure that out, frustrating losses will continue to add up. The Big Ten is relentless. After the Purdue trip comes a Jan. 17 visit to Indiana. Iowa could be 2-5 in conference play in just six days if it doesn’t pull off an upset.

McCollum did tweak his second-half lineup, looking for a spark. Starting center Cam Manyawu didn’t play a minute after halftime. Sage, a freshman, played all 20 second-half minutes.

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Getting Banks back to full health will help. McCollum said the forward (who was Iowa’s best player against Illinois with 14 points, seven rebounds and five assists) lost 8-10 pounds over the past few days with an illness. Banks was replaced by Alvaro Folgueiras (eight points, eight rebounds) in the starting lineup.

Iowa is only 25% of the way through the conference season. But it needs to learn these lessons quickly and not let them linger, like they did in both games this past week.

“We’ve got to change something, because something’s not working,” Stirtz said. “It’s been a couple games where we haven’t started out with a lot of energy. It’s definitely going to need to change, and we’re going to need to it for the full 40.”

Hawkeyes columnist Chad Leistikow has served for 31 years with The Des Moines Register and USA TODAY Sports Network. Chad is the 2023 INA Iowa Sports Columnist of the Year and NSMA Co-Sportswriter of the Year in Iowa. Join Chad’s text-message group at HawkCentral.com/HawkeyesTexts. Follow @ChadLeistikow on X.



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Illinois

‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law

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‘Credit card chaos’? Financial institutions bet big on repeal of first-of-its-kind Illinois law


“Credit cards may not work for sales tax or tips starting July 1.”

By now, you’ve heard that claim, but whether it’s true depends on who you ask.

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The ads — funded by the Electronic Payments Coalition of banks, credit unions and card companies — argue that Illinois lawmakers must repeal the state’s first-in-the-nation Interchange Fee Prohibition Act, slated to take effect July 1. That law prohibits financial institutions from charging “swipe,” or interchange, fees on the tax and tip portions of consumer bills and bans them from making up the fees elsewhere.

If it’s not repealed? “Credit card chaos” may ensue, the ads warn.

While the financial institutions are quick to cite a list of things that could hypothetically happen if the law isn’t repealed, it’s harder to pin down what’s being done and by who to comply with the law two years after it was signed.

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“The global payment system is not set up to where any one party to a transaction can make this happen on their own,” Ashley Sharp, of the Illinois Credit Union Association said at a Capitol news conference Wednesday. “There are multiple parties to every electronic transaction.”

The financial institutions are adamant that the global payment system as it exists today can’t discern the difference between tax, tips and total, and it would need to be retooled at a heavy cost to banks, card companies, merchants, point-of-sale companies and more.

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Instead of complying, they say, the card companies could decide to stop serving Illinois or drastically alter the way the consumer interacts with merchants at the point of sale.

An alternate reality

But as with all matters in Springfield, there’s another big-monied and powerful group on the other side of the issue. The Illinois Retail Merchants Association says the credit card companies already track all the information they need, and it’s a “complete fabrication” to say that it would take more than a mere coding change to implement the state law.

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Take your restaurant receipt, for example.

“You have the subtotal, the sales tax, the tip, if it’s applicable, and then the grand total, right? All they have to do is move their fee from the grand total to the subtotal,” Rob Karr, president of IRMA, said.

While card networks operate in over 200 countries with as many different laws, they say the only information the card processors ask for in any of them is the grand total. The receipt example, they say, erroneously conflates the point of sale with the actual processing of payments.

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In short, the two sides present starkly different realities — a muddying of the water that’s not uncommon at the Capitol.

But there is one concrete truth: The financial institutions have a lot to lose, and not just in Illinois.

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The tax and tip prohibition would shave approximately 10% off the revenue that banks and credit unions receive from retailers via interchange fees — a transfer of wealth likely to number in the hundreds of millions. It would also create massive noncompliance fines.

And then there’s the issue of precedent. The banks challenged the law but lost in court. Absent a successful appeal, the remaining battlefields would be other state legislatures.

If the card companies implement Illinois’ law, they’d be providing a blueprint for states across the nation to emulate — driving potential revenue loss into the billions.

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Thus far, Ben Jackson of the Illinois Bankers Association said, it hasn’t opened the floodgates, although some 30 states are considering similar action.

Still, it’s no wonder then, that the Electronic Payments Coalition has pulled out all the stops in its seven-figure ad campaign to repeal the law.

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How we got here

To fully understand the ongoing slugfest between banks and retailers, you have to go back to May 2024.

But first, an explanation of interchange fees. Each time a shopper swipes their credit or debit card, it sets off a complicated string of payments between banks. The retailer’s bank pays an “interchange fee,” typically around 1% to 2% of the transaction cost, to the consumer’s bank. The fees include both a set amount and a percentage of the transaction, but the credit card companies, namely Visa and Mastercard, control how they’re calculated.

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The financial institutions say interchange fees help fund credit card reward programs and security upgrades and provide compensation for bearing the risk of fraud. The hit to interchange revenue, Jackson said, would inevitably lessen reward program offerings. Sharp said credit unions, as not-for-profit cooperatives, use the revenue to offer lower rates to customers.

But the fees have long drawn the ire of retailers and small businesses, which sometimes pass the costs directly to consumers via a surcharge on bills.

It comes down to this: The retailers don’t think they should have to pay a fee on the tax and tip portion of a transaction that they don’t keep. And the financial institutions say if they’re handling those funds, they should be compensated for doing so via interchange fees.

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As for the Illinois law’s passage, it was, as the ads claim, tucked into the budget two years ago, giving little time for the bankers et al to mount an opposition campaign.

Gov. JB Pritzker and lawmakers agreed to raise about $101 million in revenue to plug a budget hole by putting a $1,000 monthly cap on the “retailer’s exemption,” a tax break retailers claim for being the state’s de facto sales tax collectors.

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But the retailers weren’t going to take that lying down, and IRMA successfully lobbied for the long-sought tax and tip exemption.

After the law passed, the financial institutions quickly sued.

To avoid uncertainty as the case played out, lawmakers delayed the measure’s effective date from July 1 last year to the same date this year.

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U.S. District Judge Virginia Kendall ultimately determined in February that Illinois is within its right to regulate the fees. She partially rejected a portion of the law that prohibited banks from sharing certain data, which the credit unions say creates different rules for different institutions and further uncertainty.

The case is now pending appeal, and the legislative process is starting anew.

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This time, the financial institutions have mounted a dual front in the court of public opinion.

The cost of compliance

Karr estimated the prohibition would bring in “north of $200 million” for retailers — essentially letting them pocket that sum instead of transferring it to the banks. A study by the Electronic Payments Coalition pegged the number at $118 million, estimating that about 40% of the interchange windfall would go to the 40 largest retailers.

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Even so, Karr said, the largest retailers are subject to the $1,000 monthly retailer exemption cap that accompanied the swipe fee ban, while smaller retailers don’t reach that mark. Add in their cut on reimbursed swipe fees, and it amounts to what Karr calls “the largest small business relief that Illinois has ever passed.”

But Jackson argued the cost of retailers complying could eat up any benefits for smaller retailers.

As for compliance, Kendall wrote in her February opinion that “It is an open question whether the transaction process could adapt to the impact of the IFPA in time.”

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“The Interchange Fee Provision is indisputably disruptive, requiring additional investments, hires, and new procedures to replace the current process for authorizing and settling debit and credit card transactions,” she wrote.

The financial institutions argue it can’t all be done by July 1. Kendall said the parties involved know what’s required of them.

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“But those procedural changes are the product of an ecosystem built by Payment Card Networks and financial institutions to facilitate consumer transactions,” she wrote. “And these entities understand the onus of IFPA compliance is on them.”

Per the coalition, compliance “would require coordination across the industry and regulators worldwide,” including with the International Organization for Standardization. It would also require more data collection, creating privacy concerns, they say.

Those global changes would require testing and certification of new equipment. Depending on their card companies or point-of-sale vendors, retailers may need to invest in new equipment, software and training.

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Banks and credit unions may also have to add staff to process rebates under the law. It allows retailers or their processing companies to petition their financial institutions for reimbursement on fees charged on tax and tips within 180 days of a transaction.

If financial institutions don’t comply within 30 days, the law provides for civil penalties of $1,000 per each transaction — and hundreds of millions of these transactions happen annually.

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So will that chaos come to fruition?

Instead of complying, according to the coalition’s literature, the card companies could just stop processing cards altogether in Illinois. They could also stop processing tax and tip portions or require two separate swipes for the subtotal and the tax and tip portion of bills.

Such claims aren’t uncommon in the legislature’s annual adjournment push.

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Sports betting companies, for example, threatened to leave Illinois when the state raised its gambling taxes in the same budget cycle that yielded the interchange fee prohibition two years ago. Instead, they adapted, because Illinois has a lot of bettors — and there’s even more card users.

Karr accused the coalition of ulterior motives in their use of hypothetical language.

“There is no need for chaos,” he said. “The only chaos is if the credit card companies impose it themselves on their consumers.”

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Ultimately, lawmakers will have to weigh how compelling the arguments are, if the courts don’t intervene first.

It’s possible that the 7th Circuit appellate court — or even the U.S. Supreme Court — gives the banks a win. But oral arguments are slated for May 13, meaning the appellate court might not rule by the time the law is slated to take effect.

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Adding a new wrinkle on Wednesday, the federal office of the Comptroller of the Currency, a subset of the U.S. Treasury Department, appeared poised to issue an order preempting Illinois’ law. It hadn’t been published as of late Wednesday, making its impact unclear.

“While the office has failed to explain their reasoning or allow public review, it’s clear the goal is an end-run around the legal process after a judge recently upheld the law,” Karr said.

As for the legislative prospects, state Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, says she’s seen enough to be concerned. The Democratic nominee for comptroller is sponsoring a bill to fully repeal Illinois’ interchange fee prohibition.

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But as of last week, she said she wasn’t planning to move it. Instead, she finds it more likely that lawmakers once again delay the law’s implementation.

“If this is a policy that the state of Illinois decides they’re going to want to have, then we need to make sure we’re doing it properly,” she said.

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This story was originally published by Capitol News Illinois and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs

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Likely tornado wallops small village in Illinois, ripping down power lines and stripping roofs


LENA, Ill. (AP) — A likely tornado tore through a small village in northwest Illinois on Friday, ripping down power lines and trees, stripping roofs and forcing officials to shut down the community.

The storm caused “extensive damage” throughout Lena, with trees and other debris blocking roadways and “compromised structures” causing hazardous conditions, according to the Stephenson County Sheriff’s Office.

“We are extremely fortunate that this storm did not result in loss of life or serious injury,” Sheriff Steve Stovall said in a statement.

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The sheriff’s office announced Friday evening on social media that there would be no traffic in or out of the village until further notice. It later said entry was “strictly restricted.”

The National Weather Service said the damage was likely caused by a tornado and it would survey the area over the weekend.

Leo Zach, 14, had just gotten to the village’s high school’s band room for a music competition when the building started shaking and the power went out. He said the room was packed with students and some were very scared and had panic attacks.

“I’m definitely on the luckier side of how that could’ve happened,” he said. “I was just trying to stay calm, help other people.”

When they got outside, they found some of the windows blown out in the gym and part of the school’s roof ripped off.

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Photos and video posted online showed a garage totaled, bricks torn off of buildings and fences demolished.

Lena is a village of nearly 3,000 people, located about 117 miles (188 kilometers) northwest of Chicago.

A post on Lena’s Facebook page called the scene “devastating.”

“There will be challenges ahead, but we will rebuild, recover, and come through this stronger together,” the post said.

Rachel Nemon had been going to pick up her stepson from the village’s middle school when she had to pull into a car wash to take cover from the storm. She watched a large tree get ripped from the ground and sparks fly feet in front of her.

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“This is something that you see online, not in real life, especially in a small town in Illinois,” she said.

Gov. JB Pritzker said in a post on the social platform X that he’s been briefed on the damage and that the Illinois Emergency Management Agency is on the ground.

Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.



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Barbara Flynn Currie, ‘trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women’ dies

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Barbara Flynn Currie, ‘trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women’ dies


After a vote in the Illinois House on a key part of then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s pension relief plan in 2016, Barbara Flynn Currie did something not often seen in these times of divided, dysfunctional government. She crossed the aisle and shook hands with the three Republican lawmakers who broke ranks with the GOP and voted to override Gov. Bruce Rauner’s veto of a measure deferring police and fire pension payments.

That was Currie, 85, who died Thursday. She not only represented her Hyde Park district in Springfield for 40 years — 20 as majority leader and the first woman to hold that role in the Illinois General Assembly — she was a tireless promoter of active, engaged, effective government.

“Last night we lost a giant,” House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch, D-Hillside, posted on his Facebook page Friday. “Barbara Flynn Currie was more than a leader — she was a trailblazer who opened doors for generations of women in the Illinois House, many of whom continue her legacy today. … She set the standard for what it means to serve with purpose. Her impact will be felt for generations.”

Her district encompassed Hyde Park, Woodlawn, South Shore and Kenwood, and she was a vigorous proponent of liberal causes, such as prohibiting sexual harassment in the workplace, reforming school funding and offering all-day kindergarten. She spearheaded a compromise on welfare reform and helped extend state contracts to minority- and female-owned businesses.

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In 2009, she chaired the special 21-member bipartisan committee that recommended the impeachment of Gov. Rod Blagojevich.

”We stand here today because of the perfidy of one man: Rod Blagojevich,” said Currie. “To overturn the results of an election is not something that should be undertaken lightly.”

Every member of the Illinois House and Senate, save one, voted to impeach.

With women making up a record 32% of state legislatures across the country, it might be difficult to remember the male world that Currie entered. When she was elected in 1978, fewer than 11% of Springfield lawmakers were women. When she announced her retirement in 2017, that figure was more than a third, and in 2025 the Illinois Legislature was 42% female.

Then-House Speaker Michael Madigan’s decision to name her as majority leader in 1997 was unexpected: Downstate Democrats felt they had a hereditary right to the position, didn’t like the powerful post to pass to a Chicagoan, a woman, and perhaps worst of all, a liberal. Women across the spectrum saw it as a milestone.

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”Republican women gave me flowers,” Currie later recalled. “Secretaries and staff in the Capitol were thrilled. One of my girlfriends nearly ran her car off the road. The depth of excitement was really quite thrilling.”

Still, some of Currie’s supporters looked askance at her playing ball with Madigan.

”To them, Currie was a sellout for taking the appointment from the hated machine politician Madigan,” Rich Miller of Capitol Fax wrote. “It never occurred to most of them that Currie’s new position would give their viewpoints an important new seat at the grown-ups table.”

Then-state Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie at the annual Hyde Park Fourth of July parade in 2014.

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Among the causes she promoted were gun control and abolishing the death penalty.

Barbara Flynn was born in LaCrosse, Wisconsin, the daughter of Francis and Elsie Flynn. When she was 7, her family moved to the South Side, where she attended St. Thomas the Apostle Catholic School and the University of Chicago Lab High School. Her mother was a schoolteacher, and her father taught social work at the University of Chicago, where she studied before dropping out to marry David Park Currie in 1960. Eventually she returned and received her bachelor’s degree in 1968 and master’s degree in 1973, both in political science.

She worked as vice president for the Chicago League of Women Voters from 1965 to 1969. Later, she taught government at DePaul University and was an assistant study director at the National Opinion Research Center.

Currie was elected to the Illinois General Assembly’s 24th District in 1978; her district changed to the 26th District in 1983 and the 25th in 1993.

“Barbara Currie has tackled many, many complex issues with a keen intellect, fairness and balance,” Madigan said when she announced her retirement in 2017, opting to not seek reelection in 2018.

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Her husband, a revered legal scholar and teacher, died in 2007.

Survivors include two children, Stephen and Margaret, and four grandchildren.



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