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Four things we learned from Wisconsin’s 2024-25 NCAA financial filing

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Four things we learned from Wisconsin’s 2024-25 NCAA financial filing
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  • Media rights income from the Big Ten’s TV deal accounted for nearly a third of the department’s total revenue.
  • Volleyball ticket sales saw another significant increase in 2024-25.
  • Football and men’s basketball had the highest team-specific operating expenses at $41.5 million and $12.4 million, respectively.

MADISON – The cost of doing business for the Wisconsin Badgers is nearing the $200 million mark.

The Wisconsin athletic department had $197.9 million in total operating revenue and $193.6 million in total operating expenses in the 2024-25 fiscal year, according to the annual financial report that was due to the NCAA this month and obtained by the Journal Sentinel.

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Those figures are up from $190.6 million and $186.7 million, respectively, in the 2023-24 fiscal year. They are nearly identical to UW’s $197.7 million in revenue and $194 million in expenses in 2022-23.

The annual NCAA financial filing comes with several caveats. The way that the NCAA measures revenue and expenses are different from the way that universities may internally count revenue and expenses in their operating budgets. (So the $4.3 million difference in revenue and expenses on the NCAA report does not necessarily equate to a $4.3 million profit.)

The 2024-25 fiscal year ended on June 30, 2025, so the report that becomes available in January 2027 will be more illuminating regarding how Wisconsin is using its resources in the era of direct player compensation following the House vs. NCAA settlement.

That being said, here are three takeaways from the financial report:

Wisconsin’s revenue increasingly tied to media rights

As Wisconsin’s revenue continues to increase, the portion that comes from media rights income unsurprisingly also continues to rise.

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The Badgers reported $62.9 million in media rights income in 2024-25 – the second year of the Big Ten’s massive media rights deal with Fox, CBS and NBC – which was up $15.5 million from the $47.4 million in 2023-24. That represented 31.8% of UW’s total reported revenue for 2024-25.

The only other categories that made up more than 10% of total revenue were ticket sales (19.4%), contributions (12.9%) and royalties, licensing, advertisement and sponsorships (12.5%).

Wisconsin reported significantly fewer contributions in the 2024-25 report than in the 2023-24 report – a $16.2 million decrease from $41.8 million in 2023-24 to $25.6 million in 2024-25. But Wisconsin reports the philanthropic funding drawn from the UW Foundation rather than how many contributions the foundation received. So a decrease in reported contributions simply indicates less of a reliance on donations for that fiscal year.

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Team travel costs are lower in first season of expanded Big Ten

One of Wisconsin’s biggest areas of savings was in team travel.

After spending $13.7 million in team travel in the 2023-24 fiscal year, Wisconsin reported only $11.2 million in spending on team travel in 2024-25 – an 18.1% decrease. The drop in team travel spending was despite the Big Ten’s addition of USC, UCLA, Oregon and Washington.

Much of that increase can be tied to men’s basketball, which went from spending $2.4 million on travel in 2023-24 to $1.5 million in 2024-25. Football also saw a drop in travel costs from $3.7 million to $3.2 million, which is unsurprising given the proximity of road games at Iowa and Northwestern.

Ticket revenue was booming for volleyball, stagnant for basketball programs

The Kelly Sheffield-led Wisconsin volleyball program has kept winning on the court and in the box office.

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Wisconsin volleyball ticket sales jumped from $1.6 million in the 2023-24 fiscal year to $2.3 million in the 2024-25 fiscal year. It is a 36.8% one-year increase and a remarkable 216.3% three-year increase since Wisconsin’s national-championship-winning season.

Football ticket sales revenue increased from $24.1 million in 2023-24 to $25.8 million in 2024-25 despite subpar results in Luke Fickell’s second season. The Badgers went 5-7 in 2024 and missed a bowl game for the first time since 2001. (The ticket sales figures from Fickell’s most recent 4-8 season will be in the 2025-26 NCAA financial report that comes out in January 2027.)

Men’s and women’s basketball each experienced decreases in ticket sales in 2024-25. Greg Gard’s program saw a slight dip from roughly $6.7 million to $6.6 million in ticket sales, and women’s basketball saw a drop from $333,584 to $265,680 in Marisa Moseley’s final season at the helm.

Wisconsin women’s basketball benefited in 2023-24 from a home game against Caitlin Clark and Iowa women’s basketball, which drew sellouts across the country. With Clark off to the WNBA and Iowa not on the home slate in 2024-25, UW did not have that same boost.

An athletic department spokesman said the 2024-25 women’s basketball ticket sales were in line with expectations, and the slight fluctuation for men’s basketball was a result of the home schedule being “less conducive for single-game ticket sales.”

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Which Wisconsin teams had biggest budgets in 2024-25

Nearly half of Wisconsin’s total operating expenses – $88.9 million of the $193.6 million – were not attributed to a specific team. That keeps any comparisons between different programs at different schools – Wisconsin football vs. Illinois football, for example – from being apples-to-apples.

But the total operating expenses reported for each team does give some idea of where the Badgers are devoting their financial resources within the athletic department. Here are the six teams that had the highest team-specific total operating expenses in 2024-25:

  • Football: $41.5 million
  • Men’s basketball: $12.4 million
  • Men’s ice hockey: $5.5 million
  • Women’s volleyball: $5.3 million
  • Women’s basketball: $5.2 million
  • Women’s ice hockey: $4.3 million

All other UW teams were below $4 million. Men’s tennis had the lowest total operating expenses of any UW team at just over $1 million.

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The Geopolitics of Gold: A New Arena for U.S.–China Financial Coexistence

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The Geopolitics of Gold: A New Arena for U.S.–China Financial Coexistence

China is strengthening Hong Kong as a global gold trading hub to expand its role in gold markets, reinforce Hong Kong’s financial position, and gradually increase renminbi usage in commodity transactions. The shift could contribute to a more multipolar gold market that coexists with established Western financial centers rather than displacing them.

 

As U.S.–China strategic competition intensifies, most attention focuses on tariffs, export controls, semiconductors and military signaling in the Indo-Pacific. Yet an equally consequential transformation is unfolding in the architecture of global finance. Payment systems, clearing networks, benchmark indices and reserve assets are increasingly viewed not merely as market mechanisms but as instruments of national resilience and influence. Within this broader recalibration, China’s push to strengthen Hong Kong’s role as a global gold trading hub deserves careful attention.

At first glance, gold may seem an unlikely arena for geopolitical significance. It is an ancient asset, often perceived as a conservative hedge rather than a strategic lever. Yet gold occupies a unique dual role in the international system, functioning both as a commodity and as a monetary anchor. Central banks across advanced and emerging economies have increased gold purchases in recent years, reflecting a desire for diversification amid sanctions risk, currency volatility and systemic uncertainty. In a world where financial interdependence can become politicized, gold’s neutrality has regained appeal.

Global gold pricing today remains anchored in established Western hubs, particularly London and New York. These centers benefit from deep derivatives markets, trusted legal systems, and decades of accumulated liquidity. The infrastructure surrounding benchmark pricing, clearing and custody is embedded within a U.S.-dollar-centric system that has provided stability and efficiency for global investors for generations. The durability of this system rests on institutional credibility, rule of law and market depth, factors that are not easily replicated elsewhere.

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Yet the distribution of physical supply and demand has shifted. China is the world’s largest gold producer and one of its largest consumers. The mismatch between China’s real-economy weight and its influence over pricing benchmarks reflects a broader structural imbalance in global finance, where economic gravity is evolving faster than institutional architecture.

Beijing’s support for expanding gold trading functions in Hong Kong can be interpreted as a measured response to this imbalance. Hong Kong’s role is not incidental. Its common law framework, internationally recognized regulatory standards and convertible currency regime give it a hybrid character: sovereign Chinese territory with global financial connectivity. Enhancing its gold trading, storage, settlement, and derivatives ecosystem reinforces Hong Kong’s function as China’s primary international financial interface.

From a geo-economic perspective, three objectives appear to converge.

First, strengthening Hong Kong’s gold market deepens the city’s integration into global commodity finance at a time when its strategic role is under scrutiny. A vibrant gold hub would expand liquidity pools, create new financial products, and reinforce Hong Kong’s relevance in global asset allocation. Rather than representing fragmentation, additional nodes in global trading networks can increase redundancy and resilience, reducing systemic concentration risk.

Second, gold trading offers a pragmatic channel for incremental renminbi internationalization. Currency internationalization is not achieved through declarations; it is built gradually through usage, liquidity, and confidence. If some gold transactions, particularly those involving mainland institutions or emerging market partners, are settled in offshore renminbi, this would represent diversification rather than displacement. The dollar’s dominance rests on deep capital markets and institutional trust; incremental expansion of renminbi settlement in specific sectors does not automatically undermine that foundation.

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Third, expanding gold-related infrastructure in Hong Kong provides a degree of insulation from geopolitical shocks. Over the past decade, financial sanctions have become a more prominent feature of international statecraft. From Washington’s perspective, sanctions are a legitimate tool to uphold national and allied security interests. From Beijing’s perspective, excessive reliance on external financial nodes creates vulnerabilities. Developing alternative trading and clearing capacity can therefore be viewed less as a challenge to existing systems and more as strategic risk management in an era of heightened mistrust.

This brings us to the central question for U.S.–China relations: Is commodity pricing power destined to become another zero-sum battleground, or can it evolve within a framework of competitive coexistence?

Pricing power carries influence. Benchmarks shape how contracts are written, how derivatives are structured and how reserves are valued. They influence capital allocation decisions across continents. Historically, the concentration of commodity pricing in a handful of Western centers has reinforced the centrality of the dollar in global trade and finance. As economic weight shifts toward Asia, pressure for greater regional representation in pricing mechanisms is a predictable outcome.

However, greater plurality does not necessarily equate to fragmentation. Energy markets already demonstrate coexistence among multiple pricing references across regions. Financial markets are capable of sustaining parallel benchmarks serving different investor bases and time zones. In the case of gold, a deepening Asian trading hub could complement rather than replace established Western centers, reflecting the reality of a 24-hour global market.

Hong Kong is unlikely to displace London or New York in the foreseeable future. The credibility, liquidity and trust embedded in those markets are substantial. But Hong Kong’s development could gradually contribute to a more multipolar ecosystem in which Asian trading hours, regional demand dynamics and renminbi-linked products play a more visible role. Such evolution would mirror broader changes in the global economy rather than signal systemic rupture.

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For the United States, this shift underscores the importance of sustaining the strengths that underpin dollar leadership: transparent governance, open capital markets, legal predictability, and financial innovation. The attractiveness of U.S. financial markets has historically been its most durable strategic asset. A competitive global environment can reinforce those strengths if approached with confidence rather than defensiveness.

For China, credibility will be decisive. International investors require regulatory clarity, enforceable contracts, and unrestricted access to liquidity. If Hong Kong’s gold hub is perceived as market-driven and rule-based, it can attract global participation. If, however, benchmarks are seen as politicized or opaque, investor trust will erode. Financial influence ultimately rests on confidence, not decree.

The broader significance lies in how both countries manage structural change. As economic power diffuses, financial governance will inevitably adjust. Attempts to freeze the status quo are unlikely to succeed indefinitely, but unmanaged transitions risk instability. Dialogue on financial stability, transparency in commodity markets and technical cooperation between regulators could help ensure that competition remains bounded and predictable.

Commodity pricing power may indeed emerge as a subtle but consequential frontier in U.S.–China financial relations. Yet frontiers are not inherently battlefields. They can also serve as laboratories for adaptation. If Hong Kong’s expanding role in gold trading contributes to diversification without destabilization, it may offer a model for how major powers can pursue strategic interests while preserving systemic stability.

In a world confronting shared challenges, from debt vulnerabilities to climate transition and technological disruption, neither the United States nor China benefits from a fractured financial order. Gold’s resurgence as a reserve asset reflects a collective search for stability. Ensuring that the infrastructure surrounding it remains transparent, resilient, and interconnected is a common interest.

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Ultimately, the evolution of gold trading in Hong Kong symbolizes a broader reality: the global financial system is entering a more distributed phase. How Washington and Beijing respond will shape not only their bilateral relationship but the durability of the international monetary system itself.

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4 instances when student loan refinancing doesn’t make sense

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4 instances when student loan refinancing doesn’t make sense

Student loan refinancing is often billed as a way to expedite and simplify student loan repayment. And it certainly can be: By replacing your existing loans with a new one, you can potentially score a lower interest rate, and you will have just one payment due date to keep track of. But refinancing is not the right strategy for everyone.

In general, it’s a move that tends to make sense if you have private student loans and if your credit score and income are “high enough to qualify you for a lender’s lowest interest rates,” said NerdWallet. However, in the following four instances, you may want to reconsider or at least think twice.

1. You have federal loans and may want those benefits

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How to protect your finances if you lose your job

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How to protect your finances if you lose your job

 

In historical terms, the current unemployment rate of around 5% isn’t much to write home about. You only need go back to 2011 for a rate of over 8%, to 1993 for a rate of over 10% and 1984 for one of almost 12%. However, there are plenty of reasons why even at this level, it’s incredibly unsettling – and why it’s important to consider what it could mean for you.

The main concern for many people is that things are moving in the wrong direction. Unemployment is rising, and the pace has picked up very slightly, redundancies are up over the year and job vacancies are falling. It means workplaces are more likely to be laying people off, so those who remain in work feel less secure.

When things are steadily getting worse, it’s difficult to know where this will end. The Office for Budget Responsibility is optimistic, expecting it to remain around 5% for a while and then drop back closer to 4.1% by 2027. The Bank of England thinks it’ll hang around for longer at the current level; however the monetary policy committee admitted there’s a risk it could be higher than expected.

There are a couple of potential spanners in the works. There’s the massive unknown quantity of AI, which has started to impact hiring decisions, and is only likely to play an increasingly important role as the technology improves.

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A Kings College study found that those businesses with the most AI crossover have cut staffing by 4.5% and junior positions by 5.8%. They were also 16.3 percentage points less likely to advertise new jobs. It’s one reason why the ONS data shows the unemployment rate of those aged 18-24 in November was almost 13% and the employment rate less than 61%.

Interestingly, the loss of junior roles has an impact on the jobs market that may look at first glance to be a sign of strength. As junior roles go, it automatically means that average pay among those who remain in their jobs increases. It means we may see average pay rises and assume it’s a positive, when part of the movement will be directly as a result of job losses.

Fired woman · Jackyenjoyphotography via Getty Images

There’s also the risk that businesses are reluctant to invest in new staff. There’s a horrible level of uncertainty in the wider world, coupled with incredibly sluggish economic growth and the worry about business taxes every time there’s a budget.

Meanwhile, it has been 10 years since the consumer confidence index was in positive territory, so as people hold back on purchases, companies aren’t keen to expand.

This lack of confidence has led to cost-cutting, including the so-called ‘delayering’ of the workforce: removing levels of middle managers.

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It means people later in their careers, many of whom are on higher incomes, suddenly find themselves out of work. Not only that, but because every business in their sector may be doing the same thing, they struggle to find work again.

Unemployment can have a devastating impact on your financial resilience. The HL Savings and Resilience Barometer shows that, on average, unemployed households don’t have anything left at the end of the month. Overall, households have enough cash to cover more than three months of their essential spending. Among unemployed households, this falls to less than a week.

If you find yourself in this boat, it’s worth checking whether you qualify for any state support. You may be able to get jobseeker’s allowance – assuming you have worked and paid national insurance contributions recently.

You may also get universal credit, although this won’t apply if you have savings and investments. In any case, you will need to budget for the fact this is likely to offer a much lower level of income than you’re used to.

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It means that anything you can build while you’re working could be a lifeline later. It’s worth revisiting your emergency savings as soon as possible.

Ideally you should have enough cash to cover 3-6 months’ worth of essential spending – in a competitive easy access savings account. It’s worth checking online banks and savings platforms to make sure you’re making the most of this money.

Having a cushion of cash will help keep you on track if you are out of work for a period. At the moment, the HL Barometer shows just over half of people are in this position (52%), so it’s worth making sure you’re one of them.

Download the Yahoo Finance app, available for Apple and Android.

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