Finance
Editorial: A complete betrayal on campaign finance
The League of Women Voters of Oregon isn’t known for foot-stomping tantrums or fanatical rhetoric. So, when a representative for the voter education group sits before legislators and denounces a bill as a “complete betrayal,” it’s worth listening up.
The betrayal in this case is House Bill 4018. The legislation seeks to delay and change portions of a 2024 campaign finance bill that had been negotiated by a coalition of good government groups, including the League, with House Speaker Julie Fahey, labor union representatives and business lobbyists. In exchange for passage of the contribution caps and disclosure requirements in that 2024 legislation, the coalition agreed to pull a developing ballot initiative that would have asked voters to impose limits. Most of the bill’s provisions were to go in effect in 2027 — presumably giving plenty of time to work out legislative or implementation issues.
Only now, legislators, lobbyists and the Oregon secretary of state are collectively saying, “Whoa.” HB 4018 — this time negotiated by Fahey behind closed doors without any good government representatives — would allow the contribution limits to take effect in January 2027 as originally planned. But it also seeks to delay donor disclosure requirements until 2031, doubles the donation limits in some cases and undoes protections that were central to the original legislation.
Among the worst changes: the bill would weaken the 2024 legislation’s “anti-proliferation” provision, which prevents donors from skirting limits by funneling additional contributions to candidates through political action committees, corporations or other entities that they control or create. The new bill would add language that would allow contributions from all those entities provided that they were not created for the “sole purpose” of evading the limits.
That flimsy standard would allow the same powerbrokers who have dominated Oregon politics to continue to do so with ease, said attorney Dan Meek, the longtime campaign finance expert with the Honest Elections Oregon coalition who led the good government groups’ negotiations in 2024.
“Complete betrayal” is exactly right. It’s a betrayal not only of the coalition that forced legislators to finally take action in 2024, but of Oregonians who have been clamoring for meaningful contribution limits for decades. Instead, Oregon remains one of only five states in the country that allows unlimited direct contributions to candidates. HB 4018, passed by the House Rules Committee last week with only Republican Alek Skarlatos voting “no,” is now in the Joint Committee for Ways and Means.
Proponents are casting HB 4018 as a way to ensure that campaign finance reforms are done right, with “needed policy clarifications to ensure the program can actually work for everyone” and by giving the secretary of state’s office time to build and implement a software program to handle the data and disclosure, Fahey’s office said. Neither argument, however, holds up.
Start with the supposed “fixes.” There’s the kneecapping of the anti-proliferation provision mentioned above, but critics have pointed out several more.
The 2024 bill laid out limits for contributions based on the type of donor and the office that a candidate is seeking — for instance a $5,000 donation from an individual to a multicandidate political action committee over a two-year election cycle. But for some of those categories, the new bill shortens the time period from a two-year cycle to one year, while keeping the same dollar amount. If the desire was to establish an annual limit, legislators should have similarly halved the donation total, Meek said.
Additionally, HB 4018 seeks to remove language that expressly defines expenditures by a person or political action committee “with the cooperation” of a candidate as a “contribution.” While proponents contend that’s redundant, because such spending should already be considered a contribution, the intentional legislative act of deleting that language may lead a court to rule otherwise, said David Kolker, senior counsel at the Washington, D.C. -based Campaign Legal Center.
If a court determines such expenditures should not be considered contributions subject to the limits, that could open the door for PACs to coordinate with candidates — or even take over their campaign — and run ads without restriction or disclosure requirements, critics said. It’s like Citizens United, except PACs wouldn’t have to strategize independently of the candidate.
HB 4018 proponents are also arguing that the secretary of state’s office needs more time to build and implement the software for the law’s disclosure and campaign finance website requirements. In fact, Secretary of State Tobias Read said his office could need around $25 million to build and implement the software on the existing timeline. Even with that, he told The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board, he worries about getting the technology right and avoiding adding to Oregon’s collection of all-time technology debacles, from the $300 million Cover Oregon failure to the Employment Department’s decade-plus software-replacement delay.
Keeping the campaign limit deadlines in place while pushing off the software-dependent disclosure requirements will give the office the chance to deliver on what was promised, he said.
But that’s why the testimony last week from Catherine Nikolovski, executive director of Civics Software Foundation, was so compelling. Her nonprofit built the software that runs Portland’s Small Donor Elections campaign finance system — an example of an ambitious Oregon technology project that launched successfully and has capably handled the growth and changes over the past six years.
She noted her group’s deep familiarity with the state’s existing campaign finance software and that the Portland program was designed with the ability to expand for statewide use in mind. Importantly, the Portland program can address most of the elements sought in the state’s request for proposals, significantly cutting down on the time and cost needed to tailor it for the state, she said. At the very least, there should be a willingness to explore this alternative rather than let the state blow past its deadlines and take another three to four years to deliver.
There are so many reasons to reject HB 4018 outright — the secret negotiations that excluded campaign finance reformers, the rushed nature of the bill, the changed limits, the weakening of protections and the impact on public trust. And there’s only one reason to push the bill through — to retain the same entrenched system of big money politics that Oregonians have sought to defeat in ballot measure after ballot measure after ballot measure. Is it any surprise that legislators of both parties, labor union representatives and big businesses have all expressed their strong support of HB 4018?
Legislators should turn back these changes and work with good-government groups to set this program up for success in 2027. The message from voters has never wavered. Lawmakers shouldn’t either.
-The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board
Finance
Morgan Stanley sees writing on wall for Citi before major change
Banks have had a stellar first quarter. The major U.S. banks raked in nearly $50 billion in profits in the first three months of the year, The Guardian reported.
That was largely due to Wall Street bank traders, who profited from a volatile stock exchange, Reuters showed.
But even without the extra bump from stock trading, banks are doing well when it comes to interest, the same Reuters article found. And some banks could stand to benefit even more from this one potential rule change.
Morgan Stanley thinks it could have a major impact on Citi in particular.
Upcoming changes for banks
To understand why Morgan Stanley thinks things are going to change at Citi, you need to understand some recent bank rule changes.
Banks make money by lending out money, which usually comes from depositors. But people need access to their money and the right to withdraw whenever they want.
So, banks keep a percentage of all money deposited to make sure they can cover what the average person needs.
But what happens if there is a major demand for withdrawals, as we saw during the financial crisis of 2008?
That’s where capital requirements come in. After the financial crisis, major banks like Citi were required by law to hold a higher percentage of money in order to avoid major bank failures.
For years, banks had to put aside billions of dollars. Money that couldn’t be lent out or even returned to shareholders.
Now, that’s all about to change.
Capital change requirements for major banks
Banks that are considered globally systemically important banking organizations (G-SIBs) have a higher capital buffer than community banks as they usually engage in banking activity that is far more complicated than your average market loan.
The list depends on the size of the bank and its underlying activity, according to the Federal Reserve.
Current global systemically important banks
A proposal from U.S. federal banking regulators could drastically reduce the amount that these large banks have to hold in reserve.
Changes would result in the largest U.S. banks holding an average 4.8% less. While that might seem like a small percentage number, for banks of this size, it equates to billions of dollars, according to a Federal Reserve memo.
The proposed changes were a long time coming, Robert Sarama, a financial services leader at PwC, told TheStreet.
“It’s a bit of a recognition that perhaps the pendulum swung a little too far in the higher capital requirement following the financial crisis, making it harder for banks to participate in some markets,” he said.
Finance
Couple forced to live in caravan buy first home as ‘stars align’ in off-market sale
Natasha Luscri and Luke Miller consider themselves among the lucky ones. The couple recently bought their first home in the northwest suburbs of Melbourne.
It wasn’t something they necessarily expected to be able to do, but some good fortune with an investment in silver bullion and making use of government schemes meant “the stars aligned” to get into the market. Luke used the federal government’s super saver scheme to help build a deposit, and the couple then jumped on the 5 per cent deposit scheme, which they say made all the difference.
“We only started looking because of the government deposit scheme. Basically, we didn’t really think it was possible that we could buy something,” Natasha told Yahoo Finance.
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Last month they settled on their two bedroom unit, which the pair were able to purchase in an off-market sale – something that is becoming increasingly common in the market at the moment.
Rather perfectly, they got it for about $20-30,000 below market rate, Natasha estimated, which meant they were under the $600,000 limit to avoid paying stamp duty under Victoria’s suite of support measures for first home buyers.
“They wanted to sell it quickly. They had no other offers. So we got it for less than what it would have gone for if it had been on market,” Natasha said.
“We didn’t have a lot of cash sitting in an account … I think we just got lucky and made some smart investment decisions which helped.”
It’s a far cry from when the couple couldn’t find a home due to the rental crisis when they were previously living in Adelaide and had to turn to sub-standard options.
“We’ve managed to go from living in a caravan because we were living in Adelaide and we couldn’t find a rental with our dogs … So we’ve gone from living in a caravan, being kind of tertiary homeless essentially because we couldn’t get a rental, to now having been able to purchase our first home,” Natasha explained.
Rate rises beginning to bite for new homeowners
Natasha, 34, and Luke, 45, are among more than 300,000 Australians who have used the 5 per cent deposit scheme to get into the housing market with a much smaller than usual deposit, according to data from Housing Australia at the end of March. However that’s dating back to 2020 when the program first launched, before it was rebranded and significantly expanded in October last year to scrap income or placement caps, along with allowing for higher property price caps.
Finance
WHO says its finances are stable, but uncertainties loom – Geneva Solutions
A year after the US exit from the global health body, WHO officials say finances are secure, for now. But amid donor cuts, rising inflation, and future economic uncertainties, will funding be sufficient to meet its needs?
Earlier this month, senior officials at the World Health Organization (WHO) told journalists in a newly refurbished pressroom at the agency’s headquarters that its finances were “stable”. Following a year that saw its biggest donor withdraw as a member, forcing it to cut 25 per cent of its staff, its financial chief said that 85 per cent of its 2026 and 2027 budget had been financed.
“While we are looking at resource mobilisation, we’re also looking at tightening our belts,” Raul Thomas, assistant director general for business operations and compliance, explained, admitting that the WHO “will have great difficulty mobilising the last 15 per cent”.
Sitting at the centre of the press podium, surrounded by his deputies, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO director general, backed up Thomas’s outlook. “We are stable now and moving forward”, since the retreat of the United States from the health body, he said. The Ethiopian noted that the WHO’s financial reform, allowing for incremental increases in state member fees, has been a big plus.
Mandatory contributions have historically accounted for only a quarter of the organisation’s total funding. States have agreed to raise their contributions by 20 per cent twice, in 2023 and in 2025. Further increments are scheduled to be negotiated in 2027, 2029 and 2031 to bring mandatory funding up to par with voluntary donations that the agency relies on. The WHO also reduced its biennial budget for 2026 and 2027 from $5.3 billion to $4.2bn.
“Our financing actually is better,” Tedros emphasised. “Without the reform, it would have been a problem.”
Read more: Nations agree to raise their WHO fees in wake of US retreat
Nonetheless, the director general, now in his final year at the UN agency, warned that member states should not assume that the financial road ahead will be clear. “The future of WHO will also be defined by how successful we are in terms of the assessed contribution increases or the financial reform in general.”
As west retreats, others step in
Suerie Moon, co-director of the Global Health Centre at the Geneva Graduate Institute, explains that every year at the WHO, there’s “a non-stop effort” to ensure funding. She says a continued reliance on non-flexible, voluntary funding earmarked for specific projects, as well as donors withholding contributions – sometimes for political leverage – complicates the organisation’s financial plans. Meanwhile, ongoing cuts and predictions of a global economic downturn stemming from the war in the Middle East may further aggravate the situation, as costs rise and member states focus on national spending needs.
Soaring prices driven by the conflict and supply chain disruptions have already affected the WHO’s procurement of emergency health kits for crises, officials at the global health body said. “We are continuing to negotiate at least from a procurement standpoint on how we can bring down a little bit the prices or reduce the increases, but we are seeing it across the board,” said Thomas.
Altaf Musani, WHO director of health emergencies, meanwhile, said aid cuts have already deprived roughly 53 million people in crisis situations of access to healthcare.
Last month, Thomas told the Association of Accredited Correspondents at the UN at the end of April that the agency is looking at non-traditional, or non-western, donors for funding to close the biennial 15 per cent funding gap. “It’s not that we won’t go to the traditional donors, but we’re expanding that donor base.”
Since the dramatic drop in funding from the US, formerly the WHO’s biggest contributor, Moon highlights that there hadn’t been a “sudden jump by non-traditional states to compensate for the US”. Last May, at the World Health Assembly, China pledged $500 million in voluntary funding until 2030, a sharp rise from the $2.5m it contributed over 2024 and 2025.
The WHO did not respond to questions from Geneva Solutions about how much of the pledged amount had been disbursed. China’s mission in Geneva did not respond to questions raised about the funding.
Other countries, particularly Gulf states, have meanwhile been increasing their voluntary contributions to the organisation in recent years. Similarly to “western liberal democracies have in the past”, Moon explains that they may be seeking “to raise their profile and prioritise health as one of the issues that they would like to be known for”. She noted that the shift in the UN agency’s list of top donors may affect how it manages the money.
‘Sustainable’ spending
Amid these financial uncertainties, WHO executives say the organisation is also reviewing its expenditure through “sustainability plans”. This includes working more closely with collaborating centres, including universities and research institutes that support WHO programmes and are independently funded. On influenza, for example, the WHO works with dozens of national centres around the world, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in the US,
When asked about any plans for further job cuts, Thomas denied that these were part of the WHO’s current strategies, but could not rule them out entirely as a future possibility. Instead, he said, the organisation was “looking at ways to use funding that may have been for activities to cover salaries in the most important areas”.
Meanwhile, WHO data shows that the number of consultants employed by the agency by the end of 2025 decreased by 23 per cent, slightly less than the staff reductions. Global heath reporter Elaine Fletcher explained to Geneva Solutions that consultants continue to represent a significant proportion of the agency’s workforce, at 5,844 – including an overwhelming number hired in Africa and Southeast Asia – compared with regular staff numbering 8,569 in December.
Upcoming donor politics
The upcoming change in leadership will also be a strategic moment for the organisation to boost its coffers. Moon says the race for the top job at the organisation may attract funding from candidates’ home countries, which could be seen as a strategic opportunity.
Given the relatively small size of the WHO budget, compared to some government or agency accounts, “you don’t have to be the richest country in the world to dangle a few 100 million dollars, which could go a long way in their budget,” the expert notes.
The biggest ongoing challenge, however, will be whether major donors will announce further aid cuts. In the medium and longer term, “countries will have to agree on the step up every two years, and there’s always drama around that.”
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