Finance
Can Decentralized Finance Replace Traditional Payments – The Daily Hodl
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There’s a lot of talk about DeFi (decentralized finance) these days.
If one were to believe all the hype, it would seem that DeFi is a foregone conclusion it’s not a matter of if complete decentralization will happen, but rather a matter of when.
Admittedly, it does appear that things are heading in that direction. The potential, the market need and the technology are all there.
While some infer that we could make the switch right now, that’s beyond optimistic.
It’s true that decentralization is dependent on blockchain technology, and you’d be hard-pressed to find people who will argue that blockchain doesn’t work.
Even naysayers, when pushed, will concede that the technology itself is solid and has the potential to disrupt finance as we know it.
But just because blockchain technology has proven itself doesn’t mean that DeFi is a necessary inevitability.
DeFi will almost certainly play a role in the future of finance. But I can see at least three major roadblocks that need to be overcome before DeFi has a chance of overcoming traditional payments.
Consumer buy-in and trust
Our current centralized systems have been in place for a long time. They’re accepted because they’re familiar and for the most part, they work very well.
People are resistant to change, particularly when they don’t see a clear benefit.
Even when shown the upsides, many will distrust a new way of doing things, taking refuge behind an ‘if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’ mentality.
One of the chief arguments for DeFi is that it removes the middleman. But that doesn’t take into account that some people would rather pay a third party to perform a service.
We generally accept that like attorneys or CPAs financial professionals know more than we do about their specialty and will do a better job.
More importantly, when professionals provide a service, they also take on the accompanying risk.
Consumers will be even more hesitant to accept a new system if it also means losing protection and accepting liability.
This was effectively proven at the dawn of the credit card age. Payment card usage did not gain wide-scale acceptance until 1974, when stronger consumer protection mechanisms were put in place.
Acceptance increased once consumers knew they had a safety net if they were scammed or defrauded.
Even then, though, it still took decades for credit cards to become a dominant payment preference.
People needed formalized assurance that card payments worked across the board. That required at least some degree of centralization, as would any consumer protections used with DeFi.
Banks and financial institution acceptance
Financial organizations are understandably dragging their feet over a move to DeFi.
Our existing banking model is deeply rooted in the most basic tenet of capitalism being paid to perform a service. In this case, arranging financial transactions on behalf of the customer.
As we’ve seen, decentralization empowers users to do the work without a go-between, and consumers may not go for that. For the financial industry, however, DeFi could be devastatingly disruptive.
Services that are currently integral to their business could become obsolete, meaning banks stand to lose the biggest revenue source they have.
DeFi could also potentially expose financial institutions to increased fraud risk.
Currently, US banks are legally required to use KYC (know your customer) protocols to identify the individual attached to a transaction.
That won’t work with blockchain in a completely decentralized blockchain system, users can remain strictly anonymous.
If actual names and other personal information aren’t used, it’s exponentially more difficult to determine if people or organizations are engaged in illegal activity.
Money laundering, market manipulation and bank fraud are serious concerns.
That’s something that could impact the institutions in question, as well as the account holders and merchants they work with.
Lack of clarity regarding government oversight
While proponents of DeFi like to emphasize the absence of government regulations, that’s actually one of the challenges in achieving wide acceptance.
Without a centralized system, legislation like the aforementioned KYC rules would be nearly impossible to enact. To some, that may sound like a feature, rather than a bug.
However, legislators are not going to see the situation in the same light.
The same goes for any government mandates and agencies that protect consumers, including the FDIC (Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation) nd even the government itself could be a target.
Since transactions are extremely difficult to trace to an individual, it would theoretically be simple for a person to understate the amount of taxes owed or avoid paying them altogether.
Faced with the likely increase in criminal activity and an associated drop in government revenue, oversight legislation is almost inevitable. That means at least some centralization will be mandated.
So, finance can only really be as decentralized as lawmakers will allow it to be, and it’s unclear how they will respond.
DeFi and CeFi (centralized finance) an this be a ‘yes, and?’ situation
None of this means DeFi isn’t viable. Rather, it means that some amount of centralization is probably necessary to make it work on a wide scale.
And in fact, we’re already seeing de facto centralization popping up, even in arenas considered fully decentralized.
Stable coins, for example, remain stable by requiring a centralized issuer who backs sales by legal tender.
CBDCs (central bank digital currencies), while controversial, are still in the works. Even Bitcoin mining is seeing centralization become a point of contention in the community.
That may be splitting hairs, as far as what we call centralization, but the crypto market is growing. The bigger it gets, the more likely we’ll see centralized regulation from FIs, the government or both.
We’ll also see combined efforts to sell the benefits of crypto to the public.
Individual brands will promote themselves, naturally, but advertisers, marketers and even lobbyists will recognize that selling the entire concept will also be necessary.
It would be hard to do that effectively without centralization. Again, that doesn’t make DeFi a complete impossibility.
The two systems are in competition, to some extent, but they are not mutually exclusive.
DeFi and CeFi triking a balance
As convenient as it may be, trying to characterize this issue as a ‘good guys versus bad guys’ battle isn’t in our best interest.
Neither centralization nor DeFi are inherently bad.
One could argue that it would be easier to stick with the traditional way of doing things, but that genie is already out of the bottle.
Going backwards isn’t really an option, even if fully realized DeFi is unlikely to materialize.
The next generation of development, DeFi 2.0, is already addressing some of the challenges of decentralization, including scalability and seamless cross-chain interoperability.
But widespread acceptance is still a ways away.
There are multiple layer two solutions, and as with any decentralized service, that raises questions as to how well they work and how safely any given code performs.
Can we have two competing ecosystems existing side-by-side? Probably not indefinitely one or the other would eventually triumph.
But a better question might be why would we want to?
DeFi is going to continue to evolve in parallel to traditional payments. It would make sense to eventually work toward a single, fully realized solution that combines the best elements of both models.
A payments ecosystem that benefits from the speed, privacy and egalitarian ethos of DeFi, with the security and institutional legitimacy of TradFi (traditional finance).
The trick is to pull this off without losing sight of the main goal safe, secure transactions, high efficiency and enhanced customer experience.
The future of DeFi will depend on how we strike that balance between maximizing benefits and still enjoying the protections of centralization.
Monica Eaton is the founder and CEO of Chargebacks911. This risk mitigation firm protects more than two billion transactions annually to help online merchants optimize profitability through dispute management. Monica is a globally recognized speaker who has shared her insights on technology, finance and entrepreneurship with audiences around the world.
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Disclaimer: Opinions expressed at The Daily Hodl are not investment advice. Investors should do their due diligence before making any high-risk investments in Bitcoin, cryptocurrency or digital assets. Please be advised that your transfers and trades are at your own risk, and any loses you may incur are your responsibility. The Daily Hodl does not recommend the buying or selling of any cryptocurrencies or digital assets, nor is The Daily Hodl an investment advisor. Please note that The Daily Hodl participates in affiliate marketing.
Finance
Psychological shift unfolds in soft Aussie housing market: ‘Vendors feel pressure’
Property markets move in cycles, and with interest rates rising and other pressures like high fuel costs, some markets are clearly slowing down. Many first-home buyers who have only ever seen markets going up are conditioned to think that when purchasing, competition is always intense and decisions need to be made quickly.
In those times, buyers often feel they need to act fast, stretch their budget and secure a property at almost any cost. But things have definitely changed.
In a softer market, the dynamic shifts. Properties take longer to sell, competition thins, and it’s the vendors who begin to feel pressure.
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For buyers who understand how to navigate that change, the balance of power quickly moves in their favour. The opportunity is not simply to buy at a lower price. It is to negotiate from a position of strength.
If that’s you right now, these are the key skills first-home buyers need to take advantage of in softer market conditions.
The most important shift in a soft market is psychological. In a rising market, buyers often feel like they are competing for limited opportunities. In a softer market, the opposite is true. There are more properties available, fewer active buyers and less urgency overall. This gives buyers options.
When buyers understand that they are not competing with multiple parties on every property, their decision-making improves. They are more willing to walk away, compare opportunities and avoid overpaying. Negotiation strength comes from not needing to transact immediately. When that pressure is removed, buyers are able to engage more strategically.
One of the most common mistakes first-home buyers make is continuing to apply strategies that only work in rising markets. Auction urgency is a clear example. In strong markets, auctions often attract multiple bidders and create competitive tension. In softer conditions, properties are more likely to pass in, shifting the process away from a public bidding environment into a private negotiation.
This is where leverage increases.
Private negotiations allow buyers to introduce conditions that protect their position. These may include finance clauses, longer settlement periods or price adjustments based on due diligence. Opportunities that are rarely available in competitive markets become standard in softer ones.
Finance
Finance Committee approves an average increase of University tuition by 3.6 percent
The Board of Visitors Finance Committee met Thursday and approved a 3.6 percent average increase in tuition, a 4.8 percent average increase in meal plan costs and a 5 percent increase in the cost of double-room housing for the 2026-27 school year. The approval was unanimous amongst Board members, though some expressed resistance to the increases before voting in favor of them.
The Committee heard from Jennifer Wagner Davis, executive vice president and chief operating officer, and Donna Price Henry, chancellor of the College at Wise, about reasons for the raise in tuition and rates. According to Davis and Henry, salary increases for professors and legislation passed by the General Assembly contribute to tuition and rates increases.
The Finance Committee, chaired by Vice Rector Victoria Harker, is responsible for the University’s financial affairs and business operations, and the Committee manages the budget, tuition and student fees.
Changes in tuition vary between schools, with the School of Law seeing at most a 5.1 percent increase, the School of Engineering & Applied Science seeing at most a 3.2 percent increase and the College of Arts and Sciences seeing at most a 3.1 percent increase in tuition for the 2026-27 school year.
For the 2026-27 school year at the College at Wise, the Committee also unanimously approved a 2.5 percent average increase in tuition, a 3.8 percent increase in meal plans and a 2 percent increase in the cost of housing.
Last year, the Committee approved a 3 percent average increase in tuition, a 5.5 percent increase in meal plans and a 5.5 percent increase in the cost of housing for the University.
Davis cited increased costs as the primary reason for the approved increase in tuition. She said that the budget that could be passed by the General Assembly for June 30, 2027 through June 30, 2028 could increase professor salaries — University professors receive raises via this process. Davis said that the Senate and House of Delegates have separate proposals dealing with the pay increases that are currently unresolved, with House Bill 30 raising salaries by 2 percent and Senate Bill 30 raising salaries by 3 percent.
Davis said every percent increase in faculty salaries costs the University $15 million annually, and the Commonwealth will increase funding to the University by $1-2 million to help pay for that increase. According to Davis, the most common way to stabilize the budgetary imbalance caused by raised salaries is through tuition raises.
Beyond the increase in salary, Davis cited the minimum wage increase, inflation and Virginia Military Survivors & Dependents Education Program as increased costs to the University. VMSDEP is a program that gives education benefits to spouses and children of disabled veterans or military service members killed, missing in action or taken prisoner. Davis said that the program is “partially unfunded” and could cost the University somewhere between $3.6 to $6 million, depending on how many students qualify for the program.
Davis spoke on other contributing factors to the increase in tuition, specifically collective bargaining — which allows workers to bargain for better wages and working conditions.
“If we look at other institutions or other states that have collective bargaining, [collective bargaining] does put an upward pressure on tuition,” Davis said.
Prior to Thursday’s meeting, the Committee heard the proposal for tuition increases from Davis and Henry April 6 in a Finance Committee tuition workshop with public comment. During the tuition workshop, tuition increases ranged from 3 to 4.5 percent for the University and 2 to 3 percent for the College at Wise. Both increases approved Thursday are within the ranges originally proposed.
Meal plan costs, on average, will be increasing by 4.8 percent in the upcoming academic year. Davis said that the University has been expanding dining options with the opening of the Gaston House and new locations for the Ivy Corridor student housing that is still in progress. She also said that the University has been taking steps to increase the availability of allergen-friendly food options.
Davis shared that the 5 percent cost increase in housing is due to the expansion of student housing in the Ivy Corridor. Davis also said that there will be 3,000 new units added to the Charlottesville housing market by 2027, of which 780 beds will be for University housing. Davis said that she hopes the Ivy Corridor housing would “free up” the city housing supply by having more students live on Grounds.
Board member Amanda Pillion said she was “concerned” about how tuition increases would harm rural families — she said the constant increases in cost could make a University education out of reach for middle-income Virginians.
“This is the second governor I’ve served under. Both times I’ve heard affordability, affordability, affordability,” Pillion said. “We need to really be conscious of the fact that … there is a large group of people that [are middle-income] that these increases [in tuition and fees] are really tough for.”
The Committee also approved a renovation for The Park — an 18-acre recreational hub in North Grounds — which will cost $10 million. As part of the renovation, The Park will include a maintenance facility, storm water systems and a maintenance access route. Davis said the renovation will address safety and security issues for the 200 people that use The Park daily. According to Davis, the University will use $2 million of institutional funds and issue $8 million of debt to fund the renovation.
The Finance Committee will reconvene during the regularly scheduled June Board meetings.
Finance
A Protracted US–Iran War Could Strain Climate Finance From Wealthy Countries to Developing Nations – Inside Climate News
WASHINGTON, D.C.—The ongoing war in Iran is casting a long shadow over the climate finance commitments countries agreed to in 2024, experts warned, as surging oil prices and rising defense budgets put further pressure on the limited pot of money developing nations are counting on to stave off worsening impacts from a warming planet.
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund’s annual spring meetings are underway in the capital this week, with a focus on a coordinated global response to a world economy under pressure from slower growth and rising debt, exacerbating global inequities.
The U.S. war in Iran adds new supply-chain challenges. In a press briefing Tuesday, the IMF slashed its growth forecast to 3.1 percent for the year, down from 3.3 percent in January, with global inflation rising to 4.4 percent.
“Our severe scenario assumes that energy supply disruptions extend into next year, with greater macro instability. Global growth falls to 2 percent this year and next, while inflation exceeds 6 percent,” said Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the IMF’s director of research.
The blunt assessment has caused a scramble to determine what financial support the institution can offer to member states. And it has raised fresh questions about climate-finance obligations, already under strain from donor-country budget cuts and the United States jettisoning global climate commitments under the second Trump administration. One of President Donald Trump’s first actions back in office last year was ordering the U.S. to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic, wealthier countries that promised climate finance have experienced widening fiscal deficits and rising debt, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development found in its latest assessment. As a result, aid from donor countries has already declined sharply—dropping almost 25 percent in 2025 compared to 2024. Even before the Iran conflict began, that was projected to drop further this year.
COP29, the global climate conference held in late 2024 in Baku, Azerbaijan, set a commitment of $300 billion per year by 2035, with a broader goal of reaching $1.3 trillion annually from public and private sources. Called the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG), the arrangement replaced the previous $100 billion-a-year commitment that wealthy nations had met belatedly in 2022, two years after the deadline.
Developing nations widely criticized the $300 billion figure as grossly inadequate, given the scale of the climate crisis. These countries are among the least responsible for the pollution driving that crisis and among the hardest hit by its effects.
The Iran war has triggered a new set of worries as top economists and experts weigh potential impact and likely mitigation strategies.
“Even before the Iran conflict, reaching the NCQG target would have been difficult, particularly with the U.S. withdrawing from the Paris Agreement. The war worsens the outlook,” said Gautam Jain, senior research scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University.

He said sustained disruption of the Strait of Hormuz would exacerbate the problem and the effects would weigh on the global economy. As a result, aid budgets would decline and the political pushback to external spending would increase.
The conflict is “pushing energy security to the forefront of government agendas,” Jain said. That will likely strengthen incentives to deploy more renewables and other forms of domestic clean energy, but the war’s economic convulsions could cut both ways for the energy transition.
“In low-income countries, the transition could be significantly delayed, given limited fiscal capacity to absorb sustained energy price shocks,” Jain said.
One of the main priorities for the World Bank during the meetings in Washington is to develop a new Climate Change Action Plan to replace the one expiring in June. “In the current geopolitical context, progress on this front looks quite unlikely,” Jain said.
Jon Sward, environment project manager at the Bretton Woods Project, which monitors World Bank and IMF policies, said countries that used to fund climate finance are now choosing to spend that money on other priorities.
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The Gulf crisis exposed the fragility of a global economic system tethered to fossil fuel extraction and use, Sward noted. For countries dependent on fossil fuel imports, “this is yet another price shock, and quickly diversifying to renewables is certainly an option that many countries are looking at,” he said in an email.
He said that although multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF have begun to assess the conflict’s fallout, it is not yet clear what their response will be or how the World Bank’s climate finance would be affected.
“All of this points to the need for more serious discussions on pausing debt repayments for affected countries and the mobilisation of non-debt creating forms of finance, in order to address the multiple, overlapping shocks facing countries in the Global South, in particular,” he said in his email.
Experts said that rising security and defense expenditures were also cutting into an already limited pot of money badly needed by developing countries struggling to cope with climate challenges.
“The system was already too fragile given that the U.S. leads all the major multilateral development banks … and has disavowed these targets,” said Kevin Gallagher, director of the Global Development Policy Center at Boston University. On top of that, he said, U.S. threats to abandon NATO’s European countries incentivizes them to prioritize defense budgets over climate finance.
He said developing countries are already under pressure to cough up climate funding on their own. The current conflict could make that nearly impossible.
“This year was supposed to be putting together a roadmap to take the $300 billion annual target to the agreed upon $1.3 trillion. This is likely to be abandoned unless new donors such as [the] UAE, China and others step in to fill the gap left from the West,” Gallagher said in an email.
The crisis in the Persian Gulf makes the loudest case for renewables, he said. “The energy security argument from this conflict is to diversify from fossil fuels. The Dutch took that cue after the Middle East oil shock of the 1970s to build the world’s best wind turbines, and China did after Middle East conflicts in this century. Fossil fuels are now a bad bet on security, economic and climate grounds. The writing is on the wall.”
Gallagher said the World Bank should accelerate solar and wind technology programs across the world. “If the Fund and the Bank don’t rise to this occasion,” he said, “not only is the global economy and climate at stake, but so is the legitimacy of these institutions.”
Gaia Larsen, a climate finance expert at the World Resources Institute, said it’s too early to know whether stronger interest in energy independence through renewables is translating into shifts in investment. But “if we’re trying to think about long-term peace and long-term access to energy, then renewables are really increasing in prominence,” she said.
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