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Liz Moore on ‘Long Bright River’ and the Slow Burn of Success

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Liz Moore on ‘Long Bright River’ and the Slow Burn of Success

No matter how you slice it, Liz Moore has arrived.

This month, an adaptation of her blockbuster novel “Long Bright River” started streaming on Peacock. And her next book, “The God of the Woods,” now on the best-seller list for 36 weeks (and counting), will soon hit the million mark in sales — a distinction normally reserved for celebrities and novelists recognizable by last name alone.

Moore isn’t one of those authors. But, over the past two decades, she’s proved to be “a writer who can do anything,” as her editor Sarah McGrath put it.

Moore taps into an elusive sweet spot between literary and commercial fiction, populating vividly drawn settings with characters who seem to live, breathe and make terrible mistakes along with the rest of us. Her novels can be enjoyed by, say, a teenage girl and her 50-something father, defying genre and categorization to such an extent that, from one to the next, a reader might not register that they’re written by the same person.

“I get messages saying, I loved your new book. Do you have any others?” Moore, 41, said during an interview at a cafe in Philadelphia. “Or they’ll call ‘The God of the Woods’ my second book because ‘Long Bright River’ was my first that broke out.”

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In fact, “The God of the Woods,” a mystery about siblings who disappear 14 years apart, is Moore’s fifth book. She wrote her first, “The Words of Every Song,” while she was a student at Barnard College. Shortly after she graduated in 2005, she signed on with an agent who’d come to campus for a panel on the publishing industry.

“I reached out and said, ‘I have this manuscript of interconnected stories about the music industry. Would you be interested in looking at it?’ She said yes,” Moore recalled. “Only in retrospect do I realize what a lucky break that was.”

At the time, Moore was more focused on singing than she was on fiction: Her folk album, “Backyards,” came out in 2007, the same year as “The Words of Every Song.” But it was her prose that attracted attention: The rock critic Robert Christgau described Moore’s book in The New York Observer as “likable, well-rendered, sweet.” He also praised her “wholesome values.”

In her early 20s, Moore worked in the editorial department of the Morgan Library and at Matt Umanov Guitars in the West Village. Gradually, she said, “I gave myself permission to think, Maybe fiction is something I could pursue in a more serious way.”

She got an M.F.A. at Hunter College, where she studied with Nathan Englander and Colum McCann and started working on her second novel, “Heft.” Her first agent had left the industry, and a second one, with whom she worked for more than a year, ultimately declined to represent the project.

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After a dozen or so rejections, she signed on with Seth Fishman at the Gernert Company, who sold “Heft” and a third novel, “The Unseen World,” to W.W. Norton & Company. Both are tender and brainy — the literary equivalent of folk songs, with characters who hold the note.

“‘Heft’ did better than expected and ‘The Unseen World’ did more poorly than expected,” Moore said. The latter, which a Times reviewer called “fiercely intelligent,” came out in July 2016, two months after Moore’s daughter was born.

“I didn’t know how hard it would be when I agreed to go on tour with a newborn,” Moore said. “I was pumping in the bathroom. I was sleep deprived. I thought it would be possible and it was just …” She didn’t finish the sentence.

During that time Moore wasn’t sure she’d be able to complete another book, let alone sell it. But she kept writing and teaching — first at Holy Family University in Philadelphia, then at Temple University, where she now directs the graduate-level writing program.

“I was raised never to quit a day job,” Moore said. “I also love the community of teaching.”

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“Long Bright River” grew out of a photo essay Moore worked on in 2009, when she first moved to Philadelphia. Jeffrey Stockbridge, a photographer, took pictures of women in the Kensington neighborhood who were struggling with addiction, and Moore wrote their stories. After the piece was published in “The Rust Belt Rising Almanac” (2013), she kept going back to Kensington, leading free writing workshops at a women’s day shelter for two years.

A story started to take shape, about a detective searching for her sister, who’s addicted to drugs.

“Since birth, I’ve been surrounded by family members in various states of active use or recovery,” Moore said. “I never name who they are, I don’t wish to speak for them or tell their stories, but my own story is being well versed in the language of addiction.”

Moore worked on “Long Bright River” for about four years, her average germination period. In 2018, Gernert sold the book to McGrath at Riverhead in a heated auction.

“I’m always looking for literary fiction that can reach a wide audience,” McGrath said. “I didn’t know I was looking for a police detective in Philadelphia. But Liz writes rich characters with such compassion, and she creates a real sense of place.”

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The book, which came out on Jan. 7, 2020, was an instant best seller, a ”Good Morning America” Book Club pick and one of Barack Obama’s favorite books of 2020.

“It forced open certain conversations that had been buried in my family,” Moore said. “That was cathartic for everybody.”

About two months later, when the Covid pandemic struck, she was teaching a full course load via Zoom while caring for her daughter, who was 3, and her son, then 10 months old.

Moore said, “My husband and I built an improvised playpen in the living room.” They took turns working on the upper floor of their South Philadelphia rowhouse. Eventually Moore started waking up at 5 o’clock in the morning so she could squeeze in a few hours of writing.

“‘The God of the Woods” started “as an act of desperation, of trying to find out who I was again,” she said. “I went into autopilot and thought, I just have to do this.”

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The book was “hellish” to write, Moore admitted: “It has so many characters. It has so many timelines. I never outline, so I just write and experiment and fail.”

Her approach brings a sense of immediacy to the mysteries surrounding the missing Van Laar children, who are practically royalty in the small Adirondack town where their wealthy family summers as a verb. One has the sense of the two cases being cracked in real time, even though the bulk of the action takes place in 1975.

The setting held particular meaning for Moore: Her ancestors settled in the Adirondacks, her grandmother was born nearby and her family still has a cabin in the southern part of the region. “It’s a special, almost spiritual place for us,” Moore said.

“The God of the Woods” was a Book of the Month Club pick and was voted in as the “Tonight Show” summer read for 2024. The book gained momentum from there, becoming such a stalwart on the best-seller list that the Riverhead team no longer calls Moore to announce the news. She receives a weekly email instead, and she doesn’t take it for granted.

Moore seemed pleased, if cautiously so, about the fandom she’s amassed in the past five years. “I’m incredibly pessimistic and superstitious as a rule,” she said.

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“Liz deserves everything she’s gotten. No one deserves it more,” the author Carmen Maria Machado said. Several years ago, the two started a group for women writers in Philadelphia, which includes Asali Solomon, Kiley Reid, Emma Copley Eisenberg and Sara Novic, among many others.

Machado went on: “Liz has this instinct for community. She’s incredibly generous. And she’s a deeply empathetic writer, which I think is her superpower.”

For the Peacock adaptation of “Long Bright River,” Moore brought her collaborative knack to the writers’ room. “It’s the closest experience I’ll have to being good at sports, because it is so much the product of a team,” she said.

The show was mostly filmed in New York City, but includes graffiti by Philadelphia artists and appearances by Kensington residents, including the head of the St. Francis Inn, the outreach organization where Moore used to lead writing workshops.

“I use 3 P’s as a handy teaching tool, but it’s also the way I write books,” Moore said. “Place comes first. Then people, then problems.”

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With her Temple students, Moore is sanguine about the reality of a writing career.

“I say, I still have a day job and you probably will too,” she explained. “But hopefully you can find beauty in art outside of work. If that means keeping a journal in which you write once a week, that too is meaningful. It serves as a huge comfort to me to know that even if all of this goes away I will still have that, quietly, in my life.”

Education

Read Oklahoma Student Samantha Fulnecky’s Essay on Gender

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Read Oklahoma Student Samantha Fulnecky’s Essay on Gender

This article was very thought provoking and caused me to thoroughly evaluate the idea of gender and the role it plays in our society. The article discussed peers using teasing as a way to enforce gender norms. I do not necessarily see this as a problem. God made male and female and made us differently from each other on purpose and for a purpose. God is very intentional with what He makes, and I believe trying to change that would only do more harm. Gender roles and tendencies should not be considered “stereotypes”. Women naturally want to do womanly things because God created us with those womanly desires in our hearts. The same goes for men. God created men in the image of His courage and strength, and He created women in the image of His beauty. He intentionally created women differently than men and we should live our lives with that in mind.

It is frustrating to me when I read articles like this and discussion posts from my classmates of so many people trying to conform to the same mundane opinion, so they do not step on people’s toes. I think that is a cowardly and insincere way to live. It is important to use the freedom of speech we have been given in this country, and I personally believe that eliminating gender in our society would be detrimental, as it pulls us farther from God’s original plan for humans. It is perfectly normal for kids to follow gender “stereotypes” because that is how God made us. The reason so many girls want to feel womanly and care for others in a motherly way is not because they feel pressured to fit into social norms. It is because God created and chose them to reflect His beauty and His compassion in that way. In Genesis, God says that it is not good for man to be alone, so He created a helper for man (which is a woman). Many people assume the word “helper” in this context to be condescending and offensive to women. However, the original word in Hebrew is “ezer kenegdo” and that directly translates to “helper equal to”. Additionally, God describes Himself in the Bible using “ezer kenegdo”, or “helper”, and He describes His

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How Much Literary Trivia Do You Keep in Your Head?

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How Much Literary Trivia Do You Keep in Your Head?

Welcome to Lit Trivia, the Book Review’s regular quiz about books, authors and literary culture. This week’s challenge tests your memory of random facts and information you may have picked up, especially from reading book coverage from The Times in recent years. In the five multiple-choice questions below, tap or click on the answer you think is correct. After the last question, you’ll find links to the books if you’d like to do further reading.

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Are Trump’s Actions Unprecedented? We Asked Historians (Again).

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Are Trump’s Actions Unprecedented? We Asked Historians (Again).

Since the start of his second term, President Trump has cut budgets, made demands on public institutions, and attacked the media and speech in actions regularly called unprecedented.

In April, we asked presidential historians if they could come up with comparable examples in previous administrations — and to tell us when they couldn’t. You can read that earlier article here.

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We went back to the historians (and some political scientists) to help us categorize the administration’s actions and pronouncements that have happened since: whether they’re unprecedented, relatively common or somewhere in between.

No clear precedent

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President Trump has taken some actions that do not have a comparable historical example, according to historians.

Used the military to attack and kill suspected drug smugglers

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has ordered the military to kill people aboard boats he says have been smuggling drugs, claiming the power to redefine drug trafficking as armed conflict.

IN THE PAST

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Historians said the closest parallels to Mr. Trump’s strikes in international waters were attacks on pirates — from Thomas Jefferson’s attacks on Barbary corsairs to Barack Obama’s use of military force against Somali pirates in 2009. But President Obama’s efforts were largely rescue missions; Jefferson was also responding to the capture of American ships.

“Since the 1970s, presidents have claimed the right to take military action, including murderous assaults, against nonstate actors who threaten the United States,” said Jeremi Suri, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin. However, he said, “the United States has generally not targeted drug smugglers in this way.”

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The U.S. has helped other governments in Central America to apprehend drug traffickers. No presidents have unilaterally killed alleged drug smugglers in international waters.

Manisha Sinha

Professor of American History, University of Connecticut

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No clear precedent

Cast doubt on vaccine efficacy and safety

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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With Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary, the Trump administration has begun to overhaul American vaccine policy. A vaccine skeptic, Mr. Kennedy replaced a vaccine advisory panel with handpicked members. The panel ended a decades-long recommendation to vaccinate babies against hepatitis B at birth. Mr. Kennedy also canceled hundreds of millions of dollars in grants and contracts to develop mRNA vaccines. Mr. Trump hailed Covid vaccines as a miracle during his first term but has since questioned whether they work, and Mr. Kennedy has called them “the deadliest vaccine ever made.”

IN THE PAST

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Previous presidents have typically promoted vaccines. The government has changed the vaccine schedule and pulled recommendations for vaccines before, including for a rotavirus gastroenteritis vaccine in the 1990s. And manufacturers have voluntarily withdrawn vaccines from the market. But no presidential administration has made such an effort to dismantle vaccine policy.

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Other presidents tried to expand vaccines. This goes all the way back to George Washington during the Revolutionary War, who mandated smallpox inoculations for his army.

Robert Watson

Professor of History, Lynn University

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No clear precedent

Asked states to gerrymander to add more seats for his party

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump and his aides have pushed for lawmakers across the country to redraw maps in favor of Republicans.

IN THE PAST

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This has not been done publicly, though an adviser to George W. Bush, Karl Rove, was reported to have lobbied state legislators to redistrict in 2003.

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No previous president has done this so overtly, but gerrymandering for political advantage has been a basic tool of political parties since the earliest years of the republic.

Kendrick Clements

Professor, University of South Carolina

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No clear precedent

Owned a company that received a major investment from a sovereign state

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Earlier this year, a state-controlled United Arab Emirates firm used $2 billion of cryptocurrency issued by World Liberty Financial — a start-up owned by the Trump family — to invest in a crypto exchange. That effectively serves as a huge deposit for World Liberty, which can then generate returns in the tens of millions of dollars each year.

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IN THE PAST

Historians said there was no comparable example.

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Past presidents took pains to put their holdings in a blind trust or to divest entirely from identifiable individual companies.

Andrew Rudalevige

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Professor of Government, Bowdoin College

No clear precedent

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Tried to remove a member of the Federal Reserve Board

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump tried to fire a Federal Reserve governor, Lisa Cook, accusing her of mortgage fraud. (The Supreme Court stopped the firing until it could hear arguments in January, and she maintains her innocence.) It’s part of a broader, stated effort to gain more influence over the board.

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IN THE PAST

Presidents have fought with the Fed before; under President Harry Truman, the head of the Board of Governors resigned amid a disagreement with the administration. But no president has directly fired a Federal Reserve official.

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A clip from a New York Times article in March 1951 about the resignation of the head of the Fed’s Board of Governors. TimesMachine

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They have often put pressure on the Fed, but I don’t know of any president who has claimed the power to fire a sitting governor and tried to carry it out.

David Greenberg

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Professor of History, Rutgers University

No clear precedent

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Ended data collection efforts across government

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration has stopped or plans to stop collecting data on environmental disasters, climate change, food insecurity, emissions from polluters and more.

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No president has stopped data collection at such a scale.

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There have been other presidents who have appointed people as heads of agencies but who opposed the missions of those agencies. But that is a far cry from eliminating the government’s longstanding practices of producing reliable data, on nearly everything of concern to the public and for which the government is responsible.

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Michael Gerhardt

Professor of Jurisprudence, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Law School

No clear precedent

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Ordered a review of public museums to align with administration views

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The White House told the Smithsonian Institution — a museum group founded and funded by the federal government — that it would have 120 days to change any content that the administration found problematic in “tone, historical framing and alignment with American ideals.”

IN THE PAST

There’s no comparison for such a broad and public demand on the nation’s museums, historians said.

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There have been instances of perceived pressure, or limited influence. A former Smithsonian administrator claimed that the National Museum of Natural History toned down an exhibit on climate change during the George W. Bush administration. And it was reported that the Nixon administration told what is now the National Museum of American History to close an exhibit on voting rights ahead of a ball that was part of Nixon’s second inauguration.

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No clear precedent

Cast doubt on official Bureau of Labor Statistics jobs numbers

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump claimed without evidence that weak job numbers from the Bureau of Labor Statistics were “rigged” and fired the agency’s commissioner.

IN THE PAST

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No president has done this publicly and so directly in the years the Bureau of Labor has been collecting and publishing data. (Since the late 1800s.) Ronald Reagan once said a framing of B.L.S. data was misleading, but didn’t question the data itself. Richard Nixon’s administration made some changes to how B.L.S. reported monthly data. But when he threw doubt on the B.L.S., it was in private conversation. (It was eventually revealed that he had blamed Jewish people working at the agency for unfavorable statistics.)

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Presidents have always spun bad numbers; few have declared war on arithmetic itself.

Alexis Coe

Presidential historian and senior fellow at New America

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No clear precedent

Sought damages from the Justice Department for federal investigations into him

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump is reported to have demanded that the Justice Department pay him $230 million in compensation for past investigations into his actions.

IN THE PAST

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There’s no real comparison, historians say. Andrew Jackson was once fined for suspending habeas corpus; he lobbied Congress for a refund. But that lobbying took place after his presidency, said Matthew Warshauer, professor of history at Central Connecticut State University. (It was successful.)

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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In several cases, Mr. Trump’s actions are precedented, but there are details that make them different: scale, context, motivation or results.

The following are events in which our scholars did not always agree on the extent of a precedent.

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Sent the National Guard to cities

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has expanded the role of the National Guard, deploying its troops to cities as part of a stated federal crackdown on crime. In several cases, governors or local officials have sued to block the deployments.

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IN THE PAST

Presidents have deployed the National Guard to cities numerous times, including to protect civil rights advocates marching from Selma to Montgomery in Alabama; to enforce Brown v. Board of Education in Little Rock, Ark.; in response to the 1992 Los Angeles riots; to quell a riot in Detroit in 1943; and to help Hurricane Andrew relief efforts in Florida.

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But in most cases, unlike President Trump, presidents deployed the National Guard at the request of, or with the cooperation of, state lawmakers. (That was not the case when presidents used the National Guard to support integration in Arkansas and protect civil rights activists in Alabama.)

A California National Guard unit deployed in Los Angeles during the 1992 riots. Joe Marquette/Associated Press

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With the exception of using troops to protect American citizens during the height of civil rights reform, American presidents have typically respected the authority of states and only mobilized troops at the request of state lawmakers.

Nicole L. Anslover

Associate Professor of History, Florida Atlantic University

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Directed the attorney general to investigate or prosecute political rivals

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump has pushed Attorney General Pam Bondi and his Justice Department to investigate or seek criminal charges against his perceived enemies, including George Soros, the billionaire Democratic donor; the former F.B.I. director James B. Comey; and the New York attorney general Letitia James.

IN THE PAST

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Nixon also tried to use the federal government — including the Department of Justice — to go after his “enemies list” through investigations and other legal harassment. One memo from his White House counsel describes “how we can use the available federal machinery to screw our political enemies.”

But “it was on a limited case-by-case basis, and many of his own appointees and federal workers thwarted his illegalities,” said Robert Watson, a professor of history at Lynn University.

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A clip from a New York Times article in June 1973 about President Nixon’s list of political enemies. TimesMachine

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Nixon tried to act in secrecy and deny his vendettas.

Jeremi Suri

Professor of History and Public Affairs, University of Texas at Austin

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Carried out large-scale immigration raids

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Federal agents have conducted immigration enforcement raids in several Democrat-led cities, arresting and detaining thousands in Washington, Chicago, Los Angeles and Charlotte, N.C., among others.

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IN THE PAST

Eisenhower carried out deportations of illegal immigrants, known at the time as “Operation Wetback.” These targeted Mexican migrants, and they were more focused on agricultural border areas than major cities.

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Mexican nationals seized for deportation in Southern California in 1954. Associated Press, via Alamy

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Arranged for a government stake in a U.S. company

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The Trump administration allowed Japan’s Nippon Steel to take over U.S. Steel in exchange for a “golden share” giving the White House a permanent say in the company’s business. (The Trump administration has also purchased shares or options in other private companies involved in minerals, nuclear energy and semiconductors.)

IN THE PAST

The U.S. government received shares of auto companies while bailing them out during the Great Recession in 2009, but it sold those within a few years to recoup some of the money it had spent.

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The Trump effort has centered on national security concerns. Prior administrations have taken control of the private sector briefly during wartime, but those were not ongoing ownership stakes.

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I can’t think of an example when companies were forced to pay premiums of this sort to the U.S. government — even giving federal actors formal long-term decision-making authority for corporate behavior — as a cost of doing business.

Andrew Rudalevige

Professor of Government, Bowdoin College

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Carried out a major demolition and renovation of the White House

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration took down the East Wing of the White House to build a 90,000-square-foot ballroom.

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IN THE PAST

The White House went through a demolition and renovation under President Truman, when the building was in danger of physical collapse.

Other presidents have made renovations — including significant expansions — but historians could not name another demolition of a major part of the building.

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The gutted interior of the White House during a 1950 renovation under President Harry Truman. The White House, via Associated Press

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Struck a deal with drug companies to sell prescriptions at lower prices and set up an online drugstore with the president’s name

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has tried to lower prescription drug prices through two primary channels: He has made deals with numerous major drugmakers (including Pfizer, AstraZeneca and Eli Lilly) to sell drugs to Medicaid at lower prices; and he has committed to starting TrumpRx, a portal through which patients can buy drugs directly from drugmakers.

IN THE PAST

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Previous presidents have tried various strategies to make prescription drugs more affordable, including negotiating with industry. (Most recently, the Biden administration brought drugmakers to the negotiating table.)

A marketplace with the president’s name on it is new.

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An excerpt from a speech on health care given by President Lyndon Johnson to Congress in 1968. TimesMachine

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Earlier efforts to cut drug costs — Bill Clinton’s aborted price-control proposals, George W. Bush’s Medicare Part D expansion, Barack Obama’s negotiation push under the Affordable Care Act — were policy fights, not product launches.

Alexis Coe

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Presidential historian and senior fellow at New America

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Pulled back public infrastructure grants in mostly blue states

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The Trump administration has frozen and terminated grants for infrastructure that were largely set to be in districts that vote Democratic, and the president has bragged about it. “A lot of good can come down from shutdowns,” Mr. Trump said in October. “We can get rid of a lot of things that we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things.” (Some Republican districts have also lost projects.)

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IN THE PAST

Pulling back funds already allocated is unusual, scholars told The Times. Presidents have often directed government benefits to key constituencies and favored states and districts, but not in such a public and direct manner.

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When Nixon’s administration made large cuts to military bases in the early 1970s, states in the Northeast were hit the hardest, leading to speculation that politics played a role.

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Presidents have always played politics with public monies, although often as discreetly as possible.

Stephen F. Knott

Emeritus Professor of National Security Affairs, United States Naval War College

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Has happened, but under different circumstances

Signed large cuts to health care programs into law

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The sprawling policy bill pushed by the president and passed by Republicans in July contained more than $1.1 trillion in cuts to health care programs, including roughly $900 billion in cuts to Medicaid — about 11 percent of projected spending on the program over a decade.

IN THE PAST

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Under President Reagan, Congress reduced Medicaid and Medicare spending. Medicaid cuts in the early 1980s totaled $1 billion each year, around 5 percent of annual Medicaid spending. The cuts came in the form of smaller payments to states, which then cut services. (People forced off welfare rolls by Reagan’s administration often lost Medicaid benefits, too.) George W. Bush signed into law policy changes that made smaller reductions in Medicaid spending.

The Affordable Care Act, signed by President Obama in 2010, included more than $700 billion in reductions to Medicare, though the bill increased spending on health care overall.

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A protest of the Reagan administration’s proposed cuts to Medicare in 1982 in Helena, Mont. George Lane/Associated Press

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Since the beginning of federal health care programs in the 1930s, policymakers have been more likely to expand than cut such programs.

Kendrick Clements

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Professor, University of South Carolina

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Auctioned face-to-face access

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

Mr. Trump invited people who spent the most on his personal cryptocurrency to a White House gala dinner.

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IN THE PAST

Many presidents have rewarded their major donors with special privileges. (Bill Clinton gave some top donors meals, outings and overnight stays; major fund-raisers also stayed overnight in George W. Bush’s White House; and inaugurations have long been a way for donors to get close to the president.) But Mr. Trump, not his campaign, personally benefited from the crypto investments.

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The standards of White House conduct related to maintaining proper distance from acts of bribery, perceived or real, have demonstrably deteriorated over the years. In 1958, White House chief of staff Sherman Adams was forced to resign from the Eisenhower administration because he had accepted a vicuña overcoat and a rug from a Boston businessman under investigation by the Federal Trade Commission.

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Russell Riley

Professor of Ethics and Institutions, University of Virginia’s Miller Center

Has happened, but under different circumstances

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Attacked the media, including suing newspapers

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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President Trump has directed defamation lawsuits against The Wall Street Journal and The Times. He has also sued Paramount (before starting his second term) over a Kamala Harris interview; blocked reporters from parts of the White House where they’ve been allowed for decades; threatened to pull broadcasters’ licences over late-night hosts he dislikes; imposed restrictions on military reporters; and persuaded Congress to cut funding for public media.

IN THE PAST

No other sitting president has specifically filed a defamation lawsuit against a newspaper. (Theodore Roosevelt did sue a small-town newspaper for libel for accusations of drunkenness, but only after leaving office.)

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There is, however, a long history of attempts by presidential administrations to pressure the news media over critical coverage. Abraham Lincoln shut down pro-Confederacy newspapers during the Civil War and arrested their editors; in World War I, the government charged some journalists who opposed the war under the Espionage Act; the Nixon administration tried to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers. Nixon also listed journalists on his “enemies list” and ordered wiretaps of reporters.

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On July 1, 1971, The Times resumed publication of its series of articles based on the secret Pentagon papers, after it was given the green light by the U.S. Supreme Court. Jim Wells/Associated Press

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White House grumping about critical coverage is an age-old feature of the Washington community. But rarely has this gone beyond a sharp elbow in the press room or maybe a back-channel call to the publisher to yelp.

Russell Riley

Professor of Ethics and Institutions, University of Virginia’s Miller Center

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Not uncommon

A few of Mr. Trump’s moves are, if not standard practice, still actions that other U.S. presidents have taken in recent decades.

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Put on a military parade

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

In June, President Trump presided over a procession of troops, weaponry and military vehicles in Washington in commemoration of the Army’s 250th birthday and his own 79th.

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IN THE PAST

Large-scale military parades aren’t uncommon, though they often happen during or at the close of a war. Among other examples, George H.W. Bush held a large military parade in 1991 after the Persian Gulf War, and John F. Kennedy hosted one during his inaugural in 1961, at the height of the Cold War.

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Soldiers of the allied coalition carried their national flags past President George H.W. Bush during the National Victory Parade in Washington in 1991. Ron Edmonds/Associated Press

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Not uncommon

Established fast-track visas for wealthy immigrants

TRUMP’S ACTIONS

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The president has launched a program that is intended to allow people to buy legal residency in the U.S. with a $1 million “contribution” to the U.S. government.

IN THE PAST

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The U.S. has long had a program that allows entrance to wealthy immigrants: the EB-5 program, for people willing to invest $1 million (less in some circumstances) in a business that would hire Americans. President Trump’s program is new in style — it’s called the “gold card” — but not in function.

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Bill Clinton created the Immigrant Investor Pilot Program, with Obama extending the idea to the Regional Center Pilot Program. It’s actually not a new thing what President Trump is doing.

Thomas Balcerski

Presidential Historian, Eastern Connecticut State University

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Not uncommon

Helped broker an agreement for a cease-fire in Gaza, and an exchange of hostages and prisoners

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

The administration’s deal between Hamas and Israel in October — which Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, helped broker — resulted in a cease-fire and the release of the remaining Israeli hostages and hundreds of Palestinian prisoners.

IN THE PAST

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It’s common for American presidents to step in and help negotiate deals between Israel and Arab nations; President Biden negotiated a cease-fire and prisoner exchange, though the deal fell apart.

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President Trump should be applauded for his effort in the Mideast. This is his greatest foreign policy achievement so far.

Wilbur C. Rich

Emeritus Professor of Political Science, Wellesley College

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President Bill Clinton with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel and Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization at the signing ceremony for the 1993 Oslo Accords. Paul Hosefros/The New York Times

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Not uncommon

Pulled back United Nations funding

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump has withdrawn or frozen U.S. funding for several agencies within the U.N., including the World Health Organization and the Human Rights Council.

IN THE PAST

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The Reagan administration, claiming mismanagement at the U.N., withheld funds in the 1980s. George W. Bush withheld money from the U.N.’s Population Fund over concerns about abortion and other family planning issues.

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A clip from a New York Times article in July 2002. TimesMachine

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The anti-U.N. rhetoric has been part of the Republican political discourse for some time.

Manisha Sinha

Professor of American History, University of Connecticut

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Not uncommon

Attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities

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TRUMP’S ACTIONS

President Trump ordered an attack on three key nuclear sites in Iran in June, without seeking congressional authorization.

IN THE PAST

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Though Mr. Trump was the first to bomb Iranian nuclear sites, previous administrations have engaged in sabotage of Iranian nuclear systems — including the George W. Bush and Obama administrations’ development and use of the computer worm Stuxnet. (That was a destructive program that targeted centrifuges and delayed Tehran’s ability to make nuclear weapons.)

More broadly, presidents have long taken military actions without congressional sign-off.

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About the data

For this project, we reached out to dozens of historians and political scientists, including some participants of C-SPAN’s Presidential Historians Survey. We asked them to provide us with relevant precedent to specific Trump actions, if there were any, and to describe how those precedents were and were not similar to what Mr. Trump has done.

We received responses from 36 experts. In addition to those we quoted, we used notes and research from: Andrew Bacevich, Paul Brandus, Vernon Burton, Jeffrey Engel, Michael A. Genovese, Harold Holzer, Chandler James, Scott Kaufman, Thomas J. Knock, Douglas L. Kriner, Allan Lichtman, Bruce Miroff, Barbara Perry, Gary Richardson, Robert Schmuhl, Craig Shirley, Brooks Simpson, Robert Strong, Tevi Troy, Mark K. Updegrove, Ted Widmer, B. Dan Wood and David B. Woolner.

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We categorized actions based on the overall responses, along with additional reporting and research.

Justin Vaughn and Brandon Rottinghaus of the Presidential Greatness Project assisted in establishing a list of historians and constructing the initial survey.

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