Education
How the G.O.P. Went From Championing Campus Free Speech to Fighting It

As conservatives fought against cancel culture on college campuses, they developed a particular fondness for the First Amendment. It was un-American, they argued, to punish someone for exercising their right to speak freely.
Today, however, many of those same conservatives, now in power in state and federal government, are behind a growing crackdown on political expression at universities, in ways that try to sidestep the Constitution’s free-speech guarantees.
President Trump and Republican lawmakers say that new laws and policies are necessary to protect students from harmful and objectionable content, to prevent harassment and to discourage conformity.
To that end, Mr. Trump has threatened to withhold hundreds of millions of federal dollars from universities because they moved too slowly to quell protests that left many Jewish students feeling threatened. And Republicans in state legislatures have drafted sweeping prohibitions against classroom “indoctrination” and the display of certain L.G.B.T.Q. symbols. They have also demanded the removal of art they consider inappropriate.
In some cases, the Trump administration has said existing federal law already gives the president all the power he needs to act. When Mr. Trump said he would deport student activists, for example, he claimed to be acting in the interest of American foreign policy.
Tellingly, administration officials have said they are not bound by the First Amendment when it comes to noncitizens.
“This is not about free speech,” said Secretary of State Marco Rubio. “This is about people that don’t have a right to be in the United States to begin with. No one has a right to a student visa. No one has a right to a green card.”
Critics of this broad approach, including some on the right, say Republicans are being just as heavy-handed and censorious as they claimed the left was toward them.
“That makes the situation so much worse,” said Greg Lukianoff, chief executive of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, a free-speech group that often represents moderates and conservatives who claim they’ve been retaliated against for their political views.
“Now we have all this federal pressure and pressure from state governments — sometimes really direct and clear, and sometimes hazy and confusing,” he said, adding, “There’s a lot fewer people who care about the nonpartisan defense of free speech now.”
For many First Amendment experts and academics, the new laws and orders reveal an especially insidious threat: Public officials who are willing to marshal the power of the state against people whose views they dislike.
“A number of people in elected office have gotten extraordinarily comfortable with the idea that they should use that office to control the spread of ideas and information,” said Jonathan Friedman, a managing director at PEN America, a free speech advocacy group.
“And at a fundamental level, that’s what makes all of this so dangerous,” Mr. Friedman added.
While the federal government’s role in some aspects of education is fairly limited, it does hold powerful tools that the Trump administration has been eager to use. It can launch civil rights investigations, for instance, or withhold research grants.
States, which provide more funding for public schools and universities than the federal government does, have greater leverage and control.
Legislation approved last month by the Ohio State Senate sets parameters for the discussion of any “controversial belief or policy” at state universities — including climate change, electoral politics, abortion and immigration. The bill demands that faculty members “shall not seek to indoctrinate any social, political, or religious point of view.”
Sponsors say its purpose is to “allow students to exercise their right to free speech without threat of reprisal.” If it becomes law, universities would also be required to post all undergraduate course syllabuses online, along with the professor’s contact information and professional qualifications.
Many states have taken aim at diversity, equity and inclusion programs in university hiring and admissions. But Republicans in Arizona are going further, by trying to remove the subject entirely from the classroom. The State Senate approved a bill this month that would deny funding to any public college or university that teaches about contemporary American society through the academic framework of concepts including “critical theory, whiteness, systemic racism, institutional racism, antiracism, microaggressions.”
A bill awaiting the governor’s signature in Utah would outlaw pride flags at public schools and on government property.
In some cases, Republicans have directly interfered with campus activities. Students at the University of North Texas took down a pro-Palestinian art exhibit last month after a Republican lawmaker complained that it referred to genocide in Hebrew.
At Texas A&M University, officials banned drag performances on campus, saying it was “inconsistent” with the university’s values to host events that “involve biological males dressing in women’s clothing.”
The American education system has long been a target for conservatives, many of whom see it as hostile to their values. In the last few years, the country’s most explosive political and cultural clashes — over Covid policy, racial inequality, gender identity, immigration, Gaza — have played out with intensity on campus quads, at school board meetings and in the classroom.
Disruptive student protests have been an animating issue for Mr. Trump. In 2017, he suggested revoking funding from the University of California, Berkeley, after the university canceled an appearance by the professional right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos.
Today, Mr. Trump — who declared in his recent address to Congress that he had “brought back free speech” — continues to antagonize academia, but this time he is using the power of the presidency.
After his administration announced that it was canceling $400 million in funding for Columbia University, accusing it of failing to protect students and faculty members from “antisemitic violence and harassment,” legal scholars called the move an existential threat to academic freedom.
“Never has the government brought such leverage against an institution of higher education,” said Lee C. Bollinger, the former president of Columbia University.
Some conservatives said this kind of action is overdue and unsurprising.
“When you take federal funds, you agree to abide by all kinds of rules,” said Ilya Shapiro, director of constitutional studies at the conservative Manhattan Institute. Universities agree, for instance, to abide by certain accounting standards and anti-discrimination policies.
Those rules are not always enforced consistently, Mr. Shapiro said. Nor is the Trump administration “exactly being legally precise” in a lot of what it has done, he added.
“But part of this vibe shift that elected Trump is wanting law and order in a lot of ways,” Mr. Shapiro said. “And that includes on college campuses.”
The arrest earlier this month of Mahmoud Khalil, a green-card holder who was born in Syria and studied at Columbia, was one of the most aggressive moves yet by the Trump administration in its effort to punish pro-Palestinian demonstrators. Mr. Khalil served as a spokesman for a student group that embraces hard-line anti-Israel rhetoric and says it supports liberation for Palestinians “by any means necessary, including armed resistance.”
In announcing the arrest, the Department of Homeland Security accused Mr. Khalil of aligning himself with Hamas, a designated terrorist organization. Voicing support for such causes is not, however, a crime, and the Supreme Court has declared all manner of hateful speech to be protected by the First Amendment, including cheering the deaths of soldiers at their funerals and, in certain cases, cross burnings.
“It can’t be a crime — or even a civil offense — simply to hold and express heinous views,” said Ann Coulter, the conservative firebrand whose college speeches have been the targets of protesters and have sometimes been threatened with violence.
Ms. Coulter, an immigration hard-liner who acknowledged that she had rarely heard of a deportation that she didn’t support, said the president would be setting a terrible precedent by making protected speech — as offensive as it may be — a reason for deporting a legal green card holder like Mr. Khalil.
But Eugene Volokh, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, said that the law is not always clear when the speech of noncitizens is at issue. And he said that Mr. Trump’s attempts to punish noncitizens seemed consistent in many ways with powers that Congress had already given presidents.
Does that mean that Mr. Khalil can be deported for protesting, which is a constitutionally protected act? “The only honest answer,” Mr. Volokh said, “is we don’t know.”
Conservatives have tested the scope of the First Amendment in other ways recently. Ed Martin, the Trump-appointed interim U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, told the dean of Georgetown University Law Center that he had begun an “inquiry” into the school’s teaching and promotion of diversity, equity and inclusion — and insisted that he would not hire students from any university that continues to offer such programs.
In response, the school’s dean, William Treanor, wrote in a letter that the First Amendment guarantees Georgetown, a private, Catholic institution, “its abilities to determine, on academic grounds, who may teach, what to teach, and how to teach it.”
“This is a bedrock principle of constitutional law,” Mr. Treanor continued, “recognized not only by the courts, but by the administration in which you serve.”

Education
At Black Colleges, a Stubborn Gender Enrollment Gap Keeps Growing

Before stepping foot on Howard University’s campus, Skylar Wilson knew she would see more women there than men. But just how many more stunned her: Howard, one of the most elite historically Black colleges and universities in the nation, is only 25 percent men — 19 percent Black men.
“I was like, ‘Wow,’” said Ms. Wilson, a 20-year-old junior. “How is that possible?”
Howard is not unique. The number of Black men attending four-year colleges has plummeted across the board. And nowhere is this deficit more pronounced than at historically Black colleges and universities, or H.B.C.U.s. Black men account for 26 percent of the students at H.B.C.U.s, down from an already low 38 percent in 1976, according to the American Institute for Boys and Men. There are now about as many non-Black students attending H.B.C.U.s as there are Black men.
The decline has profound implications for economic mobility, family formation and wealth generation. Raj Chetty, a Harvard economist who uses large data sets to study economic opportunity, has found that the income gap between America’s Black and white populations is entirely driven by differences in men’s economic circumstances, not women’s.
The causes are many. Higher college costs, the immediate financial needs of Black families, high suspension rates in high school and a barrage of negative messages about academic potential all play roles in the decline of Black male enrollment and college completion. Howard estimates that its cost of attendance for undergraduates easily exceeds $50,000 a year.
“If we are serious about reducing race gaps in economic opportunity, household wealth, et cetera, then our attention should be squarely focused on economic outcomes for Black boys and men — period. Full stop,” said Richard Reeves, president of the American Institute for Boys and Men.
But now programs designed to nurture Black academic achievement may be dismantled by the Trump administration, which deems them “racist” diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. Cultural centers, mentorship programs, work force recruitment activities and scholarship programs are all threatened by the White House’s promise to cut funding to universities that do not eliminate what it calls racial preferences.
On Wednesday, Mr. Trump asked the Supreme Court to allow him to terminate more than $600 million in teacher training grants, which would decimate two of the Education Department’s largest professional development programs. Both were designed to place teachers in underserved schools and diversify the educational work force.
“It’s a perpetuating cycle,” said Dr. Cheryl Holcomb-McCoy, chief executive of the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education. “If you don’t see other Black male educators, then it’s hard for you to see yourself in that position.”
On Thursday, the Department of Health and Human Services targeted California medical schools for maintaining what Trump administration officials called “discriminatory race-based admissions,” though bolstering the number of Black doctors has long been a goal of the medical establishment.
“Put simply, educational institutions may neither separate or segregate students based on race, nor distribute benefits or burdens based on race,” Craig Trainor, the Education Department’s acting assistant secretary for civil rights, wrote in a memo to universities in February.
Black educators say burdens are already distributed unfairly. Society undermines Black men’s belief in their own potential, starting from early education and continuing through professional development, said Dr. Derrick Brooms, executive director of the Black Men’s Research Institute at Morehouse College, an elite, all-male H.B.C.U. in Atlanta.
Colleges like Howard may be the starkest of manifestations. Payton Garcia, a Howard sophomore, recalled being one of three men in his introduction to philosophy class, which has about 30 students.
“We did a Cuba trip,” he recalled. “I was the only male that was in the class.”
Recent shifts in higher education, driven in part by conservative policies in Washington, have wrought large changes in predominantly Black colleges, positive and negative. The Supreme Court’s ban on race-based college admissions drove up interest in some H.B.C.U.s and strengthened the application pool overall, Dr. Brooms said. But he’s still concerned about the long-term trend.
Dr. Brooms said at this point, Morehouse may have to re-evaluate its recruitment strategy, including looking abroad: “Perhaps there may be some Black men in Canada who may want to attend.”
On campuses like Howard’s, the gender disparity is understood. Women run the place.
“Everybody knows that the women dominate this campus,” said Tamarus Darby Jr., a 20-year-old sophomore at Howard.
“You see predominantly women out here running for positions, and then you see their friends, young women, showing up for them and supporting them,” he said. “It’s different for the men.”
According to students and faculty at Howard, Black male students can have a difficult time finding both themselves and a community.
One night last October, young men gathered in small groups on the Howard yard and wrote down what they were most afraid of — “I have a fear of failure,” said Joshua Hughes, a senior who led the “burning of the fears” that night. “I have a fear of letting my family down. I have a fear of not living up to my full potential.”
Some read their fears aloud before tossing their writings into a giant firepit as a drum line banged African djembes.
In 2019, Calvin Hadley, then a senior adviser to Howard’s president, was asked how Howard could better engage men on campus. He put together a survey of students, faculty and staff, and then hosted several barbershop listening sessions. Something clicked.
“We had these very detailed, emotional conversations around manhood, around masculinity, around relationships,” said Mr. Hadley, now Howard’s assistant provost for academic partnerships and student engagement.
Male fears can work against college attendance, students said. Fears of failure may deter Black men from higher education, even as fears of letting their families down drive them prematurely into the work force, before their earning potential can be reached.
Mr. Darby said many of his friends didn’t have parents or family who attended college, or they thought the costs were prohibitive. “So they were trying to find those other avenues to make money and to be successful, not thinking that college was the number one thing that was going to get you there,” he said.
As a middle schooler, Jerrain Holmes, a 20-year-old sophomore, recalled thinking: “College? What is college?” He added, “I knew I just wanted a job.”
But in his Detroit-area high school, he enrolled in a college readiness program, and it made all the difference.
“As a general proposition, young men are arriving on college campuses less skilled academically than women,” Mr. Reeves said. “That’s even more true of men of color, Black men.”
That leads to problems of completion, which are at least as significant as declining enrollment.
The first year of college is crucial for male retention, and a lack of services can lead young men to feel isolated or that they don’t belong, Dr. Brooms said.
“If you can show you can keep people, that folks can persist to graduation, that becomes a recruitment tool itself,” said Dr. Brooms.
On a recent warm, breezy spring day on campus, Howard students lay on blankets, chatting. Some set up tables to sell merchandise, displaying the famed entrepreneurial “Howard hustle.” Others campaigned for student senate or royal court. The gender disparity was on the minds of the students.
Christian Bernard, a 22-year-old senior from affluent Potomac, Md., is a third-generation legacy student. He was on the yard selling items from his clothing brand, emblazoned with the slogan “Worth It.” He started the brand amid the turmoil and grief of June 2020, after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer and the swell of Black Lives Matter demonstrations.
He chose Howard for its soccer program and his family ties. Before injuries derailed his athletic career, he made strong friendships with his teammates.
“There’s a lot of male camaraderie here at Howard,” he said.
Those studying the challenges that young Black men face are careful to avoid a battle of the sexes. Women have faced historical challenges of their own. Some people perceive female gains as a threat to men in a zero-sum battle for resources and power.
Mr. Reeves said that is a mistake, particularly when it comes to family formation.
Asking the young men on campus how the gender gap affects dating will draw a sheepish grin. They understand their advantage.
Young women are thinking about it too. “Those ratios,” said Nevaeh Fincher, a sophomore, can be “rough.”
“A lot of the boys feel like they’ve got options,” Ms. Fincher said, “which, if we’re being honest, they do.”
The lack of college-educated Black men could change family structures and bread winning patterns, placing more financial burdens on Black women. College-educated Black women already have higher lifetime earnings than college-educated white women because they work more years over the course of their lives, despite lower annual earnings, according to the Kansas City Federal Reserve.
For young women who care about the future of Black America, in general, all of this is alarming.
“We see a lot of school programs and districts that are giving up on students and giving up on Black men before they even give them a chance,” said Ms. Wilson. She’s seen it in the male students she mentors, who say their teachers don’t offer much encouragement.
“They expect them to be bad,” she said. “They expect them to be problems.”
Education
Video: Why Is ICE Detaining College Students?

The Trump administration is trying to deport pro-Palestinian students who are legally in the United States, citing national security. First Amendment experts say that violates free speech protections. Anemona Hartocollis, a national reporter for The New York Times covering higher education, looks at the students’ legal cases and how the Trump administration’s actions could change the culture of American universities.
Education
Leaders of Harvard’s Middle Eastern Studies Center Will Leave

Two of the leaders of Harvard University’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the director and associate director, will be leaving their positions, according to two professors with direct knowledge of the moves.
The department had been under criticism from alumni that it had an anti-Israel bias, and the university more broadly has been under intense pressure from the federal government to address accusations of antisemitism on campus.
The director, Cemal Kafadar, a professor of Turkish studies, and the associate director, Rosie Bsheer, a historian of the Middle East, did not respond to messages seeking comment on Friday.
The news was first reported by The Harvard Crimson, the student newspaper. A spokesman for the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences, James Chisholm, declined to comment, saying only that the matter was a personnel matter.
David Cutler, the interim dean of Social Science, announced in an email on Wednesday obtained by The New York Times that Dr. Kafadar would be stepping down from his post at the end of the academic year.
Dr. Cutler did not respond to a message late Friday.
Faculty members who have spoken with both professors say each believes they were forced out of their posts.
Harvard has been under a microscope over its response to accusations of antisemitism on campus. The university has also been under pressure from Republicans to be more welcoming to conservative viewpoints.
On Tuesday, Hopi Hoekstra, the dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, which houses the Middle East center, sent a letter to all center heads asking what changes they would make in furtherance of intellectual diversity, according to an email obtained by The Times.
Dr. Hoekstra asked that the center heads be prepared to discuss, among other things, the degree to which their programs and seminars met “goals of diversity of and exposure to different ideas, perspectives and topics.” The email also asked the center leaders how they promoted “respectful dialogue across controversial topics” and the changes they would make.
This is a moment of precariousness for international students and scholars who study the Middle East. Last week, under pressure from the Trump administration, Columbia University agreed to a list of demands, including placing its Middle East, South Asian and African Studies department, along with its Center for Palestine Studies, under the review of an administrator.
On Friday evening, Columbia announced that it was replacing its current president for the second time in less than a year, amid controversy over how it had agreed to those demands.
The executive committee of Harvard’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors condemned “the abrupt termination” of the center’s leaders in a statement.
“In the context of recent events, the decision appears to be a shameful attempt to escape punishment from the Trump administration for engaging in academic discussions about topics the president disfavors,” the statement said. “These firings cede the university’s decision-making authority to bullies and bad-faith actors committed to silencing speech with which they disagree.”
Asli Bali, the president of the Middle East Studies Association, said in an interview late Friday that Columbia’s decision to bend to the Trump administration could be a “death knell” for Middle East programs.
“Now their universities are on notice that the government is looking for a settlement that includes abridging the autonomy of centers and departments devoted to the study of the Middle East,” Professor Bali said.
She added: “I’ve never seen anything comparable to this. This is totally unprecedented.”
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