Culture
For Michael Jordan, it got personal, and now NASCAR could be forever changed
In “The Last Dance,” ESPN’s documentary on the 1997-98 Chicago Bulls, Michael Jordan never actually said “And I took that personally.” That line is the stuff of memes, but Jordan did not utter it.
What Jordan really said was this: “It became personal with me.” Maybe it’s a small difference, but the actual quote packs more of a punch.
Read it again: “It became personal with me.” Instead of merely saying I’m offended by that, the context translates more to You’ve crossed into different territory now. You’ve awoken something inside of me.
As even the most casual of sports fans know, that’s pretty scary when it comes to Michael Jordan — a man who would rather get a root canal every day for the rest of his life than lose at anything. And if someone thinks they can make Jordan look like a fool while beating him? Buckle up.
Somewhere, hidden between the lines of a 46-page antitrust lawsuit filed Wednesday in federal court, that message was sent loud and clear. Less than a month ago, it appeared NASCAR essentially won its lengthy charter battle with race teams by convincing 13 of the 15 owners to sign new agreements. Jim France, the 79-year-old chairman and CEO of NASCAR and a member of its founding family, had seemed to succeed with his old-school approach after many were initially skeptical of his methods.
The owners raised a fuss for more than two years and complained about the terms of the deal, upset at how NASCAR used a divide-and-conquer strategy instead of dealing with them as a group. But ultimately, France held firm and used NASCAR’s weight to strong-arm the teams. When a final deadline was given, almost all of them got in line and signed.
Jordan’s 23XI Racing, along with Front Row Motorsports, suddenly found themselves isolated. The powerhouse team owners like Rick Hendrick and Roger Penske left the holdouts to fend for themselves, and they seemingly had no leverage to do anything about it.
Jordan’s team stood to be the biggest losers after making the most noise, all while looking silly in the process of accomplishing nothing.
“Do they really think they’re going to get a better deal by dragging this out?” one team executive scoffed.
Is it possible that somehow, with all that is known about Jordan, he was still underestimated? If so, that seems like a grave miscalculation. Regardless of the lawsuit’s outcome, NASCAR has a serious case on its hands, brought by the same attorney — Jeffrey Kessler — responsible for changing the landscape in other major professional sports (as well as college athletics).
As of now, it seems hard to believe this situation could actually be decided by the courts. NASCAR and France would have to completely open their books, exposing financial records to the public that provide a first-of-their-kind peek behind the curtain of how the money really flows through big-league stock car racing. After all, it’s more likely NASCAR and the teams would settle, perhaps addressing some of the key items that were rejected or ignored during the negotiations (or lack thereof, if you ask the owners).
Either way, the suit threatens NASCAR’s virtual undefeated streak in matters like these. NASCAR has always prevailed when challenged, with the France family’s ability to retain power and control passed down and practiced over multiple generations. It has given the aura that taking on NASCAR in any significant way will always end poorly, and that’s been largely accepted by those in the garage as the cost of doing business.
Michael Jordan looks on during qualifying at Nashville Superspeedway in June 2023. His 23XI Racing is in its fourth season in the Cup Series. (Logan Riely / Getty Images)
It’s entirely possible that could happen again now, with NASCAR emerging unscathed. Perhaps the courts won’t agree with 23XI and Front Row, and maybe there’s no pathway to a reasonable settlement other than a few minor concessions that allow both sides to declare victory and move on. Perhaps it’s enough just to increase transparency on both sides; while we don’t know the closely held details of NASCAR’s finances, we also haven’t seen the teams’ books (aside from their constant claims of losing money or barely breaking even).
Both parties should show where the money is going, and that might help the sport more than anything. Is it really that the France family is greedy and keeping most of the revenue for themselves? Or are some teams crying poor while actually generating plenty of money? Until that transparency comes to fruition, it’s unlikely both sides will ever truly get on the same page.
This suit could be the catalyst. The longer this goes on, the greater the chance this legal action delivers significant, unprecedented change to NASCAR. And Jordan is not likely to settle for anything less.
“We can’t give you a specific, ‘This will do it.’ There must be significant change,” said Kessler, the attorney. “No one is bringing this type of fight, this type of lawsuit, to move from a (Grade) D-plus deal to a D deal. That is not going to happen.”
And make no mistake: Even though 23XI co-owner Denny Hamlin and Front Row’s Bob Jenkins are fully on board, it’s unlikely all of this would have happened without Jordan.
If Hamlin were on his own, could he really stare down the prospect of losing close to $100 million in charters and not blink? Without 23XI, would Jenkins really be the lone holdout among the team owners and take NASCAR to court by himself?
It’s impossible to imagine the various implications that could accompany a successful suit. Would NASCAR be forced to sell its tracks? Make the teams partners in a league, like NFL and NBA owners?
If the teams end up prevailing or at least sparking meaningful change in how the Cup Series operates — making stock car racing more lucrative and attracting further investments in the process — it would somehow only add to Jordan’s sports legacy. He would not just be a transformational figure in basketball, but credited with something that would have been unthinkable even five years ago: Being the figure who helped alter the face of NASCAR forever.
GO DEEPER
Why are 23XI and Front Row suing NASCAR? Here’s what you need to know
(Top photo of Michael Jordan: Jared C. Tilton / Getty Images)
Culture
Book Review: ‘America, U.S.A.,’ by Eddie S. Glaude Jr.
AMERICA, U.S.A.: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries, by Eddie S. Glaude Jr.
For those of us in the national memory-keeping business, anniversaries hold near-totemic power. Satisfyingly round units of time, ideally bearing fancy, Latin-derived names, serve as the overburdened pegs on which to hang think pieces and museum exhibits, revisionist documentaries and maudlin public ceremonies. The arbitrary nature of such occasions is precisely what gives them their charge, inviting us to set aside complacency and submit to a comprehensive check-in.
In his new book, “America, U.S.A.,” Eddie S. Glaude Jr. presents an intriguing variation on the genre, seeing the country’s 250th birthday as an anniversary of anniversaries: 50 years since the malaise-ridden, schlock-heavy Bicentennial. A century since the subdued Prohibition-era Sesquicentennial. A century and a half since telegraphed reports of George Armstrong Custer’s defeat by the Lakota and Cheyenne at Little Bighorn rudely interrupted the Gilded Age Republic’s 100th birthday party.
If an anniversary offers a snapshot of a moment, the core of Glaude’s book is an old-timey photo album, a collection of notable episodes from earlier national reckonings, long-ago glances in the mirror. An estimable scholar of Black history, politics and religion at Princeton — best known for “Begin Again,” his 2020 meditation on James Baldwin’s relevance for our times — Glaude focuses, as his subtitle puts it, on “how race shadows the nation’s anniversaries.”
Such celebrations, he contends, have never really been the moments for honest self-reflection they are often advertised to be. Instead, the nation usually shatters the mirror, refusing to accept what it prefers not to see. “American anniversaries are often moments to turn a blind eye to the evils of the past and the present,” Glaude writes, “to suppress the fact of America’s divided soul.”
It’s a clever concept, and, needless to say, perfectly timed. Last year, Glaude notes, the Trump administration executed a hostile takeover of the government’s studiously bipartisan 250th anniversary planning. It is now preparing a program that is certain to conceal more than it reveals about the country ostensibly being celebrated.
Glaude, in no mood for celebration, argues that such omissions and evasions also defined commemorations in the past. In 1875, Frederick Douglass predicted “one grand Centennial hosannah of peace and good will to all the white race of this country.” He was right: The nation reached 100 years old at a crucial moment in the post-Civil War fight over racial equality, with white Northerners ready to give up on Southern Reconstruction. The occasion would help the once-warring sections to reunite around a shared commitment to white supremacy. On May 10, 1876, at the opening of the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, the police tried to bar Douglass from the grandstand, until a white politician vouched for him.
The 150th anniversary came soon after a resurgent Ku Klux Klan successfully pushed for a restrictive immigration law aimed at keeping America a “Nordic” nation. At the lavishly funded, lightly attended celebrations in Philadelphia, Black veterans of World War I were excluded from marching in the opening parade. A writer with The Associated Negro Press wondered “what was in the breast of those black men who fought to make America safe for Democracy and on Monday stood on the sidelines, forgotten, as the Nordic strode by in all his vain pride.”
By 1976, when the nation marked its Bicentennial, the violence of the ’60s had destroyed any semblance of consensus. Vietnam and Watergate had eroded trust in the government. The commission initially tasked with organizing the anniversary was disbanded amid reports of corruption. Corporations filled the vacuum, Glaude explains, with “star-spangled whoopee cushions; patriotic toilet seats; Liberty hamburgers; red, white and blue beer cans.” The author, around 8 years old at the time, dimly remembers donning a pair of tricolor trousers.
A half-century later, Glaude is refreshingly honest about the depths of his despair. “I do not love America, and never have, especially now,” he writes in one of the more startling opening sentences I’ve read in some time. He dismisses this year’s Semiquincentennial as reaching back “to a storybook America that requires either the banishment of Black people from view or the reduction of our role in the country’s history, so as to affirm America’s ongoing quest to be a more perfect union.”
Undoubtedly true. But Trump doesn’t own the country, at least not yet, nor the 250th anniversary of one of the most radically liberatory and confusingly contradictory events in world history — an inspiration, as Glaude shows, even to critical observers of the American experiment, like Douglass. Far from the revanchist MAGA-palooza in Washington, I suspect this summer’s unasked-for invitation to national soul-searching may surprise us yet.
Despite his despair, Glaude concludes that “the past still offers resources for us to freedom-dream.” So, too, does this book.
AMERICA, U.S.A.: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries | By Eddie S. Glaude Jr. | Crown | 270 pp. | $31
Culture
Summer’s Best Beach Reads
Take me to visit a dysfunctional family with oceanfront real estate
by Meg Mitchell Moore
Moore is a dependable ingredient in any summer reading soufflé. Her airy novels accomplish what they came to do: entertain and transport, without the pyrotechnics of, say, books that eschew quotation marks. In “Down With the Shipmans,” three sisters, laden with baggage, converge on their late mother’s beach cottage, only to learn that their father and his much younger wife are planning to sell the place.
The stakes are high, the drama is juicy and the views are sublime. Moore even provides two beach dogs — Leo (an unruly pit bull mix) and Cinnamon (“golden retriever, red bandanna, long pink tongue”) — to keep things lively. (Comes out June 2)
Culture
Video: The A.I. threat to audiobooks
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