Business
Why America’s ‘Beautiful Beef’ Is a Trade War Sore Point for Europe
Hendrik Dierendonck, a second-generation butcher who has become, as he describes it, “world famous in Belgium” for his curated local beef, thinks Europe’s way of raising cattle results in varied and delicious cuts that European consumers prize.
“They want hormone-free, grass-fed,” Mr. Dierendonck explained recently as he cut steaks at a bloody chopping block in his Michelin-starred restaurant, which backs onto the butchery his father started in the 1970s. “They want to know where it came from.”
Strict European Union food regulations, including a ban on hormones, govern Mr. Dierendonck’s work. And those rules could turn into a trade-war sticking point. The Trump administration argues that American meat, produced without similar regulations, is better — and wants Europe to buy more of it, and other American farm products.
“They hate our beef because our beef is beautiful,” Howard Lutnick, the commerce secretary, said in a televised interview last month. “And theirs is weak.”
Questions of beauty and strength aside, the administration is right about one thing: European policymakers are not keen on allowing more hormone-raised American steaks and burgers into the European Union.
Further opening the European market to American farmers is just one ask on a laundry list of requests from the Trump team. American negotiators also want Europe to buy more American gas and trucks, to change their consumption taxes and to weaken their digital regulations.
Trade officials within the European Union are willing to make many concessions to avert a painful and protracted trade war and to avert higher tariffs. They have offered to drop car tariffs to zero, to buy more gas and to increase military purchases. Negotiators have even suggested they could buy more of certain agricultural products, like soy beans.
But Europeans have their limits, and those include America’s treated T-bones and acid-washed chicken breasts.
“E.U. standards, particularly as they relate to food, health and safety, are sacrosanct — that’s not part of the negotiation, and never will be,” Olof Gill, a spokesman for the European Commission, the E.U. administrative arm, said at a recent news conference. “That’s a red line.”
It is not clear how serious the Americans are about pushing for farm products like beef and chicken. But the topic has surfaced repeatedly. When U.S. officials unveiled a trade deal with Britain on Thursday, for instance, beef was part of the agreement.
But according to Britain, the deal would simply make it cheaper for Americans to export more hormone-free beef to the country and would not weaken British health and safety rules, which are similar to those in the E.U.
When it comes to the European Union, the United States can already export a large amount of hormone-free beef without facing tariffs, so an equivalent deal would do little to help American farmers.
But diplomats and European officials have repeatedly insisted that there is no wiggle room to lower those health and safety standards. And when it comes to meat-related trade restrictions more broadly, there is very little. Chicken, for instance, faces relatively high tariffs, and there is limited appetite to lower those rates.
That’s because Europe is protective of both its food culture and its farms.
Where America tends to have massive agricultural businesses, Europeans have maintained a more robust network of smaller family operations. The 27-nation bloc has about nine million farms, compared with about two million in the United States.
Subsidies and trade restrictions help to keep Europe’s agricultural system intact. The European Union allocates a big chunk of its budget to supporting farmers, and a mix of tariffs and quotas limit competition in sensitive areas. E.U. tariffs on agricultural products are around 11 percent overall, based on World Trade Organization estimates, though they vary hugely by product.
And the bloc could place higher tariffs on U.S. farm goods if trade negotiations fall through. Their list of products that could face retaliatory levies, published Thursday, includes beef and pork, along with many soy products and bourbon.
But it’s not just tariffs limiting European imports of American food. Strict health and safety standards also keep many foreign products off European grocery shelves.
Take beef. Mr. Dierendonck and other European farmers are banned from using growth stimulants, unlike in the United States, where cattle are often raised on large feedlots with the use of hormones. European safety officials have concluded that they cannot rule out health risks for humans from hormone-raised beef.
To Mr. Dierendonck, the rules also fit European preferences. The lack of hormones results in a less homogenous product. “Every terroir has its taste,” he explains, describing the unique “mouth feel” of the West Flemish Red cow he raises on his farm on the Belgian coast.
But farming beef without hormones is more expensive. And American exporters have to adhere to hormone limitations when they send steaks, hamburgers or dairy products to E.U. countries, which European farmers argue is only fair. Otherwise, imports produced using cheaper methods could put European farmers out of business.
“We cannot accept import products that do not meet our production standards,” said Dominique Chargé, a cattle farmer from the west of France who is also president of La Coopération Agricole, a national federation representing French agricultural cooperatives.
The result is that the United States does not sell much beef to Europe. It makes more economic sense for U.S. farmers to sell into markets that allow hormone-raised cattle.
One frequent American complaint is that European health standards are more about preference than actual health.
American scientists have called the risks of hormone use in cows minimal. And though E.U. officials and consumers frequently sneer at America’s “chlorinated chickens,” that rallying cry is a bit dated. American farmers have for years been using a vinegar-like acid, and not chlorine, to rinse poultry and kill potential pathogens.
Some studies in Europe have suggested that such treatments are not a replacement for raising a chicken in a way that makes it pathogen-free from the start. American scientists have concluded that the rinses do their job and are not harmful to humans.
“I don’t know that it’s really about the science,” said Dianna Bourassa, a microbiologist specializing in poultry at Auburn University. “In my microbiological opinion, there are no health implications.”
From the perspective of European farmers, though, whether the health risks are genuine is besides the point. So long as European voters oppose chemical-treated chicken and hormone-treated beef, Europe’s farmers cannot use those farming techniques.
“When you speak to our farmers, it’s about fairness,” explained Pieter Verhelst, a member of the executive board of a Belgian farmers’ union, Boerenbond. “The policy framework we start with is totally different, and those issues are mostly totally out of the hands of farmers.”
And European consumers do seem to support E.U. food and farming rules.
Farmer protests last year loudly opposed more beef imports from South American countries, in part over concerns that the cows might be raised with a growth hormone. An Obama-era trade deal died in part thanks to popular anger over “chlorine chicken” (“Chlorhünchen,” to derisive Germans.)
E.U. public opinion polling has suggested that policies that promote farming and farmers are very popular. In a 2020 poll fielded in-person across the bloc, nearly 90 percent of Europeans agreed with the idea that agricultural imports “should only enter the E.U. if their production has complied with the E.U.’s environmental and animal welfare standards.”
In Europe, including at Mr. Dierendonck’s butchery and farm, there’s a value placed on the old-fashioned, small-scale way of doing things, policymakers and farmers agreed. Mr. Dierendonck does buy some American beef for customers who ask for it — it’s easy to cook, he said — but it’s a small part of the business.
“I like American beef very much, but I don’t like it too much,” said Mr. Dierendonck, explaining that to him, the beef his European suppliers provide is varied, like a fine wine. “For me, it’s about keeping traditions alive.”
Business
‘It’s killing everything.’ California’s truckers are buckling under country’s priciest diesel
Record diesel prices are crushing California’s truckers, forcing them to adjust to avoid losses as they grapple with the most expensive pump prices in the country.
Greg Dubuque’s 40 drivers are in a constant diesel-devouring loop. Their big rigs pick up loads of electronics, office furniture and other goods around Los Angeles. They drive close to 1,000 miles through the Mojave Desert and over the Rocky Mountains to Denver. They bring back containers full of everything from pinto beans to home remodeling products.
One tank of gas for his vehicles cost $600 a couple of months ago. Today it costs $1,000. That’s a record high and more than 35% above the country’s average.
“California sets itself apart from the rest of the country when it comes to pricing,” said Dubuque, a third-generation trucker and general manager of Liberty Linehaul West. “Now it’s really out of control.”
The average price of a gallon of diesel in California got close to $7.75 this week, up 50% from a month ago, according to the American Automobile Assn. The national average of diesel is closer to $5.65 at recent peaks.
Dubuque, general manager of Liberty Linehaul West, says small truckers are hurting with out-of-control gas prices.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
The trucking industry was already reeling from a prolonged freight recession, a crackdown on immigrant drivers, and the adverse impacts of tariffs, all of which contributed to a significant increase in bankruptcy filings in the industry.
Now, the price shock from the war with Iran has become yet another headache for the beleaguered industry that hauls 70% of all freight in America.
“It’s got a tremendous impact on the industry,” said Eric Sauer, the chief executive of California Trucking Assn.
And it is not just truckers being affected. The rising prices of ground and air transportation will eventually be paid for by consumers.
The biggest companies are already passing the extra transportation costs on to consumers. FedEx, United Parcel Service, the U.S. Postal Service and Amazon said they will all start charging an extra fee. Amazon said it would apply a 3.5% charge to merchants for its fulfillment service. USPS will charge an 8% delivery fee for certain packages.
“The longer energy prices remain elevated, the more households will need to confront tradeoffs,” said Philip N. Jefferson, vice chairman of the Federal Reserve, at a recent lecture.
Liberty Linehaul West trucking company keeps a daily list of fuel prices to help its truckers on April 3 in Montebello, Calif.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
This could eventually dampen demand for other products and further hurt the economy, Jefferson noted.
“Families who depend on petroleum products to commute to jobs and school and to heat their homes may need to pull back on more discretionary forms of spending,” he said. “That could potentially result in lower spending at restaurants or retailers. It could also result in households carrying elevated levels of debt.”
Truckers often rely on fuel surcharges to cover rising fuel costs. It’s an industry practice for customers to pay a fuel surcharge, on top of the base freight rate, to offset unexpected fuel price increases. The fee is calculated based on a weekly diesel price index.
Sukhdeep Singh, who owns Merced County-based Cali Brothers Truck Lines, said standard surcharge policies are insufficient when there are wild swings in fuel prices.
“It’s killing everything,” he said.
Singh’s business faced challenges earlier this year when a crackdown on immigrant drivers led to sudden departures, shrinking the available labor pool and leaving 15 of his trucks unused. Despite the diminished fleet, his weekly fuel expenses have surged from $80,000 to $130,000.
Smaller trucking companies are getting hit first.
Major carriers with thousands of trucks have different ways to hedge against price fluctuations that insulate them from temporary volatility. They have long-term shipping contracts and have greater flexibility in surcharges.
Smaller carriers are often paid at a flat rate and have no certainty about whether they will recover the higher fuel costs.
On a recent trip to Denver, one of Dubuque’s trucks had to consider returning empty, as the going rate barely covered gas to get back to Los Angeles.
“I wouldn’t be able to cover my cost,” he said.
He has been instructing drivers to save on fuel by planning their routes, finding truck stops with the best rates, and avoiding California when possible.
“Where we’re trying to avoid buying fuel is here in the state of California,” he said.
He is also asking his regular customers to pitch in.
A Roadies Inc. truck, right, leaves for a delivery in Bakersfield on Nov. 29.
(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Liberty Linhaul West’s fleet also works with L.A.’s entertainment and event industries, transporting staging, lighting and other equipment for events such as the Oscars, Grammys and Country Music Awards. He’s started calling customers with whom he had flat rates to renegotiate prices.
“We started calling customers, saying, ‘Okay, we need some emergency help here,’” Dubuque said.
While he appreciates that the extra fees and restrictions on fuel help build roads and protect the environment in California, he would love to see more support from the state.
“I think the government needs to interact with the oil and fuel world and talk about how they can take this pain away from us, or at least try to lessen this blow,” he said.
Without an end to high oil prices or some help from the government, customers can expect the same sticker shock the trucking industry is struggling with.
“Whether you’re a grocer, a meatpacking plant, a vegetable grower, that cost has to be factored in, because it doesn’t matter who you are, you’re faced with it,” Dubuque said. “The impact was so hard and so fast, I would think we’re going to start seeing just another increase to the cost of goods for people.”
Business
Blank Street lands on the West Coast
A New York coffee startup known for its TikTok-friendly matcha drinks is making its West Coast debut.
Blank Street, the fast-growing, venture capital-backed coffee chain that launched during the pandemic, plans to open four stores in Los Angeles County this year, starting in Beverly Hills and Studio City. The first two stores will open in June.
Blank Street Chief Executive Issam Freiha told The Times he has long romanticized L.A. — the place where he fell in love with his wife — and hoped to open stores in the region, but held off until the company was fully ready.
Blank Street has spent several years refining its menu, sharpening its brand identity and developing a hospitality experience that can be scaled, he said. The “handoff” step, in which a barista calls a customer’s name and finishes making their drink in front of them, is a key part of that experience. Customers often record the moment and share it on TikTok.
The chain has nearly 100 global stores, many in New York City and London. Blank Streets are expected to open at the Sunset Plaza in West Hollywood and off the Pacific Coast Highway in Malibu in late fall.
Blank Street wanted to kick off its California expansion in Beverly Hills because of its high profile.
The city represents what most people envision when they think of L.A.: Rodeo Drive, the Beverly Hills Hotel and towering palm trees, said Evan Mateen, head of U.S. real estate for Blank Street. The location, a Tudor Revival-style building on Bedford Drive, was attractive for its visibility, parking spaces and proximity to daily services and salons, he said.
Blank Street’s roots trace back to 2020, when co-founders Freiha and Vinay Menda began selling coffee out of a pale-green coffee cart in the Williamsburg neighborhood of New York City.
They believed there was a gap in the coffee industry. On one end, there were innovative, high-end specialty coffee brands. On the other, there were chains setting the industry standard. They hoped to offer something in the middle, providing high-quality drinks in high-volume settings at an affordable price point.
“We don’t need to be the most amazing cup of coffee you’ve ever had,” Freiha told the New York Times in 2022. “We want to be the really good cup of coffee that you drink twice a day, every day.”
Investors loved the concept. The company raised $67 million in 2021 from investors including General Catalyst, the venture capital firm that funded Airbnb, and Tiger Global, the investment firm that backed shoe brand Allbirds, according to the New York Times. In 2023, a third co-founder, Ignacio Llado, joined, and the company transitioned from carts to small retail stores.
Freiha declined to disclose financials but said Blank Street has a $500-million valuation, is profitable and sells about three times as many drinks per store as it did three years ago.
Blank Street’s target demographic appears to be Gen Z. The company has partnered with celebrities like influencer Emma Chamberlain and singer Sabrina Carpenter, who “worked” a shift at a Blank Street in London to promote her 2024 song “Espresso.”
The chain is set to land on the West Coast on Friday, serving strawberry shortcake matchas and cherry glaze cold brew lattes to an invite-only crowd at Kendall Jenner’s 818 Outpost at Coachella.
Freiha thinks Blank Street’s speed can help it compete in the L.A. region’s competitive coffee and matcha scene.
The best cafes in L.A. tend to have “extremely long lines,” he said. “It’s a very large market with a lot of opportunity.”
Blank Street stores use automatic espresso machines, which improve consistency and reduce labor costs. Matcha, which has recently skyrocketed in popularity and represents half the chain’s business, is prepared in batches for cold drinks, he said. The chain aims to finish assembling drinks within two minutes and thirty seconds from the moment an order is placed.
Blank Street has since shifted to a larger store concept with trendy interior design and ample seating. Freiha said the change was to accommodate the afternoon crowd, which tends to arrive in groups and wants a place to socialize.
The company does not have immediate plans to further expand on the West Coast until the first four stores have “solidified” and have regular customers, Freiha said.
“We need to prove that we meet that bar that people in L.A. have for what a great coffee shop can be,” Freiha said. “That’s our work now.”
Business
Commentary: Trump wants you to invest your 401(k) in crypto and private equity. Should you bite?
Trump is opening the door to risky ‘alternative investments’ such as crypto and private equity in 401(k) plans. But employers have had good reasons to keep them out of their plans.
If you believe Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, American 401(k) accounts are about to get much better.
Thanks to President Trump’s “bold new vision of a new golden age for America,” Chavez-DeRemer wrote in the Wall Street Journal on March 30, her agency is taking steps to open these crucial retirement accounts to a raft of new investment options, such as cryptocurrencies and private equity funds.
Her goal, she wrote, is to “unwind regulatory overreach and litigation abuse that have stifled innovation.” Her instrument is a proposed regulation that in effect would provide a safe harbor for plan sponsors — that is, employers — to offer those options in their employees’ plans without risking lawsuits or government scrutiny over whether they’re sufficiently prudent for workers to choose.
We have seen a number of proposals from private equity funds where the returns are really not calculated in a manner that I would regard as honest.
— Warren Buffett (2019)
Notwithstanding Chavez-DeRemer’s assertion that this change would be all to the good for workers, the truth is that she and Trump are acting at the behest of alternative investment promoters, who have long slavered for access to the nearly $14 trillion in assets held in 401(k)s and other such defined contribution retirement plans.
Far be it for me to offer anyone investment advice. But there are a few things that Trump and DeRemer aren’t telling you about these proposed new options. Namely, the dangers they present to unwary small investors.
The first clue that something is being hidden appeared in DeRemer’s op-ed, in which she blamed “Washington bureaucrats” and “plaintiff lawyers” for stifling the financial innovation that people supposedly have been clamoring to put in their retirement accounts.
You know who rails against “Washington bureaucrats” and “plaintiff lawyers”? Businesses that are fearful that government regulators and juries will clamp down on their wrongdoing. These critiques are often described as efforts to get government off the backs of the people. What they don’t explain is that once government has climbed off, big business will saddle up.
(As I’ve reported, among the businesses that have recently been demonizing plaintiff lawyers is Uber, which is pushing a ballot measure in California that would all but shut the courthouse doors to some passengers injured during Uber rides.)
So let’s examine the unacknowledged issues with “innovative” alternative investments. Private equity firms are known for buying companies that are either held privately, or are public companies due to be taken private. In many cases, they turn profits for their investors by cutting payrolls and reducing services at their portfolio companies, then draining what’s left until there is nothing left. Cryptocurrencies, as I’ve written, are a scam all their own.
We’ll start with the implicit and explicit rules guiding employers when they decide what investment choices to offer workers in their 401(k)s.
“Employers are fiduciaries, which means they must make decisions about retirement investments that are in their employees’ best interest,” observes Eileen Applebaum of the Center for Economic and Policy Research. “They must be prudent in curating a menu of retirement plan options for their workers. And they have been successfully sued for lack of prudence by workers whose retirement accounts held high fee, illiquid, risky investments that failed to perform.”
The fiduciary standards are developed in part by government bureaucrats. And the successful lawsuits? They’re brought by plaintiff lawyers.
In 2021, the Biden-era Labor Department warned that most sponsors of 401(k) plans and other defined contribution plans “are not likely suited to evaluate the use of [private equity] investments” in those plans. The administration shied away from outlawing such investments outright in 401(k)s. Nevertheless, employers understandably saw the warning as a yellow light, if not a flashing red light.
As of 2024, only about 4% of plan sponsors offered alternative investments, Applebaum reported. The threat of litigation also stayed their hand; 66 lawsuits were filed against plan sponsors that year, according to Encore Financial, a personal finance firm. High fees and other fiduciary failures were at the heart of most of the cases.
This isn’t the first time that Trump has tried to wedge private equity investments into 401(k)s. In 2020, during his first term, then-Labor Secretary Eugene Scalia issued an opinion that the mere presence of private equity investments among 401(k) choice was not in itself a fiduciary violation.
Scalia said his goal was to “remove barriers to the greatest engine of economic prosperity the world has ever known: the innovation, initiative, and drive of the American people.”
Until then, individuals were effectively barred from the investments by a Securities and Exchange Commission rule allowing only “accredited” investors — those who could show annual income of more than $200,000 or net worth of $1 million or more, not including their homes.
I didn’t offer an opinion then about the wisdom of these investments, but wrote only that “if I were inclined to invest my 401(k) money in private equity, I would hope that my family would arrange to have my head examined.”
My reasoning then was that private equity funds produce limited disclosure, or no useful disclosure at all; there are no commonly accepted formulas to measure their returns; and they’re subject to management fees immensely higher than conventional stock, bond or money market funds.
No less an experienced investor than Warren Buffett warned his own shareholders away from the sector, I pointed out.
“We have seen a number of proposals from private equity funds where the returns are really not calculated in a manner that I would regard as honest,” Buffett said at the May 2019 annual meeting of Berkshire Hathaway, which held his corporate investment portfolio.
Since then — indeed, since the Great Recession of 2007-2009 — the private equity sector has been promoting itself as a source of financial returns superior than those of conventional stock portfolios while glossing over cavils such as Buffett’s.
The promoters boast that their funds have low correlations with public markets — that is, when the public markets falter, the private markets gain; that they’re skilled at finding bargains among targeted businesses; and that they impose profit-gaining efficiencies on their acquired businesses.
In recent years, however, the private equity argument has faded. “Current data raises questions concerning these predicate assumptions,” wrote Nori Gerardo Lietz of Harvard Business School in 2024. Private equity fund performance, she observed, has “eroded materially.”
That’s true. From 2022 through the first three quarters of 2025, according to the research firm MSCI, private equity firms turned in annualized returns of 5.8%, while the Standard & Poor’s 500 index of public firms yielded 11.6%. Institutional investors such as public employee pension funds have begun to ask whether the sector deserves their money.
In the last year, the Yale University endowment and the public employee pension fund of New York City have sold off billions of dollars in private equity investments, some at a discount to their stated values. (To be fair, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, or CalPERS, has remained a fan, attributing its recent improvement in overall returns to a strengthened investment in private equity.)
The doubts being voiced by these major investors has turbocharged the push by the private equity sector to reach into individual retirement accounts. By some measures, however, individual investors have even less tolerance for some of the features of private equity than do institutions. Unlike publicly traded stocks, these investments are illiquid, meaning they can’t be sold at will and they can’t be reliably priced.
As for crypto, the other major alternative investment being touted by Trump, its shortcomings are well documented.
In contrast to conventional stocks and bonds, they don’t represent stakes in anything concrete and as a result are extremely volatile.
Bitcoin, for instance, ran as high as $126,000 in October; as of Thursday it was priced below $72,000. Among other queasy-induced crashes, bitcoin lost 35% of its value in less than four weeks between mid-January and early February, falling from $96,929 on Jan. 13 to $62,702 on Feb. 4.
These are all factors demanding notice from small investors contemplating adding these sectors to their retirement funds. For that reason, some retirement professionals doubt that even the Trump administration’s favor will persuade many plan sponsors to open their doors to alternative investments. Trump’s regulators may be taking a hands-off approach to these sectors, but plaintiff lawyers aren’t likely to back off.
For individual investors, these are sectors that were made for the phrase “caveat emptor.” If you don’t know your Latin, it means “buyer beware.”
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