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Column: With a $300-million donation to Harvard, a hedge fund billionaire shows why we need a wealth tax

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Column: With a $300-million donation to Harvard, a hedge fund billionaire shows why we need a wealth tax

Harvard College desires us to bow right down to the distinctive generosity of Kenneth C. Griffin, a hedge fund billionaire who simply made a $300-million present to the varsity’s graduate program.

Griffin’s donation to his alma mater “underscores the ability of schooling to remodel lives and to develop the attain of our analysis in each area possible,” Harvard President Larry Bacow stated within the announcement press launch. “It has been a terrific pleasure to get to know Ken all through my presidency.”

In return for the cash, this system has been renamed the Harvard Kenneth C. Griffin Graduate College of Arts and Sciences.

It has been a terrific pleasure to get to know Ken all through my presidency.

— Harvard President Larry Bacow lauds Ken Griffin, considered one of his college’s greatest donors

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We’re not so certain concerning the rationale for that final half. This system may simply as effectively have been named the U.S. Taxpayer Graduate College, as a result of that’s who virtually actually shall be masking not less than a few of the present.

Griffin’s donation, you see, is more likely to convey him a large federal revenue tax deduction. Its precise dimension is not possible to calculate with out figuring out extra about Griffin’s particular tax state of affairs. What’s identified involves us from ProPublica, which final July drew from a trove of leaked paperwork to report on how members of the 0.01% get away with minimizing the tax chunk on their monumental wealth.

Griffin ranked excessive on ProPublica’s listing. The information group discovered that he had “averaged an annual revenue of $1.7 billion from 2013 to 2018,” making him the fourth-highest income-earner within the nation. His common tax price was 29.2% in these years, ProPublica reported.

That’s significantly decrease than the highest marginal tax price, which at the moment is 37% on revenue over about $578,000 for single taxpayers. (Griffin, in response to the newest biographical materials, is divorced.) On the uncooked numbers, Griffin might be able to cut back his federal revenue tax invoice by about $110 million by means of his donation to Harvard. Who would choose up the slack? You and me, that’s who.

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Maybe Griffin has disavowed a tax break from his Harvard present, although that’s implausible. Certainly, a spokesperson for Griffin acknowledged, as ProPublica reported final yr, that his tax price was “lowered by charitable contributions,” amongst different components.

The soiled little secret about how plutocrats finance the charitable deductions that get their names on distinguished establishments is just one facet of Griffin’s present that ought to concern all People.

Extra broadly, it factors to the knowledge of a wealth tax on American millionaires and billionaires. As we’ve famous up to now, focus of wealth on the size seen in America at the moment would have appalled the Founding Fathers.

Thomas Jefferson, for one, advocated “a system by which each fibre can be eradicated of antient [sic] or future aristocracy; and a basis laid for a authorities really republican.”

The wealthy usually defend their gathered fortunes by ostentatiously doing good with the cash by means of philanthropy. The announcement of a serious donation on the size of Griffin’s is often accompanied by an accounting of the donor’s different charitable efforts.

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Normally, nevertheless, what passes for selfless charity is a masks for the wealthy to fund their private pastime horses. A basic instance of this recognized in 2012 by then-Reuters columnist Felix Salmon (now at Axios) was a $100-million present to the Central Park Conservancy of New York by hedge fund boss John Paulson — who occurred to reside a number of doorways down from the park.

“Should you wished to provide $100 million to charity whereas making the barest minimal influence on the world, you’d be onerous pushed to enhance on Paulson’s efficiency,” Salmon wrote.

In some instances, massive donors get credit score for saving establishments from monetary quagmires ensuing from the kind of tax breaks the donors have loved.

They get credit score for funding anti-poverty applications and people to assist hospitals, drug rehabilitation clinics, artwork museums, scientific analysis laboratories that each one must be supported by public funding. Besides there isn’t sufficient funding to go round as a result of the rich have been gathering ever-increasing tax breaks for many years.

It’s honest to presume that one goal of all this eleemosynary exercise is to obscure the much less uplifting ways in which the wealthy deploy their wealth. One is lobbying to maintain and increase their tax breaks.

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In 2020, as an example, Griffin contributed $54 million to a marketing campaign combating an Illinois poll measure that might have raised the state’s marginal tax price on incomes larger than $750,000 to about 8% from 5%. ProPublica estimated that the measure may have price Griffin about $50 million a yr. The measure was defeated.

Through the marketing campaign, Griffin wrote in an op-ed that this opposition to the tax improve was merely an expression of his civic-mindedness.

The tax measure’s promoters, together with Democratic Gov. J.B. Pritzker (additionally a billionaire) “search to shift much more hard-earned taxpayer cash into the palms of politicians who’ve persistently confirmed to be irresponsible stewards,” he wrote. “I’m prepared to face up for what is correct.”

He wasn’t prepared to remain, nevertheless. The next yr, Griffin moved his household and the headquarters of his Citadel hedge fund and Citadel Securities agency to Miami from Chicago.

Griffin stated tax issues weren’t at difficulty, however in contrast to Illinois, Florida has no private revenue tax. Since his transfer, he has change into a serious monetary supporter of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. (Whereas dwelling in Chicago, he was a monetary backer of former Mayor Rahm Emanuel, a Democrat.)

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One notably questionable class of high-level philanthropy is tax-advantaged donations to wealthy universities resembling, effectively, Harvard. That ostensibly nonprofit establishment has an endowment of greater than $50 billion, the biggest within the nation. On what planet can a taxpayer-subsidized addition to this endowment be justified?

We raised the identical difficulty again in 2016, when Nike founder Phil Knight collected plaudits for making a $400-million present to Stanford College, the place he obtained a enterprise diploma.

Knight received his title on the scholarship program funded by his present; an earlier donation received his title on a brand new classroom constructing on campus.

What was hanging then, and stays notable at the moment, was the mismatch between the general public funding of elite personal universities and public assist for even the very best public universities.

A 2015 information survey by Nexus Analysis positioned the discrepancy in stark aid by evaluating the implicit per-student subsidy at wealthy personal establishments with the federal government funding of public schools of their state. In California, it confirmed that Stanford obtained about $63,000 per scholar, whereas UC Berkeley received $10,500, Cal State Fullerton received $4,000 and Fullerton Group School $8,100.

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The figures had been primarily based on estimated exemptions from capital positive aspects taxes for the personal faculties and authorities appropriations for the others.

Tax-deductible donations are inclined to circulation towards a tiny cadre of extraordinarily well-heeled establishments. In line with a 2015 survey by the Council for Help to Training, practically one-fifth of the file $40.3 billion raised by U.S. schools and universities that yr went to simply 10 faculties. Alumni and different people had been the biggest supply of items, accounting for practically 47% of the overall. Via the tax deductions these donors claimed, taxpayers lined roughly $7.5 billion of the overall donations. (That’s the quantity donors would have needed to pay into the federal treasury, had been it not for the deductions.)

None of that is to counsel that the philanthropic donations of Griffin or every other American plutocrats aren’t honest and heartfelt. Amongst Griffin’s beneficiaries are the Obama Basis, applications to convey web entry to low-income pupils, museums and COVID analysis applications. Earlier than his newest present to Harvard, he gave the college $150 million for scholar monetary assist.

If all that makes you suppose that you simply shouldn’t have the temerity to query Griffin’s spending on political affect, then his charitable efforts have carried out their job.

However you shouldn’t overlook that you simply’re paying for a lot of their efforts, with an bill that is available in mid-April yearly. You’re not getting your title on the edifices they’re constructing, and also you don’t have a dime’s price of say about the place they put their cash.

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Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

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Meat processing plant fined nearly $400,000 over child labor violations

A federal court has ordered a meat processor in the City of Industry and a staffing agency in Downey to turn over $327,484 in illegal profits associated with child labor, and fined the companies an additional $62,516 in penalties.

The U.S. Department of Labor obtained the court order last week after it investigated A&J Meats and The Right Hire, which helps companies find employees. Investigators concluded that children as young as 15 were working in the processing plant, where they were required to use sharp knives as well as work inside freezers and coolers, in violation of federal child labor regulations.

The two companies also scheduled the children to work at times not permitted by law. Children worked at the facility more than three hours a day on school days, past 7 p.m. and more than 18 hours a week while school was in session, according to a news release from the Department of Labor.

Marc Pilotin, western regional solicitor at the Department of Labor, said the meat processor and staffing agency “knowingly endangered these children’s safety and put their companies’ profits before the well-being of these minors,” according to the news release.

“These employers egregiously violated federal law and now, both have learned about the serious consequences for those who so callously expose children to harm,” he said.

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Federal law prevents companies from employing minors in dangerous occupations, including most jobs in meat and poultry slaughtering, processing, rendering and packing factories.

The judgment obtained in the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California is part of a settlement the Labor Department reached with the companies. It also forbids A&J Meats, its owner Priscilla Helen Castillo and The Right Hire staffing agency from trying to trade goods connected to “oppressive child labor.”

As part of the settlement agreement, Castillo and the two companies will be required to provide annual training to employees on federal labor law for at least four years and submit to monitoring by an independent third party for three years.

Yesenia Dominguez, owner of The Right Hire, denied the claims made by the Department of Labor, saying her company did not hire any minors. She said her employees are trained to ask for documentation from workers’ home countries that lists their ages, since often they are migrants and might be undocumented.

“Those allegations aren’t true,” she said. “We do business by the book.”

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Dominguez said she felt the government “gave us no choice but to settle.”

A&J Meats did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Labor Department has investigated other meat processing plants in California in the last year connected to Castillo’s father, Tony Elvis Bran.

In December, federal investigators found grueling working conditions at two poultry plants in City of Industry and La Puente operated by Exclusive Poultry Inc., as well as other “front companies” owned by Bran.

Children as young as 14 stood for long hours cutting and deboning poultry and operating heavy machinery, the labor department said. The workers came primarily from Indigenous communities in Guatemala.

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The poultry processor, which supplies grocery stores including Ralphs and Aldi, was ordered to pay nearly $3.8 million in fines and back wages.

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Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

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Smart & Final workers strike amid accusations of retaliation

Hundreds of employees at two Smart & Final warehouses went on strike last week amid accusations the retail chain’s parent company retaliated against them for unionizing and is planning mass layoffs.

About 600 workers at the facilities in the City of Commerce and Riverside walked off the job Thursday.

The work stoppage comes after a year of increasing tensions between the workers and Grupo Chedraui, the Mexican company that owns Smart & Final.

At a meeting with employees in May last year, a Smart & Final executive announced that the company planned to close five Southern California distribution centers. The executive told employees at the warehouses they would be terminated and have to reapply for their jobs for lower pay when a new 1.4-million-square-foot facility in Rancho Cucamonga opened, according to several workers who attended the meeting.

The announcement came shortly after workers at the City of Commerce facility had voted to unionize and days before a union election was scheduled to be held at the Riverside distribution center, leading to claims by employees and union officials that the move was in retaliation for the unionization push.

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Teamsters Local 630, which represents the workers, has filed more than 30 unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board, alleging the company is interfering with workers’ right to organize, among other claims.

Chedraui denies that its actions were retaliatory, saying the planned warehouse closures are part of a plan to integrate “five outdated and capacity-strained facilities that are spread across 2,000 square miles.”

“The Teamsters’ claims are simply not true,” the company said in an emailed statement. “Our new facility will employ nearly 1000 people, creating hundreds more American jobs than exist today. This will substantially reduce our carbon footprint and enable us to continue providing affordable food to communities in California that need it the most.”

Chedraui said the strike, which began Thursday, hasn’t caused any major disruptions in its operation of distribution centers.

Grupo Chedraui acquired Smart & Final in 2021 for $620 million through its American subsidiary, Chedraui USA. Along with Smart & Final it operates two other chains in the U.S., El Super and Fiesta Mart, making it the fourth-largest grocery retailer in California, according to company news releases. It also operates stores in Arizona, Texas, New Mexico and Nevada.

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Many of the Smart & Final warehouse workers have been with the company for more than 20 or 30 years and make about $32 per hour, union organizers and workers said in interviews. At job fairs for prospective hires at the new distribution center, Chedraui is advertising pay at $20 an hour, the organizers and employees claim.

“Things are very uncertain for us,” said Daniel Delgado, who has worked for more than 19 years at Smart & Final’s distribution center in Riverside. With the strike, “we are trying to send the company a message — a message that we are tired of being looked at as a faceless number.”

“We know this company has made billions of dollars off our backs,” he said.

Chedraui USA had $7.5 billion in domestic sales in 2022, a 137% increase over its 2021 revenue, according to an analysis of the nation’s top 100 retailers by the National Retail Federation.

In April, state Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) wrote to Chedraui , warning that the company’s plan to force warehouse workers to reapply for jobs appeared to violate a law he authored last year. The measure, Assembly Bill 647, aims to protect jobs of grocery employees, including warehouse workers, in the event of mergers or reorganizations of companies.

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And Daniel Yu, assistant chief of the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, sent a letter in May to Chedraui, urging the company to suspend its plans to relocate its facility and delay hiring in order for his office to collect evidence to determine whether the company’s actions violate labor law.

The decision to strike this month came after a three-week work stoppage last year and other protests by employees. Maurice Thomas was among hundreds of workers who rallied outside a Smart & Final in Burbank in August. He joined the company about three years ago, leaving his job at a Frito-Lay plant in Texas to take care of his parents in California.

“It’s been real, real tough,” Thomas said. “The company has no interest in bargaining with us, they are delaying until either we give up or they move to this new facility without us. But we are not going down without a fight,” he said.

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Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

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Column: This huge insurer got caught flouting a law protecting contraceptive access, but its fine is a joke

There’s good news and bad news about a legal settlement that New York state just reached with the giant health insurer UnitedHealth over its denial of contraception coverage for a member, which violated state law.

The good news is that UnitedHealth got caught and has been ordered to reimburse the member — and all others in her situation — for the out-of-pocket costs they incurred.

The bad news is that in addition to the reimbursement order, New York Atty. Gen. Letitia James imposed a penalty of only $1 million on the company.

The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists. The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.

— Gretchen Borchelt, National Women’s Law Center

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For UnitedHealth, that’s the equivalent of about one-hundredth of a penny based on its annual revenue. In other words, if someone dropped a packet worth of $1 million on the street in front of the company’s chairman, he might not even bend over to pick them up for fear of creasing his trousers.

A couple more bits of bad news: Not only is UnitedHealth a “repeat offender” in breaching contraception access laws (in the words of Gretchen Borchelt of the National Womens Law Center), but it’s also not the only health insurer engaging in sophistry and pretexts to deny members access to birth control in violation of state and federal laws.

The center has documented cases in which Blue Cross and Blue Shield affiliates, the pharmacy benefit manager CVS Caremark, and others have charged customers illegal out-of-pocket payments or imposed prior authorization rules before approving reimbursements for contraceptives.

Vermont regulators last year reported that they discovered 14,000 instances affecting 9,000 residents who were illegally charged for contraceptives that the law required to be dispensed without costs. The state’s three largest health insurers — Blue Cross Blue Shield, MVP Healthcare and Cigna — illicitly shifted $1.5 million in costs for contraceptives, tubal ligations and vasectomies to consumers over the prior two years. The health plans were ordered to reimburse their members.

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In 2022, the House Committee on Oversight and Reform found widespread violations by health plans and pharmacy benefit managers of the Affordable Care Act’s mandates that the full range of FDA-approved birth control be offered to all customers. The committee cited the NWLC’s findings, and specifically queried five of the largest insurers (including UnitedHealth) and four of the largest PBMs to determine whether they were complying with the law.

But that was when the committee was under a Democratic Party majority. Since it came under GOP control last year, it’s been preoccupied with chasing the Hunter Biden case and harassing scientists and government officials as part of a fruitless effort to prove that the COVID-19 pandemic originated in a Chinese lab. So women’s healthcare rights have fallen off its radar screen.

Protecting access to contraceptives is more important today than it has been since 1965, when the Supreme Court guaranteed married couples’ access to contraceptives on privacy grounds in Griswold vs. Connecticut; that decision was augmented in 1972 in Eisenstadt vs. Baird, which extended access rights to single women, and of course by Roe vs. Wade, which brought privacy protections to the right to abortion in 1973.

The Supreme Court overturned Roe vs. Wade two years ago Monday, fomenting sheer chaos and pain and suffering for women in the states that have jumped in to quash abortion rights since that moment.

Politicians and judges in anti-abortion states have been talking about extending the Supreme Court’s abortion ruling to contraception. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in a concurring opinion to the Dobbs decision overturning Roe vs. Wade, listed Griswold among the precedents he thinks should be “reconsidered.”

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A popular claim is that contraceptives fall into a ban on the mailing of those products enacted as part of the Comstock Act in 1873.

Past practice and legal tradition relegated the act, which Congress passed at the behest of Anthony Comstock, one of the outstanding bluenoses of American history, to the scrap heap long ago. Most rational legal experts, including those at the Department of Justice, interpret it today as banning the shipment of materials destined for illegal use; since contraceptives are legal nationwide and only 14 states have total abortion bans, it’s maybe hard to make the illegality claim stick.

Nevertheless, the Comstock Act was cited in the ruling by federal Judge Matthew Kacsmarykoutlawing mifepristone for medical abortions and by U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge James C. Ho in his partial dissent from an appellate decision placing some of Kacsmaryk’s ruling on hold; both judges are certified anti-abortion fanatics. The Supreme Court threw out their restrictions on the drug, protecting access nationwide for the present, on June 12.

As recently as June 5, Senate Republicans blocked a Democratic effort to install a right to contraception in federal law. The Democratic measure won 51 votes — a majority, but not enough to forestall a filibuster threat, which would have required 60 votes.

The UnitedHealth case illustrates how contraceptive rights can fall victim to the complexities of America’s fragmented healthcare system, though that’s not an excuse for the company’s legal violation.

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In response to the settlement, UnitedHealth told me by email that it aims for all its members to have “timely access to a variety of high-value and affordable FDA-approved contraceptives when they need them.” It says it provides “access to more than 150 FDA-approved contraceptive options with $0 cost-share.”

Under New York law, that may not be enough. The state requires health plans to provide access to all contraceptive options approved by the Food and Drug Administration without cost-sharing. That goes further than the Affordable Care Act, which requires health plans to provide access to at least one treatment in each of several contraceptive categories “without copays, restrictions, or delays.” California’s Contraceptive Equity Act requires health plans to cover certain birth control methods without copays; voters enshrined rights to abortion and contraceptives in the state Constitution via Proposition 1 of 2022, which passed by a decisive 2-1 majority.

UnitedHealth ran afoul of New York’s law when it denied coverage to a member whose doctor had prescribed Slynd, a progestin-only oral contraceptive. The product is aimed at patients for whom the more conventional estrogen-based birth control is medically unsuitable. The patient filed a complaint with state regulators last year.

UnitedHealth refused to cover the product because of “safety concerns,” according to the state’s settlement. It insisted on prior authorization and step therapy (in which patients are required to try cheaper treatments first) before approving coverage, and continued to deny the patient coverage even after an appeal and queries by the state attorney general and other regulators. The insurer says it has dropped these requirements for Slynd.

The settlement requires UnitedHealth to identify and reimburse all members who were denied contraceptive coverage without copays or restrictions at any time since June 1, 2020, plus 12% annual interest.

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How James and UnitedHealth came to the $1-million penalty isn’t clear — the contraceptive access law itself doesn’t carry a penalty clause, but other potentially relevant state laws do. The attorney general’s office noted that the penalty was imposed after only a single complaint, suggesting that it took the matter seriously.

What is clear, however, is that if the penalty is meant to be a disincentive to deliberately flouting the law or doing so through inaction or inattention, it’s laughable. UnitedHealth collected $371.6 billion in revenue last year — that’s more than $1 billion a day. Of that sum, nearly $291 billion came from insurance premiums. The firm reported more than $29 billion in pretax profits last year.

Imposing unnecessary, burdensome or illegal restrictions on contraceptive access is one way that health insurers or other healthcare providers make themselves complicit in the conservative project to narrow women’s reproductive health options.

It should be remembered, for example, that the drugstore chain Walgreens announced last year that it wouldn’t distribute or ship mifepristone in at least 21 red states, including at least four where abortions remain legal. The company was unnerved by a saber-rattling letter it received from the attorneys general of those states warning vaguely of “consequences” for shipping mifepristone, a drug used to induce abortions. The letter cited the Comstock Act.

Walgreens said in March that it would start distributing the product to physicians, but not directly to patients and not in states where abortion is banned.

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“The ability to access birth control and the legal right to it are being threatened by extremists,” Borchelt says. “The threat goes against the will and the desires of the American public, which overwhelmingly supports birth control and overwhelmingly use it.”

Surveys by the NWLC — and patient complaints filed via its CoverHer hotline — document that restrictions on coverage for legal birth control have been endemic. Some plans have refused to cover products such as the vaginal contraceptive ring or contraceptive patch, arguing that other “hormonal” contraceptives were covered and therefore patients didn’t need access to the ring or patch, which are obviously discrete methods. That was an argument used by UnitedHealth.

Other health plans have covered only certain IUDs, or covered only generic contraceptives even when patients had difficulty tolerating any but brand name products. Women who underwent tubal ligations were told that their insurers would cover only the direct cost of the procedure, but not anesthesia, medications or facility charges. Some have been denied coverage for innovative but FDA-approved birth control methods, such as a hormone-free gel.

Patients denied coverage are often forced to undertake lengthy appeals and continue their efforts through repeated denials.

Whether because it is the nation’s largest health insurer or it has continued to place barriers in the way of members seeking coverage to which they’re entitled by law, UnitedHealth is “one of the insurance companies we hear about most often through our CoverHer hotline as being problematic,” Borchelt says. “They have been on notice that it has been violating the law in numerous ways; while the New York attorney general has done incredible work that will make a real difference for consumers not just in New York, but it shouldn’t have come to this.”

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