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Column: Good riddance to the merger of grocers Albertsons and Kroger, which would have cost you money

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Column: Good riddance to the merger of grocers Albertsons and Kroger, which would have cost you money

The inside stories of messy marriage breakups have been an entertainment staple since even before Tolstoy observed that “every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way.” So let’s thank the supermarket giants Kroger and Albertsons, whose $24.6-billion merger has collapsed amid mutual recriminations, for their outstanding contribution to the genre.

The proximate cause of the breakup was the granting of a preliminary injunction against the deal by U.S. Judge Adrienne Nelson of Oregon. Nelson’s ruling, issued Tuesday, was a response to a motion by the Federal Trade Commission, the District of Columbia and eight states including California. (A state judge in Washington also ruled against the merger the same day.)

Although the two companies had fought the challenges to the merger seemingly hand in hand, their accord dissolved within 24 hours of Nelson’s ruling. Boise, Idaho-based Albertsons sued Kroger on Wednesday, citing the latter’s alleged “failure to exercise ‘best efforts’ and to take ‘any and all actions’ to secure regulatory approval” of the deal.

The overarching goals of antitrust law are not met by permitting an otherwise unlawful merger in order to permit firms to compete with an industry giant.

— Federal Judge Adrienne Nelson, blocking the Kroger/Albertsons merger

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Kroger called Albertsons’ claims “baseless” and cited its would-be spouse’s “repeated intentional material breaches and interference throughout the merger process, which we will prove in court.”

Those of us who have followed the deal from its inception in 2022 can add this: “Good riddance.”

The collapse of the supermarket merger may stand as the final antitrust success of the Biden-era FTC, which has taken a hard line toward industry consolidations under Chair Lina Khan. Donald Trump is planning to nominate Andrew Ferguson, an FTC commissioner and conservative lawyer, as the agency’s chairman. Khan will be stepping down.

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The two grocery chains maintained that they needed to merge in order to successfully compete with megastore chains such as Walmart and Costco, which have grown their grocery operations to the point that their sales approach those of Albertsons and Kroger or even exceed them.

The truth is, however, that the squalid nature of this transaction was always self-evident. As I wrote after the original announcement, the merger partners pitched it to the public as a boon to consumers. Merger partners always say this, but the consumer savings and service improvements generally prove elusive.

“We will take the learnings from each company to bring greater value and a better experience to more customers, more associates and more communities,” Kroger Chief Executive Rodney McMullen said then.

McMullen didn’t explicitly say that the deal would mean lower prices, but it would be a rare shopper who didn’t think that “greater value and a better experience” meant anything other than paying less at the checkout counter. Economists and antitrust experts predicted that the creation of a monopolistic supermarket giant would almost surely add inflationary pressure to food prices.

At the heart of the merger, as I further reported, was a $4-billion dividend to be paid to Albertsons stockholders. Six of the largest stockholders were corporate insiders, defined as holders of more than 5% of Albertsons shares each.

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The biggest shareholder was the private equity firm Cerberus Capital Management, which owns more than 26% of the shares and has four nominees on the company’s board of directors. The other five are investment and real estate funds that hold a total of an additional three board seats.

The six investors control about 75% of Albertsons shares. In other words, they voted themselves a multibillion-dollar handout.

Albertsons had claimed that the dividend wasn’t connected to the merger but was “part of Albertsons’ long-term strategy for growth,” which was “determined well before Albertsons’ discussions with Kroger began.”

Yet the companies’ own merger announcement had stated explicitly that the $4-billion dividend was “part of the transaction.” They counted the dividend as part of the merger price, accounting for $6.85 per share of the $34.10 per share payable to Albertsons shareholders. The dividend was approved by the Albertsons board at the very same meeting at which it approved the merger deal itself.

It should go without saying that funneling $4 billion to insiders off the top wasn’t going to make it any easier to bring consumers lower prices at the checkout counter.

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Then there was the issue of Albertsons’ corporate conduct. In October, Albertsons reached a $3.9-million settlement with the attorneys general of Los Angeles County and six other California counties as well as the FTC over accusations that the chain ripped off customers at hundreds of its Vons, Safeway and Albertsons stores in California. The company didn’t admit to liability in settling the case, but the terms of the final judgment suggest that the counties and the FTC had the goods — or at least had enough evidence that Albertsons thought it wise to make the case go away.

Albertsons says it has now implemented policies and employee training to ensure that its prices are accurate.

The principal issues raised by the FTC and the states concerned the prospects that the merger of America’s two biggest supermarket chains would allow them to dominate their markets as a monopoly or near-monopoly. That pointed to higher prices for customers and lower wages for workers, which are legitimate concerns for antitrust regulators.

Kroger, the largest chain, operates about 2,700 stores in 35 states and the District of Columbia, under brand names including Ralphs. Albertsons’ footprint encompasses about 2,300 stores under names such as Vons, Pavilions and Safeway. As Judge Nelson observed, the two chains have assiduously competed with each other for years, tracking each other’s prices in an effort to seize market share.

To meet the FTC’s objections, the merger partners proposed selling 579 stores to C&S Wholesale Grocers, a privately held supermarket supplier headquartered in New Hampshire that is a tiny fraction of the merger partners’ size — among other metrics, it has about 14,000 employees, compared with 430,000 employees at Kroger and 285,000 at Albertsons. The sale price was to be $2.9 billion.

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Such divestitures are common features of merger deals that face regulatory challenge. But they don’t always meet their goal of preserving competition. A good example is the outcome of a divestiture scheme the FTC ordered in 2014, to mitigate the anticompetitive effects of Albertsons’ takeover of Safeway.

The FTC ordered the divestiture of 168 stores. More than 140 were acquired by Haggen Holdings, an 18-store chain in the Pacific Northwest. As it happened, Haggen was utterly ill-equipped to grow nearly tenfold overnight. Within months it was laying off workers, and before the year was out it had filed for bankruptcy.

Haggen put 100 of the stores back on the block, and 54 of them were reacquired by Albertsons as part of a deal to purchase Haggen outright. Even with the repurchases, the merger resulted in the elimination all competition in some communities.

That history gave Nelson pause when she assessed the new divestiture plan. C&S, she noted, didn’t have very happy experiences when it “dipped its toes into the grocery retail industry before.” The wholesaler bought 220 retail stores between 2001 and 2003, but had sold 190 of them by 2005. The company operates about 25 retail stores under the Piggly Wiggly and Grand Union brands; unlike Kroger and Albertsons, which incorporate pharmacies and gasoline stations into many of their locations, C&S operates only one pharmacy and no gas stations.

In short, Nelson observed, “there are serious concerns about C&S’ ability to run a large-scale retail grocery business that can successfully compete” with a merged Albertsons/Kroger. Among other issues, she wrote, C&S would have to re-brand about half the stores, a process that is “effectively the same as opening a new, unfamiliar grocery store in the eyes of consumers.” C&S didn’t respond to my request for a comment on Nelson’s take, though a spokeswoman told me by email that the firm is still committed to a “transformation strategy, which includes expansion into retail.”

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As for the merger partners’ assertion that their deal was a defensive move against competitors such as Walmart and Costco, Nelson was unmoved. “The overarching goals of antitrust law are not met,” she wrote, “by permitting an otherwise unlawful merger in order to permit firms to compete with an industry giant.”

With the merger dead, the squabbling between the former partners is just beginning. Under their original deal, Albertsons is entitled to a $600-million breakup fee. But it says it will be seeking billions of dollars in costs, due in part to “the extended period of unnecessary limbo Albertsons endured as a result of Kroger’s actions.” Among other things, Albertsons’ asserted that Kroger dithered on divestiture deals that might have met the FTC’s objections.

In response, Kroger said it “went to extraordinary lengths to uphold the merger agreement throughout the entirety of the regulatory process and the facts will make that abundantly clear.”

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Commentary: Trump Media’s financial report revives doubts for investors

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Commentary: Trump Media’s financial report revives doubts for investors

So much Trump-related news has appeared lately on the airwaves and in web pixels — what with Iran and Epstein and Minnesota and so on — that inevitably a nugget will fall between the cracks.

That seems to have been the fate of the most recent annual financial report of Trump Media and Technology Group, which covered calendar year 2025 and was issued Friday.

Trump Media, which is 52% owned by Donald Trump and trades on Nasdaq with a ticker symbol based on his initials (DJT), is the holding company for Trump’s social media platform, Truth Social.

The value of TMTG’s brand may diminish if the popularity of President Donald J. Trump were to suffer.

— A risk factor disclosed by Trump Media

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The annual financial disclosure has garnered minimal press coverage. That’s a pity, because it makes fascinating reading, though not in a good way.

Here are the top and bottom lines from the 10-k annual report: Trump Media lost $712.1 million last year on revenue of about $3.7 million. That’s quite a bit worse than its performance in 2024, when it lost $409 million on revenue of about $3.6 million. The company attributed most of the flood of red ink to “loss from investments,” of which more in a moment.

Truth Social isn’t an especially strong keystone of this operation. The platform is chiefly an outlet for Trump’s social media ramblings and the occasional official White House statements. But no one has to sign in to Truth Social to see them — they’re almost invariably picked up by the news media or reposted by users on other platforms such as X.

That might explain Truth Social’s relatively scrawny user base. The platform is estimated to have about 2 million active users, according to the analytical firm Search Logistics. By comparison, X has about 450 million monthly active users and Facebook has more than 2.9 billion.

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It’s no mystery, then, why TMTG disdains “traditional performance metrics like average revenue per user, ad impressions and pricing, or active user accounts, including monthly and daily active users,” according to its annual report.

Relying on those metrics, which are used to judge TMTG’s social media rivals, “might not align with the best interests of TMTG or its stockholders, as it could lead to short-term decision-making at the expense of long-term innovation and value creation.”

Instead, the company says it should be evaluated based on “its commitment to a robust business plan that includes introducing innovative features, new products, new technologies.” But it also acknowledges that, at its heart, TMTG is a proxy for “the reputation and popularity of President Donald J. Trump.” The company warns that “the value of TMTG’s brand may diminish if the popularity of President Donald J. Trump were to suffer.”

How has that played out in real time? Trump Media notched its highest closing price as a public company, $66.22, on March 27, 2024, the day after its initial public offering. In midday trading Monday, the shares were quoted at $11.08, for a loss of 83% since the IPO.

One can’t quibble with stock market price quotes; nor can one finagle annual profit and loss statements, at least not without receiving questions, and perhaps lawsuit complaints, from attentive investors and the Securities and Exchange Commission.

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In recent months, TMTG has engaged in a number of baroque financial transactions.

In May, the company announced that it was planning to raise $3.5 billion from institutions to invest in bitcoin, with the money to come from issues of common and preferred shares. The goal was to climb onto the cryptocurrency train, which Trump himself was fueling by, among other things, issuing an executive order promoting the expansion of crypto in the U.S. and denigrating enforcement efforts by the Biden administration as reflecting a “war on cryptocurrency.”

Under Trump, federal regulators have dropped numerous investigations related to cryptocurrencies. Trump has also talked about creating a government crypto strategic reserve, which would entail large government purchases of bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies; a March 3 announcement on that subject briefly sent bitcoin prices soaring by nearly 20%, though they promptly fell back.

Then there’s TMTG’s relationship with Crypto.com, a Singapore-based crypto “service provider” best known to Angelenos unfamiliar with the crypto world as the firm with naming rights to the Los Angeles arena that hosts the NBA Lakers and Clippers, WNBA Sparks and NHL Kings.

In August, Crypto.com and TMTG announced a deal in which TMTG would pursue a crypto treasury strategy consisting mostly of Cronos tokens, a cryptocurrency sponsored by Crypto.com. The initial infusion would consist of 6.4 billion Cronos valued at $1 billion, or about 15.8 cents per Cronos.

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As of Dec. 31, TMTG said in its 10-K, it owned 756.1 million Cronos, acquired at a cost of about $114 million, or 15 cents each. By year’s end, they were worth only about nine cents each, for a paper loss of about $46 million. In trading this week, Cronos was quoted at about 7.6 cents, producing a paper loss for TMTG of about $56.5 million, or roughly half the investment.

The financial maneuvering involved in this trade is a little dizzying. The initial transaction was a 50% stock, 50% cash trade in which Crypto.com bought $50 million in TMTG stock and TMTG bought $105 million in Cronos. Who gained in this deal? It’s almost impossible to say.

Crypto.com did gain, if not purely in cash, then arguably through the Trump administration’s good graces.

On March 27, the SEC formally closed an investigation of the company that it had launched during the Biden administration, when the agency was headed by a known crypto skeptic, Gary Gensler. Trump appointed a crypto-friendly regulator, Paul Atkins, as Gensler’s successor.

It’s reasonable to note that as a business model, crypto treasuries have been in vogue over the last year or so, allowing investors to play the crypto market without all the complexities of actually buying and holding the digital assets by buying shares in treasury companies.

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I asked Crypto.com whether the steady decline in Cronos’ price suggested that the hookup with TMTG wasn’t bearing fruit. “The fluctuation in value during this time period is consistent with the entire crypto market, which is typical in a bear market,” company spokeswoman Victoria Davis told me by email.

Davis also asserted that the SEC’s investigation of the company had been closed by Gensler, “not the current administration” (i.e., Trump). That’s misleading, at best. Gensler put the investigation on hold after the 2024 election, when it became clear that Trump was going to be in charge.

Crypto.com’s March 27 announcement of the formal end of the case attributed the action to “the current SEC leadership” and blamed the case on “the previous administration.” I asked Davis to explain the discrepancy but got no reply.

TMTG, like Crypto.com, attributed the decline in Cronos’ value to the secular bear market raging in the entire cryptocurrency space, a reflection of “temporary price swings across the crypto market,” said TMTG spokeswoman Shannon Devine. She said the price decline “will not diminish our enthusiasm for the enormous potential of the [CRONOS] ecosystem.”

Trump’s coziness with crypto companies hasn’t gone unnoticed by Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, who issued a scathing report on the topic in November. (The White House scoffed at the report, saying in response to the report that Trump “only acts in the best interests of the American public.”)

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In mid-December, TMTG launched yet another remaking — this time, plunging into the business of fusion power. The instrument is TAE Technologies, a Foothill Ranch-based company working to develop the technology of nuclear fusion as a clean energy source. According to a Dec. 18 announcement, TMTG and TAE will merge, creating what they say is a $6-billion company.

According to the announcement, TMTG will contribute $200 million to the merged company when the deal closes in mid-2026, and an additional $100 million subsequently. Following the merger, TMTG said last month, it will consider spinning off Truth Social into a new publicly traded company.

These arrangements are murky. TAE is privately held and the value of Truth Social is conjectural at best, so TMTG shareholders could be hard-pressed to assess their gains or losses from the merger and spin-off.

What makes them even murkier is the speculative nature of fusion as an electrical power source. Although numerous companies have leaped into the field — and TAE, which has been backed by Alphabet, the parent of Google, is among the oldest — none has shown the capability of generating electrical power at commercial scale with the elusive technology.

Although some researchers say that fusion could become a technically and economically feasible power source within 10 years, only in 2022 did fusion researchers (at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory) achieve the goal of using fusion to produce more energy than is required to sustain a reaction. They were able to do so only for less than a billionth of a second.

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Others working on the technology have expressed doubts that fusion could become a viable power source before the 2040s. The technical challenges, including how to convert the energy produced by a fusion reactor into electricity, remain daunting.

All this points to the fundamental question of what TMTG is supposed to be. TMTG’s original mission, according to its own publicity statements, was to build Truth Social into an alternative social media platform “to end Big Tech’s assault on free speech by opening up the Internet.”

Spinning off Truth Social would place that goal on the side. TMTG is on its way too becoming a hodgepodge of crypto, fusion and other investments selected without regard to whether they fit together or are even achievable. The only constant is Trump himself.

If you want to invest in him, TMTG may be the best way to do it. But judging from its latest financial disclosure, that’s not the same as being a good way to do it.

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

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California gas is pricey already. The Iran war could cost you even more

The U.S. attack on Iran is expected to have an unwelcome impact on California drivers — a jump in gas prices that could be felt at the pump in a week or two.

The outbreak of war in the Middle East, which virtually closed a key Persian Gulf shipping lane, spiked the price of a barrel of Brent crude oil by as much as $10, with prices rising as high as $82.37 on Monday before settling down.

The price of the international standard dictates what motorists pay for gas globally, including in California, with every dollar increase translating to 2.5 cents at the pump, said Severin Borenstein, faculty director of the Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business.

That would mean drivers could pay at least 20 cents more per gallon, though how much damage the conflict will do to wallets remains to be seen.

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“The real issue though is the oil markets are just guessing right now at what is going to happen. It’s a time of extreme volatility,” Borenstein said. “We don’t know whether the war will widen or end quickly, and all of those things will drive the price of crude.”

President Trump has lauded the reduction of nationwide gas prices as a validation of his economic agenda despite worries about a weak job market and concerns of persistent inflation.

The upheaval in the Middle East could be more acutely felt in the state.

Californians already pay far more for gas than the rest of the country, with the average cost of a gallon of regular at $4.66, up 3 cents from a week ago and 30 cents from a month ago, according to AAA. The current nationwide average is about $3 per gallon.

The disruption in international crude markets also comes as refiners are switching to producing California’s summer-blend gas, which is less volatile during the state’s hot summers. The switch can drive up the price of a gallon of gas at least 15 cents.

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The prices in California are largely driven by higher taxes and a cleaner, less polluting blend required year-round by regulators to combat pollution — and it’s long been a hot-button issue.

The politics were only exacerbated by recent refinery closures, including the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington in October and the idling and planned closure of the Valero refinery in Benicia, Calif., which reduced refining capacity in the state by about 18%.

California also has seen a steady reduction in its crude oil production, making it more reliant on international imports of oil and gasoline.

In 2024, only 23.3% of the crude oil refined in the state was pumped in California, with 13% from Alaska and 63% from elsewhere in the world, including about 30% from the Middle East, said Jim Stanley, a spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Assn.

“We could see a supply crunch and real price volatility” if the Middle East supply is interrupted, he said.

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The Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, through which about 20% of the world’s oil passes, was virtually closed Monday, according to reports. Though it produces only about 3% of global oil, Iran has considerable sway over energy markets because it controls the strait.

Also, in response to the U.S. attack, Iran has fired a barrage of missiles at neighboring Persian Gulf states. Saudi Arabia said it intercepted Iranian drones targeting one of its refinery complexes.

California Republicans and the California Fuels & Convenience Alliance, a trade group representing fuel marketers, gas station owners and others, have blamed Gov. Gavin Newsom’s policies for driving up the price of gas.

A landmark climate change law calls for California to become carbon neutral by 2045, and Newsom told regulators in 2021 to stop issuing fracking permits and to phase out oil extraction by 2045. He also signed a bill allowing local governments to block construction of oil and gas wells.

However, last year Newsom changed his stance and signed a bill that will allow up to 2,000 new oil wells per year through 2036 in Kern County despite legal challenges by environmental groups. The county produces about three-fourths of the state’s crude oil.

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Borenstein said he didn’t expect that the new state oil production would do much to lower gas prices because it is only marginally cheaper than oil imported by ocean tankers.

Stanley said the aim of the law was to support the Kern County oil industry, which was facing pipeline closures without additional supplies to ship to state refineries.

Statewide, the industry supports more than 535,000 jobs, $166 billion in economic activity and $48 billion in local and state taxes, according to a report last year by the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corp.

Bloomberg News and the Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

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Block to cut more than 4,000 jobs amid AI disruption of the workplace

Fintech company Block said Thursday that it’s cutting more than 4,000 workers or nearly half of its workforce as artificial intelligence disrupts the way people work.

The Oakland parent company of payment services Square and Cash App saw its stock surge by more than 23% in after-hours trading after making the layoff announcement.

Jack Dorsey, the co-founder and head of Block, said in a post on social media site X that the company didn’t make the decision because the company is in financial trouble.

“We’re already seeing that the intelligence tools we’re creating and using, paired with smaller and flatter teams, are enabling a new way of working which fundamentally changes what it means to build and run a company,” he said.

Block is the latest tech company to announce massive cuts as employers push workers to use more AI tools to do more with fewer people. Amazon in January said it was laying off 16,000 people as part of effort to remove layers within the company.

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Block has laid off workers in previous years. In 2025, Block said it planned to slash 931 jobs, or 8% of its workforce, citing performance and strategic issues but Dorsey said at the time that the company wasn’t trying to replace workers with AI.

As tech companies embrace AI tools that can code, generate text and do other tasks, worker anxiety about whether their jobs will be automated have heightened.

In his note to employees Dorsey said that he was weighing whether to make cuts gradually throughout months or years but chose to act immediately.

“Repeated rounds of cuts are destructive to morale, to focus, and to the trust that customers and shareholders place in our ability to lead,” he told workers. “I’d rather take a hard, clear action now and build from a position we believe in than manage a slow reduction of people toward the same outcome.”

Dorsey is also the co-founder of Twitter, which was later renamed to X after billionaire Elon Musk purchased the company in 2022.

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As of December, Block had 10,205 full-time employees globally, according to the company’s annual report. The company said it plans to reduce its workforce by the end of the second quarter of fiscal year 2026.

The company’s gross profit in 2025 reached more than $10 billion, up 17% compared to the previous year.

Dorsey said he plans to address employees in a live video session and noted that their emails and Slack will remain open until Thursday evening so they can say goodbye to colleagues.

“I know doing it this way might feel awkward,” he said. “I’d rather it feel awkward and human than efficient and cold.”

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