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UK cities where families ‘losing significant cash in the bin due to food waste’

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UK cities where families ‘losing significant cash in the bin due to food waste’

Families in Glasgow, Liverpool and Nottingham are particularly likely to be wasting high amounts of money on food that goes uneaten, a survey indicates.

The survey of more than 2,000 UK parents of children aged four to 12 found that 60% said their children refuse to eat a meal they are served at least once a week.

The average amount that parents estimated their family wasted annually on uneaten food was £283 – with families in Glasgow estimating they waste £369 on average, according to the research for Bernard Matthews.

Liverpool was another food waste hotspot in the survey, with an estimated £316 wasted annually typically by families, while in Nottingham, the average annual food waste bill was found to be £315.

In London and Belfast, families were also found to be wasting more than £300 per year on average on uneaten food, according to the research, carried out by Censuswide in May.

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At the other end of the spectrum, families in Bristol estimated they were wasting £198 per year typically.

Half (50%) of parents surveyed felt that encouraging their child to play with food would help to reduce the pressure.

Laurence Hinton, head of marketing at Bernard Matthews, said: “Parents agree that playing with your food can take some of the pressure out of mealtimes, encouraging children to engage positively with food and ultimately making family meals more enjoyable and less wasteful.”

Here are the average amounts parents estimate they waste on food annually across various UK cities, according to the survey:

Glasgow, £369

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Liverpool, £316

Nottingham, £315

London, £312

Belfast, £306

Leeds, £299

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Edinburgh, £291

Newcastle, £286

Cardiff, £285

Birmingham, £277`

Manchester, £252

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Sheffield, £251

Plymouth, £250

Brighton, £243

Southampton, £240

Norwich, £235

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Bristol, £198

Finance

Senate court to vote on Sara Duterte’s financial docs

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Senate court to vote on Sara Duterte’s financial docs
Senate President Sherwin Gatchalian and impeachment court presiding officer Chiz Escudero. —File photo by Niño Jesus Orbeta | INQUIRER

MANILA, Philippines — House prosecutors expressed confidence on Sunday that the Senate impeachment court would vote in favor of their request to subpoena Vice President Sara Duterte’s financial records, saying the documents are crucial to determining whether she amassed unexplained wealth and betrayed the public trust.

The vote, set for Monday afternoon, is expected to be one of the most consequential procedural rulings in Duterte’s impeachment trial, now on its seventh day, with prosecutors arguing the records are essential to proving allegations under Article II of the articles of impeachment regarding her undeclared wealth.

The proposed subpoena covers Duterte’s bank accounts, tax records and documents from the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC), as well as those of her husband, lawyer Manases Carpio.

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“We trust that it will be granted, as the basis of our request to subpoena these documents is strong,” prosecution spokesperson Benjamin Tolosa Jr. said over dzBB radio.

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READ: Marcos nod seen as key to opening Sara Duterte records

Tolosa cited the 2012 impeachment trial of former Chief Justice Renato Corona, during which the Senate ordered the production of bank records despite bank secrecy protections. He also noted that Republic Act No. 1405, or the bank secrecy law, expressly exempts impeachment proceedings from its confidentiality rules.

“Impeachment is an exception to bank secrecy laws. It is clear and specified that in impeachment proceedings, such disclosure is allowed,” he said.

READ: Sara Duterte’s tax records arrive at BIR

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Court’s authority

Tolosa dismissed concerns that the Senate might reject the request, saying the prosecution remained confident.

“Our articles of impeachment do not rest on a single piece of evidence,” he said. “Even so, we will firmly fight to have these documents presented.”

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The Senate deferred action after hearing oral arguments last Wednesday, when prosecutors and the defense sparred over whether accountability or financial confidentiality should prevail.

Prosecutor Chel Diokno argued that the subpoena would enable the impeachment court to uncover the truth about allegations that Duterte amassed wealth disproportionate to her lawful income and engaged in constitutionally prohibited business interests.

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He maintained that the Senate, sitting as an impeachment court, derives its authority directly from the Constitution and may compel disclosure of otherwise confidential records. Diokno cited the bank secrecy law’s impeachment exception and argued that the Data Privacy Act also permits disclosure under a valid subpoena.

He further argued that financial records dating back to Duterte’s tenure as Davao City vice mayor and mayor are relevant because the impeachment complaint alleges she accumulated unexplained wealth while serving as a public official.

Citing an AMLC report presented before the House, Diokno said Duterte’s financial activity exceeded P3 billion from 2007 to 2013. He also invoked the Corona impeachment, where the Senate admitted bank records predating Corona’s appointment as chief justice.

‘Fishing expedition’

Lead defense counsel Michael Poa countered that the issue is not whether the Senate has subpoena power but whether it may exercise that authority without violating due process and laws protecting confidential financial information.

Poa described the request as an impermissible “fishing expedition,” arguing prosecutors sought financial evidence only after impeachment complaints had already been filed.

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He also said the subpoena was overly broad because it sought records dating back nearly two decades, including periods when Duterte was Davao vice mayor, a position not subject to impeachment.

Citing the 2025 Supreme Court ruling in Duterte v. House of Representatives, he argued that impeachable offenses must be committed while occupying an impeachable office.

The defense also argued that while the bank secrecy law recognizes impeachment as an exception, disclosure is not automatic and must still satisfy due process.

Poa maintained that the Anti-Money Laundering Act and the National Internal Revenue Code contain no impeachment exception for AMLC reports and tax records, and objected to including Carpio’s records because he is not an impeachable official.

‘Second envelope’ episode

Civil society groups urged senator-judges to approve the subpoena.

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The August Twenty-One Movement (Atom) warned against repeating the controversial “second envelope” vote during former President Joseph Estrada’s 2001 impeachment trial, saying efforts to withhold key evidence ultimately fueled public outrage and Estrada’s downfall.

“We implore the senator-judges to stand for what is right, for what is true, and for what is just, and vote to subpoena the bank accounts,” Atom said, adding that if Duterte is innocent, disclosure would clear her name.

Faith-based coalition Kingdom Keepers likewise urged the Senate to compel production of Duterte’s bank, tax and AMLC records, arguing that public officials are accountable for their finances.

“She must prove… that she has refrained from using her office to accumulate ill-gotten wealth. She cannot hide behind the skirt of privacy and confidentiality,” the group led by activist priest Fr. Robert Reyes and social anthropologist Dr. Melba Padilla Maggay said.

“If it is true that she did not amass ill-gotten wealth as vice mayor or mayor, why should she be afraid to reveal the truth about this?” the group added.

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Duterte faces four articles of impeachment accusing her of misusing confidential funds, amassing unexplained wealth and threatening President Marcos, first lady Liza Araneta-Marcos and former Speaker Martin Romualdez.

If convicted, she would be removed from office and permanently disqualified from holding any public position.

Meanwhile, Tolosa said National Bureau of Investigation Director Melvin Matibag is expected to testify on Tuesday on the agency’s probe into Duterte’s alleged threats against the President, including its finding that the remarks were not merely spontaneous but formed part of an actual plan.



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“He is the one who can shed light on the thorough investigation conducted by the NBI regarding the killer the vice president spoke to,” he said. /cb /atm

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5 painless ways to boost your net worth on autopilot

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5 painless ways to boost your net worth on autopilot
Enjoy a latte

We’ve all heard the tired personal finance myth: Skip your morning $6 coffee, and you’ll magically afford a down payment on a house. It’s a ridiculous oversimplification that focuses on daily deprivation rather than actual strategy. Skipping a latte isn’t going to offset inflation or rising housing costs. Instead of sweating the micro-purchases, the real secret to moving the financial needle is setting up structural, “set-it-and-forget-it” changes.

Here are five high-impact, painless moves you can execute this week that you won’t even notice, but your bank account definitely will.

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1. The “scorched-earth” subscription audit

Most of us are bleeding cash every month on forgotten streaming platforms, app renewals or gym memberships we haven’t touched in quarters.

  • The move: Don’t just scan your statement and promise to do better. Spend 15 minutes canceling every single non-essential subscription you have right now.

  • Why you won’t notice: If you actually miss a service, you can re-sign up the next time you go to use it. You’ll be shocked by how many you completely forget existed, instantly saving you $50 to $100+ a month.

Take control of your money. If your paycheque keeps disappearing faster than expected, your budget may need better visibility. Compare budgeting apps that help Canadians track spending, spot leaks and plan with more confidence. Take control of your budget.

2. Automate a micro-draft

Trying to save whatever money is “leftover” at the end of the month rarely works because our spending naturally expands to fit our available chequing balance.

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  • The move: Set up an automatic transfer of just $25 a week (or $5 a day) from your main bank account to a separate savings account, timed perfectly with your payday.

  • Why you won’t notice: Because the cash leaves your account immediately, your brain adapts to the new balance instantly. You won’t miss the $25, but you’ll have an extra $1,300 stashed away by next year.

Read more: 3 essential money moves to make once you’ve saved $50,000

3. Relocate your cash to an HISA

Leaving your emergency fund or savings in a traditional brick-and-mortar bank means you are actively losing money. Traditional savings accounts pay pennies — often a measly 0.01% interest.

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Personal Finance: New housing affordability law has promising provisions | Chattanooga Times Free Press

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Personal Finance: New housing affordability law has promising provisions | Chattanooga Times Free Press

On June 23, members of Congress did something commendable and all too rare: They came together to pass legislation in a broadly bipartisan move to address the housing affordability crisis in the U.S. The new law, designated the 21st Century Road to Housing Act, includes an expansive compilation of 56 separate provisions aimed at increasing the supply of housing, improving access to financing and limiting ownership by large financial institutions.

The act is more evolutionary than revolutionary, since many of the barriers are down to state and local zoning and building codes that are beyond the reach of the federal government. Still, the measure creates a framework for streamlining local permitting, removes several obstacles to expansion of manufactured homes and includes many incremental incentives that should materially improve the supply of residential housing units over time.

Housing affordability has emerged as a public policy priority in recent years, as costs have accelerated faster than incomes since the COVID pandemic. The median price of a single-family home today is $440,000, up 50% over the past six years according to the National Association of Realtors. Zillow reports that the cost to rent a single-family home has risen by 45% over the same period, while apartment rents are up 28%. Meanwhile, median nominal household income has risen by just 25% since 2020.

The housing bill cleared the House of Representatives on a vote of 358 to 32 and passed in the U.S. Senate by a margin of 85 to 5, a commendable accomplishment. However, on June 24, the president abruptly cancelled a scheduled signing ceremony in reaction to the Senate’s unwillingness to pass new voter restrictions, calling the housing act a “big yawn.” Legislators from both parties were blindsided, having anticipated a high-profile bipartisan victory to tout in advance of the approaching midterm elections.

The president’s action did provide Americans with an interesting constitutional lesson. When Congress passes a bill, the president may either sign it into law or veto the bill, challenging Congress to muster a 2/3 majority to override the veto. However, the president can also simply refuse to sign, in which case the bill becomes law after 10 calendar days, excluding Sundays, if Congress is in session. The 21st Century Road to Housing Act therefore went into effect automatically at midnight on July 11.

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Among the numerous provisions in the law, a few stand out as particularly promising.

Manufactured housing. In what may be the most impactful action, the act eliminates one of the biggest impediments to expanding manufactured housing: the permanent chassis requirement. Since 1976, thanks to lobbying from traditional homebuilding interests, the federal government has forbidden the removal of the heavy steel trailer on which the unit was built even though 90% are never moved, and many are set on permanent foundations. This rule is risibly applied even in cases where an additional unit was stacked to form a second story. As I wrote in this space in October, factory-built homes can be produced more efficiently and therefore more affordably through mass production techniques. Eliminating the useless chassis after delivery could save a typical buyer an additional 5% and 10% of the purchase price as well as qualifying for more traditional mortgage financing.

Financial incentives to cities. Although the act does not include any additional federal funding, it directs a significant reallocation of existing incentives. The 1970s-era Community Development Block Grant program is reimagined, providing extra grant funding to high-cost metro areas that move aggressively to build affordable housing. The program is cost neutral, transferring funds from other cities that continue to discourage new unit construction through restrictive local policies.

Improving access to financing. Nearly half of the surge in housing costs is due to sharply higher mortgage interest rates since 2020. The housing act cannot impact rates, but it does provide additional access to financing. Small dollar loans of $100,000 or less will now be eligible for Federal Housing Administration guarantees, providing more access to lower-income buyers. The act also more than doubles the Federal Housing Administration loan limit for multifamily housing units.

Promoting rental homebuilding. The role of large institutions in purchasing single-family homes since the 2008 financial crisis has garnered significant public attention. The housing bill strikes a constructive balance.

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“Large institutional investors”, defined in the bill as investors holding 350 or more single-family residences, are now prohibited from acquiring additional homes subject to specific exemptions. For instance, homes purchased for the specific purpose of renovation for rental are excluded. These institutional investors are also not required to divest their existing holdings.

Importantly, the restrictions do not apply to so-called build-to-rent acquisitions wherein large investors purchase newly constructed homes specifically for rental. Economic research generally finds that large investor ownership tends to push up home purchase prices to buyers but reduces pressure on rent costs by adding to supply, just what the doctor ordered.

Local zoning and permitting reforms. As mentioned above, states and municipalities retain jurisdiction for their own local building and zoning codes, many of which have served to hinder the construction of more affordable residential units. The new housing act directs the Department of Housing and Urban Development to create a template incorporating best practices for modernizing zoning and land use policies to support more housing construction and renovation.

A curiously unrelated addition to the bill forbids the Federal Reserve from issuing a digital cryptocurrency version of the U.S. dollar, called a stablecoin, until 2030. The crypto industry has vigorously opposed an official U.S. stablecoin and accounted for nearly half of all corporate political contributions to federal election candidates in 2024. The president himself has amassed $1.4 billion in profits from his various crypto ventures since taking office in 2025.

Additional elements include a variety of incremental pilot projects, regulatory reforms and tweaks to existing federal housing programs that, taken together, could also have a meaningful impact and set the stage for further progress based upon the results. And perhaps most important: bipartisan cooperation, compromise and agreement.

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Christopher A. Hopkins, CFA, is a co-founder of Apogee Wealth Partners in Chattanooga.

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