New Hampshire
Three Seacoast Democrats lead the way in NH US House race
A military veteran with a previous unsuccessful bid for Congress, the daughter of a household name in New Hampshire politics, and a Harvard University professor — all Democrats — are the first to jump in the 2026 race for New Hampshire’s 1st Congressional District.
Maura Sullivan, a Marine Corps veteran and former Obama administration staffer, became the first candidate to join the race in April. Former Portsmouth City Councilor Stefany Shaheen, who is the daughter of U.S. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, followed late last month. On June 4, Carleigh Beriont, who teaches at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and serves on Hampton’s select board, announced her campaign. No Republican has officially entered the race yet.
The district, which has been in Democratic hands for nearly a decade, is being closely watched to see whether a Republican can flip it or whether it’s become a Democratic stronghold.
Sullivan, Shaheen, and Beriont are vying to represent the eastern half of New Hampshire, including Manchester, the state’s largest city; the Seacoast cities of Portsmouth, Dover, and Exeter; and parts of the Lakes Region, including Laconia. Chris Pappas has represented the 1st District since 2018, but it became an open contest in April when Pappas announced a run for the Senate seat being vacated by Jeanne Shaheen.
Both Sullivan and Shaheen targeted President Donald Trump and billionaire Elon Musk in their opening pitches to voters. Sullivan put particular emphasis on her military service in Iraq and Southeast Asia.
“I saw too many of my fellow Marines give their lives for this country to just sit by and watch Donald Trump and Elon Musk tear it down,” Sullivan said in her announcement video. “They’re driving up costs for New Hampshire families, making it even more difficult to own a home and pay the bills, and that’s why I’m running for Congress.”
Born in the Chicago area, Sullivan holds degrees from Northwestern University and Harvard. After serving in the Marine Corps, Sullivan worked in the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense under former President Barack Obama. In 2017, she moved to New Hampshire and within three months announced she was running for Congress, a move widely criticized by people who pointed out how few ties she had to the state. She finished runner-up to Pappas among 11 candidates in the primary.
In her campaign announcement, Shaheen focused on health care-related issues, saying her experience raising a daughter with type 1 diabetes inspired her to fight for medical research.
“When I see Donald Trump crushing medical research in our country,” Shaheen said in her video, “when I see Elon Musk with a chainsaw chasing out our best scientists and doctors, when I see Bobby Kennedy Jr. allowing measles to run rampant because he believes in conspiracy theories instead of proven vaccines, and when I see congressional Republicans slashing Medicaid, children’s health care, veterans’ health care, all to fund massive tax breaks for billionaires and corporations, well, I’m going to fight.”
Shaheen’s mother, a mainstay of New Hampshire politics for decades, served as governor from 1997 to 2003 and has represented the state in the U.S. Senate since 2009 (she announced her upcoming retirement in March). In addition to formerly serving on the Portsmouth City Council, the younger Shaheen was chairwoman of the Portsmouth Police Commission. She works as chief strategy officer for the Manchester-based biomanufacturer ARMI and founded Good Measures, a company that seeks to connect people with chronic illnesses to proper supports.
In announcing her candidacy, Beriont characterized herself as an outsider rather than an establishment candidate.
“I’m not a career politician — I’m a mom, an educator, a neighbor,” she said in a press release. “I’ve spent my life standing up for people who don’t always have a voice in the room. Now, I’m ready to bring that same fight to Washington — not for the powerful, but for the rest of us.”
Beriont teaches religion, government, and U.S. history at Harvard. She previously worked as an organizer with Democratic campaigns. She said she hopes to build a grassroots campaign.
A swing district or one that’s become safely Democratic?
New Hampshire’s 1st Congressional District has historically been a challenging swing district. From 2006 to 2018, it switched hands four times between Republican Frank Guinta and Democrat Carol Shea-Porter. However, after Pappas took the seat in 2018 and won reelection three consecutive times, the seat has sat squarely in Democratic hands.
“It’ll be interesting to see once Pappas is not on the ballot — at least not for CD1 (Pappas is running for Senate) — whether the district reverts back to being more swingy than it otherwise has been during the Pappas years,” Dante Scala, a political science professor at the University of New Hampshire, said. “And that raises the second question, which is … how much of that can you attribute to Pappas’ strengths as an incumbent and how much should we chalk up to the trend that, during the Trump era since 2016, New Hampshire Democrats have been unbeaten in terms of federal elections?”
Scala said if it turns out Pappas’ success was driven by his strength as a candidate, a Democratic nominee could have more difficulty. But if it turns out President Donald Trump’s dominance over the Republican Party has turned off many New Hampshire voters and made the state more liberal, they won’t have too much trouble replicating Pappas’ success. In a similar vein, he argued that during the Guinta/Shea-Porter decade, the race became dependent on “outside factors.”
“Like who was in power in the White House, for example,” he said. “I think it was those sorts of extra or outside-New Hampshire national factors — which way the national breeze is blowing — that was affecting the results.”
Scala said Pappas was able to “defy the national wind” multiple times. 2022’s elections, when then-President Joe Biden had low approval ratings, was a difficult moment for Democrats nationwide.
“There was all sorts of talk about a red wave in ‘22,” he said. “And I thought it was quite possible at the time that Pappas would be upset by that wave. But then it turned out that New Hampshire Democrats, (Sen. Maggie) Hassan and Pappas, held steady, despite the fact that we saw the wave happen elsewhere.”
Scala pointed to Pappas’ centrism and the fact that he’d been on a ballot in so many races as possible drivers of success.
“He quietly goes about the business of being an incumbent,” he said. “In some ways, it’s a throwback to an earlier era of representation, where you’re just looking out for your district. You’re not looking to make waves. You’re not trying to be a polarizing figure. You’re low-profile. But that allows people who voted for (former Republican Gov.) Chris Sununu to feel comfortable turning around and voting for Chris Pappas.”
Scala believes Trump will have an outsized influence in 2026. A Trump endorsement could play a big part in the Republican primary. Looking toward the general election, Scala pointed to a recent UNH poll that found 45% of Granite Staters approve of Trump’s job performance, which is “not terrible, but what does that look like in a year’s time?”
“Trump’s not on the ballot and on the ballot,” he said. “Trump just takes up so much oxygen politically. Once it gets past the primaries, I really think it’s a referendum on Trump. I think you have to assume that’s going to benefit the Democratic candidate, whoever that may be, and I think it’s increasingly difficult now for a Republican in particular to try, especially for the House, to develop any sort of identity that’s distinctive enough to separate himself or herself from Trump.”
On Sullivan, Shaheen, and Beriont’s side of the race, Scala said “there’s a lot of discontent with the Democratic Party in general.”
“There’s a lot of unhappiness and finger-pointing among Democrats about how they should be facing off against Trump,” he said. “Is there lightning out there that could be harnessed in a Democratic primary? You know, the way that Shea-Porter was able to do?”
Scala said it was Shea-Porter’s ardent opposition to the Iraq War in 2006 that won her the seat originally.
“She went from nobody, but was really very much a grassroots activist on an issue, the Iraq War, that split the party, and she just went like gangbusters and rode that to Congress,” he said. “You look at Shaheen, Maura Sullivan (Scala spoke with the Bulletin before Beriont’s announcement), nothing strikes me about either of those candidates as insurgent, for lack of a better word. I mean, they’re pretty much standard issue Democratic candidates. Is there someone out there who, you know, would have the wherewithal to stir the pot?”
Advice from a previously successful candidate
Where Scala thinks it’s an open question as to whether the district solidly leans democratic, Shea-Porter has no doubts.
“I wouldn’t have retired in January 2019 if I thought we hadn’t flipped it blue,” Shea-Porter told the Bulletin. “But I knew that we had.”
She argued that the Republican Party nationally has moved too far right for New Hampshire voters while Democrats from New Hampshire have stayed moderate.
“They don’t want the ugliness that we’re seeing from the MAGA party,” she said. “And they didn’t want it then either. They don’t want extremists in either camp. And we have not had a Democratic extremist.”
Shea-Porter argued that the state “is not an extremist state,” and that it typically votes “center, center-left, sometimes center-right, but never far left or far right.”
She’s been paying attention to the current political landscape.
“As I have watched this unfold, I’ve thought, ‘My gosh, this just feels in so many ways like 2006,’” she said.
Shea-Porter said when she criticized the Iraq War and other actions taken by then-President George W. Bush people accused her of not supporting the troops. Today, she said when people criticize Trump and conservative policies, they’re accused of “not thinking about America first.”
She also argued the MAGA movement is an extension of the Tea Party of the early 2010s. She, and many spectators at the time, credit backlash to the Affordable Care Act (colloquially known as Obamacare) for her two electoral defeats to Guinta. (Guinta did not respond to the Bulletin’s requests for interviews.) She notes that today, the ACA, and the Medicaid expansion it brought, have returned to the forefront of political discussions as Republicans debate cutting it. Finally, she said both eras see Republicans trying to push tax breaks for the wealthy at the expense of the middle and lower classes.
“Echoes of today, right?’” she said. “I mean they’re the same problems that we have — that people were struggling economically and that they didn’t have champions there for them and people were passing legislation that was only helping the rich — and I was talking about anybody who was supporting the wealthy over the middle class. And I used to say the middle class is stumbling and the poor have fallen. And that was always my line, and sadly, here we are again. Today, it’s the same thing.”
Shea-Porter said, in retirement, she’s still in touch with former colleagues and she’s “not quiet on what’s happening.”
“If I were any of these candidates right now,” she said, “I would ask constitutional scholars to go to town halls with me and talk about how endangered we are right now with a very authoritarian president and a MAGA party in Washington who’s really threatening so many groups of people and ignoring our Constitution.”
“I think these candidates need to not be afraid to go out and say, ‘Look, I plan to do everything I can to produce legislation to vote to stop this,’” she said. “But then they have to have the facts. … I would keep a list like I used to keep on George Bush and his administration, so that people would understand, here’s the list of what is wrong.”
Shea-Porter said she’s spoken to candidates in the race, offering advice, though she wouldn’t say who. For now, she said she plans not to publicly take sides in the primary, but will strongly support the Democratic nominee in the general election. She anticipates the primary being friendly without personal attacks.
Her advice for the candidates: “to not be afraid to lead on these issues. People are looking for people who will not lead from behind, but lead up front.”
This story was originally published by New Hampshire Bulletin.
New Hampshire
‘Not cosmetic’: NH lawmaker wants state to cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss – Concord Monitor
Two years ago, Sue Prentiss got a sobering reality check at her doctor’s office. The news was blunt: She qualified for bariatric surgery, a procedure for patients whose weight poses life-threatening risks.
She was aware of her weight and had tried everything from high-intensity workouts to weight loss programs and diets. Nothing seemed to help until she started taking GLP-1 medications.
Prentiss said between then and now, she had lost almost 80 pounds.
But at a $500 out-of-pocket monthly fee, every refill is a financial pinch.
“I’m just getting by, but I’m so much healthier, and if this can work for me, think about everybody else’s life where this would impact,” said Prentiss, a state senator.
To keep up with the cost, she’s made hard choices like cutting back on retirement contributions and squeezing her budget wherever possible.
Now, Prentiss is sponsoring Senate Bill 455, which would require the state to provide GLP-1 medications under the state Medicaid plan as a treatment for people with obesity.
As of January, New Hampshire’s Medicaid program has ended coverage for GLP-1 drugs like Saxenda, Wegovy and Zepbound for weight loss. The state still covers the medications when they’re part of a treatment plan for other chronic conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, certain cardiovascular diseases, severe sleep apnea and Metabolic Dysfunction-Associated Steatohepatitis (MASH).
According to the New Hampshire Department of Health and Human Services, the state paid managed care organizations $49.5 million to cover GLP-1 medications between July 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. The policy change in January reduced that cost to $41 million.
With these drugs gaining popularity, the state estimated that if were to resume covering GLP-1s for weight loss, it would need to spend an additional $24.2 million on top of the $41 million per fiscal year.
Jonathan Ballard, chief medical officer at DHHS, said the agency opposes the bill, which would require Medicaid coverage for anyone with a body mass index above 30 seeking GLP-1 medications specifically for weight loss.
Ballard said the state cannot afford such an expansion when budgets are already tight.
“The department does not have this money today,” he said. “So, living within the realities of our current budget, there will be significant trade-offs. We will have to cut other things that are very important to the health and well-being of New Hampshire to pay for this unless there’s some change.”
GLP-1 drugs carry a steep price tag that puts significant pressure on state budgets, particularly within Medicaid programs. Several states, including California, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, have moved to drop coverage of these medications for weight loss.
Prentiss initially drafted her legislation with private insurers in mind, but later pivoted to focus on Medicaid to serve more vulnerable populations. She is covered by commercial insurance and said the outcome of the bill will not personally affect her.
Lost coverage
GLP-1 medications mimic a natural hormone in the gut that helps regulate blood sugar, digestion and appetite.
Sarah Finn, section chief for obesity medicine at Dartmouth Health, said she has seen firsthand the impact on her patients after the state dropped Medicaid coverage for weight-loss GLP-1 drugs.
Without access to these medications, patients experience increased hunger, cravings and persistent “food noise,” as their bodies attempt to return to a higher fat percentage, a process known as metabolic adaptation, she said.
“This is the reality of the state I’m in right now, where I don’t have options except bariatric surgery for my Medicaid patients and a lot of times patients don’t want to do a surgery,” said Finn, at a hearing for the bill on Wednesday. “What I have to tell that patient is there’s nothing I could do to advocate.”
The Department of Health and Human Services faced a $51 million budget cut when the New Hampshire Legislature passed its biennial budget last year, forcing the department to reduce several services.
While Prentiss acknowledges the financial strain on the department, she wants the state to consider the long-term impact of using GLP-1s to prevent chronic conditions like diabetes, which is largely linked to weight gain and can drive up costs for the state over time.
“By driving down obesity, we can drive down the costs that are related to it,” she said.
Prentiss remains on GLP-1 medications and said she feels much healthier than before.
She said that after a few months on the drugs, her blood sugar levels and kidney function began trending toward more normal ranges.
“It’s not cosmetic,” she said. “Obesity is a medical condition.”
New Hampshire
New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News
In New Hampshire and across New England, nuclear energy is in the spotlight. But as plans for the region’s nuclear future are charted, some of the big questions that stirred New Hampshire in the 1980s remain unanswered.
Gov. Kelly Ayotte has called for New Hampshire to embrace new nuclear technology, while state legislators have introduced multiple bills to promote its development. Then, last week, Ayotte joined the rest of New England’s governors in a bipartisan joint statement calling for the region to pursue advanced nuclear technologies while championing its two existing nuclear power plants.
There are timeline and economic questions about the implementation of emerging nuclear technologies. But front-end logistics aside, some say there’s a bigger and enduring problem: How will we safely handle nuclear waste, in New Hampshire and nationwide?
The spent fuel that nuclear reactors spit out is hot and remains dangerously radioactive for thousands of years. The U.S. Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 requires it be safeguarded and separate from nearby populations for at least 10,000 years. The law also requires the United States to come up with a national system to facilitate that at a centralized location, but no plan has yet emerged.
The matter is close at hand in New Hampshire, from the hilly west of the state, where a federal proposal for a deep nuclear waste storage site once threatened to displace residents, to the Seacoast, where spent fuel from the Seabrook Station power plant is generated and stored. To activists, just how we will handle the hazardous material is a hanging question that challenges the wisdom of embarking on a new nuclear era.
“There have been efforts over several decades here in New Hampshire to raise attention to this issue, but, obviously, we haven’t seen much real movement,” said Doug Bogen, executive director of the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League.
No stranger to nuclear waste
Three hundred or so million years ago, the long, fiery process that turned New Hampshire into the Granite State began. As magma seeped up into the crust from below and began to cool, seams of grainy, crystalline granite slowly formed.
The immense pockets of stone formed through this process are called plutons. When erosion washes away the sediments and soils around them, plutons can form mountains like the 3,155-foot Mount Cardigan. That peak is the crest of New Hampshire’s largest pluton: an approximately 60-mile long and 12-mile wide stretch of granite running through western New Hampshire.
In the 1980s, this swath of stone attracted an unexpected visitor: the United States Department of Energy, searching for a site to excavate a long-term storage facility for the nation’s nuclear waste.
Spent fuel remains radioactive for several million years, but its radioactivity decreases with time. The period of “greatest concern,” where levels of radiation are more dangerous to humans, lasts about 10,000 years, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.
So, to keep the waste contained over that period, the U.S. government plans to rely on a combination of engineering and favorable geology, according to Scott Burnell, senior public affairs officer with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A long-term storage site is envisioned underground, because certain minerals can help shield radiation.
Granite is one such mineral. That’s what drew the department to western New Hampshire in the ’80s, Bogen recalled.
In 1986, the department announced that a 78-square-mile area on the pluton, centered around the town of Hillsborough, was one of a dozen sites across the country under consideration for a potential deep storage facility. Residents understood then that a number of surrounding towns would have been partially or entirely seized by the federal government through eminent domain to make way for the facility. Many were distraught.
“There weren’t any Yankees that were going to take that,” said Paul Gunter, a founding member of the anti-nuclear Clamshell Alliance.
The “Clams,” as well as the New Hampshire Radioactive Waste Information Network, which Gunter also co-founded; the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League; and other environmental groups, towns, and individuals mobilized quickly. In addition to organizing demonstrations, activists also circulated a warrant article opposing the generation and dumping of nuclear waste in New Hampshire. One hundred and thirty-seven towns ultimately voted to pass it, according to the New Hampshire Municipal Association.
Their opposition was multi-pronged, Gunter said. Organizers had health and safety concerns about the management of nuclear power and highly radioactive waste, including a lack of faith that the radiation would be safely isolated from human populations. They were also concerned about the proliferation of nuclear technology and the security risks that would come along with the transport of highly enriched nuclear fuel through their region. With some pacifist Quaker roots, the Clamshell Alliance also was, and remains, deeply opposed to nuclear weapons, Gunter said. They consider the matters of nuclear power and nuclear weapons inextricable.
News that New Hampshire was under consideration for a possible dump broke in January 1986. Later that year, the New Hampshire Legislature passed a law opposing the siting of such a dump in the state. When the Department of Energy dropped New Hampshire from its list, the storm seemed to have passed.
But while the Clams and others celebrated that, they continued to oppose the issue around which they had first come together: Seabrook Station nuclear power plant. At the time, then-Gov. John H. Sununu said he believed the two matters had to be considered separately. But Gunter said opposing the generation of nuclear waste went hand-in-hand with opposing its storage.
To this day, he said, the issues are often discussed separately, allowing the threat of nuclear waste to take a backseat in discussions and planning around nuclear energy.
New Hampshire’s high-level radioactive waste act was quietly repealed in 2011, and a subsequent attempt by the late former Rep. Renny Cushing to reintroduce legislation on the topic, opposing the siting of a high-level waste facility in New Hampshire, was defeated in 2020.
Where we are now
Hillsborough’s story has echoes elsewhere across the country. The most progress toward a potential deep storage site occurred at Nevada’s Yucca Mountain, where excavation took place, but the site was abandoned amid opposition from the state.
In broad strokes, a similar story has repeated in other instances where a site was proposed, Burnell said. But a spokesperson for the Department of Energy, the agency charged with finding a location, said their search continues nonetheless.
President Donald Trump’s administration has taken a new tack, framing the search for a waste facility along with potential new development as a search for a “nuclear lifecycle innovation campus.” The move comes as Trump has attempted to bolster the U.S. nuclear industry, calling for a surge in nuclear generation and development with multiple executive orders.
“The Nuclear Lifecycle Innovation Campuses Initiative is a new effort to modernize the nation’s full nuclear fuel cycle,” a spokesperson for the department’s Office of Nuclear Energy said in an email. That would involve a federal-state partnership with funding for a nuclear technology facility where many stages of the process could be colocated, they said, naming fuel fabrication, enrichment, reprocessing, and “disposition of waste” as some of what would occur at such a site.
The deadline for states to submit “statements of interest” for hosting sites was April 1, and the spokesperson said “dozens” of responses had been filed. But they declined to say whether New Hampshire was among those, and the New Hampshire Department of Energy did not immediately respond to the same question.
In the meantime
Spent fuel generated at Seabrook Station is initially stored in 40-plus-foot-deep pools of water for preliminary cooling, then moved to steel-and-concrete casks, according to Burnell and NextEra spokesperson Lindsay Robertson. The concrete casks remain on-site on a concrete pad, Burnell said. Until another plan is developed, this is the case for spent fuel generated at reactors across the nation.
The storage facilities in use at Seabrook were tested and built to government standards, intended to withstand “extreme weather,” Robertson said. She declined to say how much spent fuel was generated or stored at Seabrook Station.
Since coming online in 1990, Seabrook Station has generated a significant portion of New England’s power without generating much news. Yet Gunter said his concerns about the station and storage of its spent fuel have not been ameliorated with the passage of time.
“They’ve been affirmed,” he said.
Gunter has concerns about concrete degradation and wiring at Seabrook Station and other power plants nationwide. Regarding waste, Gunter and Bogen said they worry about sea level rise affecting the storage area; Seabrook Station is located adjacent to tidal marshland. And, lacking a national plan for more long-term storage of nuclear waste, they wonder what will happen to the material currently stored on a temporary basis at Seabrook if no such plan emerges.
Gunter said his concerns about nuclear waste are part and parcel to his overall opposition to nuclear power, including those generators already in use.
“The new reactors are still on paper. The real threat is really in the day-to-day operation of aging nuclear power plants that are way past their shelf life,” he said.
Nuclear power plants are expensive to construct, creating what Bogen called the “opportunity cost” of embracing them at the expense of other sources of power generation. He and Gunter see renewable energy, principally through offshore wind, as safer and faster to deploy, and were disappointed to see politicians renew their focus on nuclear energy.
“It is coming back in a rebranding, which this industry is very well versed in,” Gunter said. “… Nuclear waste is going to be a persistent hazard over geological spans of time, while the electricity is going to be a fleeting benefit.”
Bogen said he wanted to see more reinforcement of the waste stored at Seabrook in a model called hardened on-site storage. But in terms of dealing with future waste, he and Gunter believe the best solution would be to stop generating it altogether.
“If you find yourself in a hole,” Bogen said, “the first thing you do is stop digging.”
Conversely, the New Hampshire Department of Energy does not see the question of nuclear waste as a barrier to further development in the state, according to an email from department Legislative Liaison Megan Stone. The nuclear roadmap that Ayotte’s March executive order directed the department to craft would include consideration of the “nuclear lifecycle,” including storage and “disposition” of waste, Stone said.
Then, she alluded to the expectation that a federal plan would emerge. “Dry cask storage is a safe and effective method of storing spent nuclear fuel until it is collected by the federal government,” she said.
New Hampshire
Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash
A motorcyclist from Douglas was killed in a crash on Friday, April 17 in Campton, New Hampshire.
Police in Campton identified the victim as Elias Alexandro Ramos, 18, of Douglas. He was pronounced dead at the scene, police said.
The crash occurred shortly before 11 a.m. on Route 3. The initial investigation indicates Ramos was traveling north on a Honda motorcycle when it went off the road and into a guardrail, police said. He was thrown from the motorcycle.
It appears speed or alcohol were not factors in the crash, according to police. Ramos wore a helmet, although it may not have been properly worn, police said.
The crash remains under investigation.
Ramos was due to graduate from high school in the spring. He had dreams of becoming a mechanic, according to his older brother, Alexander.
“He was so mature for his age, already having the next couple of years planned out,” said Alexander in an email to the Telegram & Gazette.
On a GoFundMe page he created to help with family expenses after his brother’s death, Alexander wrote of the way Elias would bring joy and laughter to those around him.
“Elias had a gift for making people smile, and he was always there to help anyone in need,” he wrote.
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