Politics
Trump talks 'free speech' while moving to muzzle those he disagrees with
In one of his first acts in office, President Trump issued an executive order promising to end government censorship and restore free speech.
The order accused the outgoing Biden administration of harassing social media companies and violating the rights of average Americans “under the guise” of combating disinformation online, and said federal resources would no longer be used to “unconstitutionally abridge the free speech of any American citizen.”
The order echoed a recurring theme from Trump’s campaign — that liberals across the federal government are censoring conservative voices to advance their own “woke” agenda — and immediately resonated with his followers.
“This order is a critical step to ensure the government cannot dictate what speech is permissible or weaponize private entities to enforce censorship,” said Mark Trammell of the Center for American Liberty, a conservative rights group founded by California attorney Harmeet K. Dhillon, Trump’s nominee to lead the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division.
However, many others said they found Trump’s order absurd — both because of his long track record of attacking speech he doesn’t like, and because of his new administration’s simultaneous efforts to muzzle people it disagrees with, including journalists, federal health officials, teachers, diplomats, climate scientists and the LGBTQ+ community.
“Let’s not be naive,” said Hadar Harris, the Washington managing director of PEN America, which has advocated for free speech in the U.S. for more than a century. “While some of President Trump’s flurry of executive orders pay lip service to free speech, in reality they frame a frontal assault against it, dictating the terms of allowable expression and identities, demanding political loyalty from civil servants, and threatening retaliation against dissent in ways that could cast a broad chill on free expression well beyond the halls of government.”
California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta said Trump’s claiming to be a free speech champion while attacking the media and harshly restricting how longtime civil servants can communicate with the public — including in critical areas such as public health — was “ironic and hypocritical.”
“It’s classic Trump administration,” Bonta said. “It’s their rhetoric versus their actions, and you have to look at their actions.”
Limiting communication
Both at home and abroad, the Trump administration has ordered federal employees and diplomats to cease communications on a range of issues, including “diversity, equity and inclusion,” “environmental justice” and “gender ideology.”
It ordered Department of Defense officials to stop posting information on official social media accounts unless it is about the southern border, and health and other federal experts to limit communications even on critical public safety issues such as the spread of bird flu — which California officials have declared an emergency.
Dr. Jeffrey Klausner, a public health professor and infectious-disease expert at USC, said he was alarmed Thursday when the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention withdrew from a planned bird flu discussion with the Infectious Disease Society of America. Klausner said their pulling out was “a big loss for our ability to understand what’s going on” nationally.
Klausner said past administrations have given health leaders new orders — to curtail spending, shift priorities — but never such directives to halt so many critical communications at once. He called it “extremely concerning.”
Trump also has ordered a sweeping crackdown on federal communications about the LGBTQ+ community — removing LGBTQ+ resource materials from government websites and placing new restrictions on how federal employees can discuss or speak to LGBTQ+ people — or even use words such as “sex” or “gender.”
He has threatened similar restrictions on public school teachers and administrators, and ordered that LGBTQ+ Americans may no longer identify as transgender on passports and other documents.
Jenny Pizer, chief legal officer for the LGBTQ+ legal advocacy group Lambda Legal, said Trump’s orders are “the antithesis of free speech” and a clear government attempt to “silence people, to chill speech” — which is illegal.
She pointed to new rules barring federal employees, contractors and materials from referencing gender identity or fluidity. “Those concepts are being censored, and the language with which one articulates the concepts is being censored,” she said.
Lambda Legal has fought such efforts before. When Trump in 2020 issued an executive order barring federal grantees conducting workplace diversity training from referencing topics such as implicit bias or critical race theory — calling them “divisive concepts” — Lambda Legal and others sued and won an injunction blocking the order.
Trump has also kept up his criticism of the news media, calling journalists the “enemy of the people.” He is suing various media organizations — including the board of the Pulitzer Prizes and the Des Moines Register and its parent company, Gannett — over journalism he claims was libelous or unfair. The outlets have defended their work.
Katherine Jacobsen, U.S. program coordinator at the Committee to Protect Journalists, said journalists would welcome an honest effort to bolster free speech protections across the political spectrum, but Trump’s order isn’t that.
“What we’ve seen in this post-election period — and even before the election kicked off, in his last presidency — is that he hasn’t really been willing to support free speech when it counters his narrative,” Jacobsen said.
Online debate
At the core of Trump’s censorship order is his claim that the Biden administration “trampled free speech rights by censoring Americans’ speech,” including by “exerting substantial coercive pressure” on online platforms.
It is not a new argument.
After the Jan. 6, 2021, attack and multiple investigations into efforts by foreign adversaries to spread disinformation and sow distrust in the American political system, social media companies promised to crack down — including by suspending thousands of accounts. Under the Biden administration, officials kept up pressure on those platforms to take down posts the administration deemed false and dangerous, including about U.S. election integrity but also the COVID-19 pandemic.
Those efforts increasingly rankled Republicans and eventually Republican states sued, accusing the Biden administration of illegally coercing the platforms to erase conservative content.
Experts say claims of liberal bias on social platforms are generally overblown, and point to thriving conservative communities online as proof. However, surveys have shown that many conservatives believe that bias exists. And Meta’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, recently lent credence to the claims by complaining publicly and to Congress about pressure his company received from the Biden administration to remove or limit the spread of certain content, including satirical content about COVID-19.
Lawyers for the Biden administration have said there is a difference between legitimate persuasion and inappropriate coercion, and that communication channels between government and social media companies had to remain open for public safety reasons. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Biden administration in June, finding the states had no standing to sue. Litigation around the issue persists.
In the meantime, tech leaders were shifting away from moderation — and toward Trump.
Elon Musk, the richest man in the world, purchased the social media platform X — then Twitter — in October 2022 on a promise to make it more free. He has described himself as a “free speech absolutist” and said Twitter wasn’t living up to its potential as a “platform for free speech” — which he said he would fix by loosening content restrictions.
Since then, Musk has joined Trump’s inner circle, spent more than a quarter of a billion dollars to help reelect Trump and Republicans in Congress, and been appointed by Trump to lead a new agency called the “Department of Government Efficiency,” raising all sorts of questions about conflicts given contracts Musk — also chief executive of SpaceX and Tesla — holds with the federal government.
Critics have also questioned Musk’s commitment to free speech. He has kicked journalists covering him off X and amplified conservative talking points on the platform. In September, X disclosed it had suspended nearly 5.3 million accounts in the first half of last year, compared with 1.6 million accounts it suspended in the first half of 2022.
Earlier this month, Zuckerberg of Meta — which owns Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp — announced his company had allowed for “too much censorship” and would be getting rid of fact-checkers, reducing content restrictions and serving up more political content.
Zuckerberg then went on the popular Joe Rogan podcast, where he said corporate America had been “neutered” and “emasculated” and complained bitterly about Biden administration officials calling Meta team members to demand they take down certain content — while “threatening repercussions if we don’t.”
A host of other tech leaders in addition to Musk and Zuckerberg — Amazon founder Jeff Bezos and the chief executives of Apple, Google and TikTok — were on hand for Trump’s inauguration. Many also donated to the events.
Trammell, of the Center for American Liberty, said the Biden administration violated the rights of average Americans with such actions, and that Trump’s order “reaffirms America’s commitment to free expression.” Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), who as chair of the House Judiciary Committee has overseen investigations into social media bias, noted the anti-censorship order, among others, in a post on X, writing, “Common sense is back!”
Harris, of PEN America, said her organization agrees that “government censorship of speech is intolerable in a free society,” as Trump’s order states, and that the government must “take care” in how it addresses things like disinformation on social media platforms “so as not to infringe on free speech.”
However, the government “should be able to communicate and engage in information sharing with tech companies when disinformation is swirling online during a natural disaster, pandemic, foreign interference in an election, or other moment of heightened tension and risks to the public,” Harris said.
While purporting to defend speech already protected by the 1st Amendment, Trump’s order would make such necessary communication “impossible” and “limit the government’s ability to address disinformation at all,” Harris said — “giving disinformation free reign.”
Speaking out
Kate Oakley, senior director of legal policy at the pro-LGBTQ+ Human Rights Campaign, said while there are some legitimate restrictions on free speech — you can’t scream ‘fire!” in a crowded theater, for example — the Constitution already protects American citizens from the sort of government censorship that Trump purports to target with his order.
It also protects them from some of the things Trump’s other orders would usher in if implemented, she said.
“What he wants to do is make sure that speech or beliefs that are critical of him have less opportunity to be expressed, that speech or beliefs that are praising him have more ability to be out there, and to the extent that people are saying, doing, believing, reading things that he doesn’t approve of, he would like to shut that down and is taking actions to do so,” Oakley said.
But “our government does not get to tell us those things,” Oakley said, and groups such as hers are going to be using their voice to argue that point vociferously — including, if necessary, in court.
Bonta, California’s attorney general, said Trump is a “seasoned salesman” when it comes to saying one thing and doing another, but California will not be fooled and will also be calling out Trump’s anti-free speech actions and those that threaten public safety.
Pizer, of Lambda Legal, said legal intervention from groups like hers may not come immediately, as some of the orders are “still amorphous or theoretical enough that we can’t see what the effect will be.” But they are watching closely, she said, and already see the pain.
“The reality,” she said, “is that lovely, wonderful people who never did anything to hurt anybody are going to be suffering along the way as we try to shut this stuff down as fast as we can.”
Times staff writer Tracy Wilkinson in Washington contributed to this report.
Politics
Chicago-area teacher breaks silence after losing job over 2-word Facebook post supporting ICE: ‘Devastating’
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FIRST ON FOX: A Chicago area teacher who was forced to resign from his position over his Facebook post saying “Go ICE” is speaking out about the emotional and financial toll he has suffered as a result.
“This process has been professionally and personally devastating and surreal,” former West Chicago teacher James Heidorn told Fox News Digital in his first public comments about the situation.
“I’ve spent 14 years building my career, pouring my heart into teaching kids, building relationships, and being a positive role model. To see it all upended over two simple words, ‘Go ICE’, where I expressed my personal support for law enforcement felt like a severe blow to my career.”
In late January, Fox News Digital first reported that the longtime teacher at Gary Elementary school in a heavily Hispanic district was placed on leave after local activists in the community began sharing his Facebook post that said “GO ICE” in response to a news story about a local police department saying they would cooperate with ICE.
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A West Chicago PE teacher who resigned over a Facebook post supporting ICE is speaking out about what happened.
On Thursday, Jan. 22, Heidorn was first notified by school officials that they had seen the growing social media chatter about his post. He briefly quit after meeting with HR staff before rescinding his resignation the same day. Heidorn was set to return to school to teach on Monday while the school investigated.
Around the same time, Illinois Democratic state Senator Karina Villa, who was captured on video in September chasing down ICE agents in the street, publicly expressed outrage over the post and said she stands in “unwavering solidarity” with families upset about the “disturbing comments reportedly made by an educator.”
On that Saturday, before an investigation had been concluded, West Chicago Mayor Daniel Bovey took to Facebook and posted a video explaining why Heidorn’s comments were “hurtful” and “offensive” to many in the community.
“The issue is we have trusted adults who are the ones that care for those kids when they can’t be with their mom and their dad,” Bovey said. “So to have someone cavalierly rooting on — as if it’s a football game or something, yeah go — events which have traumatized these children … that is the issue.”
Over the weekend, parents online were encouraging each other to keep their students home from school as a form of protest, and many in the community began criticizing Heidorn.
The city of West Chicago held a “listening session” on Jan. 26 at the request of Bovey, that included a Spanish translator, where a variety of parents and locals expressed concerns about the post, including a woman who said “kids do not feel safe” as a result of the post and another woman who said the post was “cruel.”
“This started with a two-word comment on my personal Facebook page supporting law enforcement—nothing more,” Heidorn said. “It wasn’t directed at any student, family, or school community. Second, I was placed on leave and faced intense pressure before any full investigation or fair process could play out, with this it led to my resignation.”
“Third, I lost my career, my income, and the chance to close out my time with my students properly—no farewell, no goodbyes.”
Ultimately, Heidorn resigned a second time rather than be terminated after a hearing with school officials.
In a statement to Fox News Digital at the time that Heidorn was on leave in January, a West Chicago Elementary School District 33 spokesperson referred to the social media post as “disruptive” and said “we understand that this situation has raised concerns and caused disruption for students, families, and staff.”
Teachers all across the United States have taken to the streets in recent weeks, causing disruptions in favor of far-left causes, including in Chicago where teachers stormed a local target harassing employees, to protest President Trump’s immigration policies without facing pushback or repercussions from local school districts.
TOP TEACHERS UNION UNDER FIRE AS LAWMAKERS PUSH TO STRIP UNION OF UNIQUE FEDERAL CHARTER: ‘LOST THEIR WAY’
Gary Elementary School in West, Chicago (Google Maps)
“Most importantly, this is bigger than me: it’s about whether personal opinions expressed outside of work can cost someone their livelihood without due process,” Heidorn said. “I hope to see free speech matters, even when it’s unpopular.”
“It does feel like a double standard—due to my viewpoint being different from others within the community that I taught in. I feel that we should all be able to coexist with our personal political viewpoints. Fairness should apply equally, regardless of those viewpoints. If personal political speech is grounds for punishment, it should be consistent—not selective based on what side you’re on. I believe in free speech for all, and that’s what I hope comes out of all this.”
Heidorn has received some support from the local community, including a GoFundMe page calling him a “beloved physical education teacher” who “showed up every day for his students.”
“Emotionally, it’s been a roller coaster that has me feeling a great deal of shock, loss, and deep sadness over losing daily contact with my students,” Heidorn said. “Feelings of anger and frustration at how quickly things escalated without real dialogue, and grief for not getting to say a proper goodbye to the kids I cared so much for. I’ve had sleepless nights, but I’m trying to stay focused on my family and the support I’ve received from people who know the real me.”
Heidorn, who also lost his employment working as a soccer coach at a nearby private school, told Fox News Digital that one of the most difficult aspects of being forced from his job was losing the relationships he built with his students, of all backgrounds over his long career.
Asked what he would tell his students if given the opportunity to address the situation with them directly, Heidorn said that the online outrage “isn’t the full story” and is “just noise from people who don’t know me.”
“To my students: I want you to know that I care about you deeply and always have. The person you knew in class—the one who encouraged you, played with you, and cheered you on—is still the same person,” Heidorn said. “I always tried to provide the best learning environment and great atmosphere for us all to grow. I have always had your best interest in mind by showing passion, support, care, and safety no matter what.”
Heidorn added, “I would never want any of you to feel unsafe or unloved. You are amazing kids, and I’m proud of every moment we shared. I know I can’t change people’s minds for those who are angry, upset, and have lost trust in me, and I am sorry for that because I always had my students and the community’s best interests in mind, and I never intended to cause fear or harm to them or their families.”
CHICAGO TEACHERS UNION PROMOTES VENEZUELA REGIME CHANGE PROTESTS ORGANIZED BY SOCIALIST GROUPS
Federal ICE police officers walking down a suburban street. (Christopher Dilts/Getty Images)
Fox News Digital reached out to the district for a specific comment on what rule Heidorn violated by posting support for law enforcement on Facebook and if teachers who publicly “disruptive” against or antagonize ICE will be treated the same way. The district did not respond.
When reached for comment, Bovey pushed back on the suggestion he inflamed the situation with his Facebook video, saying, “Personally, I wish the teacher well.”
“The teacher used his first amendment rights to make a statement,” Bovey said. “Others used their first amendment rights in commenting on the situation. The school board took appropriate action to go through the due process of investigating a situation which had adversely impacted the education of children. The public used their first amendment rights to comment (in favor and against) the actions of the school board and then the teacher made a decision to resign. At the end of the day, though there were frustrations on both sides which were stoked by inaccurate social media posts, this is how democracy works.”
Bovey added, “Despite a lot of vitriolic comments from people across the country who were misinformed by social media, our local community seems remarkably unified.”
Heidorns said he has always taken his role “extremely seriously” over his 14-year career and that his reputation was “built on showing up every day, being reliable, fair, and genuinely invested in my students’ growth.”
“My students’ successes are what drove me more than you could know,” Heidorn said. “I never brought politics into my teaching; my focus was always on my students. Losing that connection hurts more than anything, and I want people to know I never intended to harm or divide anyone.”
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The “Greetings from Chicago” mural brightens a street in Chicago’s Logan Square neighborhood on March 30, 2018. (Patrick Gorski/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
Going forward, Heidorn will be required to inform future school districts he applies to that he resigned and provide specifics why, which leaves any potential of furthering his career in the area unclear.
“I really don’t know what is next for me—as the teaching profession has been, up to this point in time, all that I ever wanted to do,” he explained. “It is all I have ever studied for and teaching is what has defined me. Even advancing my education with a master’s degree in educational leadership because I wanted to become the best teacher I can be.”
“With that said—I’m exploring options in education or related fields, but I’m also taking time to heal and learn from this experience. I want people to know I’m grateful for the outpouring of support from those who reached out, donated, or shared my story. It reminds me that most people value fairness and second chances. I’m determined to move forward positively and keep contributing to kids’ lives in whatever way I can.”
Politics
The two separate lives of Gavin Newsom detailed in new memoir
SACRAMENTO — Gavin Newsom writes in his upcoming memoir about San Francisco’s highborn Getty family fitting him in Brioni suits “appropriate to meet a king” when he was 20 years old. Then he flew aboard their private “Jetty” to Spain for a royal princess’s debutante-style party.
Back home, real life wasn’t as grand.
In an annual performance for their single mom, Newsom and his sister would pretend to find problems with the fancy clothes his dad’s friends, the heirs of ruthless oil baron J. Paul Getty, sent for Christmas. Poor fit. Wrong color. Not my style. The ritual gave her an excuse to return the gifts and use the store credit on presents for her children she placed under the tree.
California’s 41st governor, a possible suitor for the White House, opens up about the duality of his upbringing in his new book. Newsom details the everyday struggle living with his mom after his parents divorced and occasional interludes into his father’s life charmed by the Gettys’ affluence, including that day when the Gettys outfitted him in designer clothes at a luxury department store.
“I walked out understanding that this was the split personality of my life,” Newsom writes in “Young Man in a Hurry.”
For years, Newsom asserted that his “one-dimensional” public image as a slick, privileged politician on a path to power paved with Getty oil money fails to tell the whole story.
“I’m not trying to be something I’m not,” Newsom said in a recent interview. “I’m not trying to talk about, you know, ‘I was born in a town called Hope with no running water.’ That’s not what this book is about. But it’s a very different portrayal than the one I think 9 out of 10 people believe.”
As he explores a 2028 presidential run and basks in the limelight as one of President Trump’s most vociferous critics, the book offers the Democratic politician a chance to write his own narrative and address the skeletons in his closet before opponents begin to exploit his past.
A book tour, which is set to begin Feb. 21 in Nashville, also gives Newsom a reason to travel the country, meet voters and promote his life story without officially entering the race. He’s expected to make additional stops in Georgia, South Carolina, New York, San Francisco and Los Angeles.
The governor describes the book as a “memoir of discovery” that sent him interviewing family members and friends and digging through troves of old documents about his lineage that his mother never spoke about and his father smoothed over. Learning about his family history, the good and the bad, Newsom said, helped him understand and accept himself. Mark Arax, an author and former Los Angeles Times journalist, was his ghostwriter.
“I’ve changed the opinion of myself,” Newsom said when asked if he believed the book would revise his glossy public image. “It kind of rocked so many parts of my life, and kind of cracked things open. And I started to understand where my anxieties come from and why I’m overcompensating in certain areas.”
Newsom writes that his interest in politics brought him and his father, William, closer. His mother, Tessa, on the other hand, didn’t share his father’s enthusiasm.
She warned him to get out while he still could, worried her only son would eschew his true self.
“My mother did not want that world for me: the shrewd marriage of tall husbands and tall wives that kept each year’s Cotillion Debutante Ball stocked with children of the same; the gritted teeth behind the social smiles; the spectator sport of who was in and who was out based on so-and-so’s dinner party guest list,” Newsom wrote.
At the heart of her concern was her belief that Newsom’s “obsessive drive” into business and politics was in response to his upbringing and an effort to solve “the riddle” of his identity from his learning disorder, dyslexia, and the two different worlds he inhabited.
“As I grew up trying to grasp which of these worlds, if either, suited me best, she had worried about the persona I was constructing to cover up what she considered a crack at my core,” Newsom writes. “If my remaking was skim plaster, she feared, it would crumble. It would not hold me into adulthood.”
Newsom’s mother was 19 years old when she married his father, then 32. He learned through writing the book that his mother hailed from a “family of brilliant and daring misfits who had carved new paths in botany and medicine and left-wing politics,” he writes.
There was also secret pain and struggles with mental health. His maternal grandfather, a World War II POW, turned to the bottle after returning home. One night he told his three young daughters to line up in front of the fireplace so he could shoot them, but stopped when his wife walked in the door and took the gun from his hand. He committed suicide years later.
Newsom’s father’s family was full of more traditional Democrats and Irish Catholic storytellers who worked in banking, homebuilding, law enforcement and law. Newsom describes his paternal grandfather as one of the “thinkers behind the throne” for former California Gov. Edmund “Pat” Brown, but his family never held public office despite his dad’s bids for the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and the California Legislature.
The failed campaigns left his father in financial and emotional turmoil that crippled his marriage when Newsom was a small boy. A divorce set the stage for an unusual contrasting existence for the would-be governor, offering him brief exposures to the wealth and power of the Gettys through his dad.
Newsom said he moved casually between the rich and poor neighborhoods of San Francisco as a boy.
“It was a wonder how effortlessly I glided because the two realms of my life, the characters of my mother’s world and the characters of my father’s world, did not fit together in the least,” Newsom writes.
Mayor Gavin Newsom and his dad, Judge William Newsom, have lunch at the Balboa Cafe in San Francisco.
(Christina Koci Hernandez / San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)
Though William Alfred Newsom III went on to become an appellate court justice, Newsom’s father was best known for his role delivering ransom money to the kidnappers of J. Paul Getty’s grandson. He served as an adviser to the family without pay and a paid administrator of the $4 billion family trust.
The governor wrote in the book that the ties between the two families go back three generations. His father was close friends with Getty’s sons John Paul Jr. and Gordon since childhood when they became like his sixth and seventh siblings at Newsom’s grandparents’ house.
Gordon Getty in particular considered Newsom’s father his “best-best friend.” Newsom’s dad helped connect the eccentric music composer “to the outside world,” the governor wrote.
“My father had this way of creating a safe space for Gordon to open up,” Newsom writes. “He became Gordon’s whisperer, his interpreter and translator, a bridge to their friends, a bridge to Gordon’s own children.”
San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom and his sister, Hilary Newsom, in a promotional portrait for the Search for the Cause campaign, which raises funds for cancer research, on Nov. 21, 2025.
(Caroline Schiff/Getty Images)
His father’s friendship with Gordon Getty exposed Newsom and his younger sister, Hillary, to a world far beyond their family’s own means. Gordon’s wife, Ann, and Newsom’s father organized elaborate adventures for the Gettys’ four sons and the Newsom children.
Newsom describes fishing on the Rogue River and riding in a helicopter while studying polar bears on the shores of the Hudson Bay in Canada. He recalled donning tuxedos and carrying toy guns pretending to be James Bond on a European yacht vacation and soaring over the Serengeti in a hot air balloon during an East African safari.
Throughout his travels, Newsom often blended in with the Gettys’ brown-haired sons. He wrote that the actor Jack Nicholson once mistakenly called him one of the “Getty boys” at a party in a 16th-century palazzo in Venice where guests arrived via gondola. Newsom didn’t correct him.
“Had I shared this encounter with my mother, she likely would have asked me if deception was something I practiced whenever I hobnobbed with the Gettys,” Newsom said in the book. “Fact is, I was always aware of the line that separated us from the Gettys. Not because they went out of their way to make us aware of it but because we, as good Newsoms, paid constant mind to the distinction.”
Newsom wrote that his mother seemed to begrudge the excursions when her children returned home. She raised them in a much more ordinary existence. Newsom describes his father’s presence as “episodic.”
“For a day or two, she’d give us the silent treatment, and then we’d all fall back into the form of a life trying to make ends meet,” he wrote. “After enough vacations came and went, a cone of silence took hold.”
Newsom’s mother worked as an assistant retail buyer, a bookkeeper, a waitress at a Mexican restaurant, a development director for a nonprofit and a real estate agent — holding as many as three jobs at once — to provide for her children. His mother’s sister and brother-in-law helped care for them when they could, but he likened himself to a latchkey kid because of the amount of time he and his sister spent alone.
They moved five times in 10 years in search of a “better house in a better neighborhood” with good schools, taking the family from San Francisco to the Marin County suburbs. Though his mother owned a home, she often rented out rooms to bring in extra money.
Tired of his mother complaining about finances and his father not coming through, Newsom wrote that he took on a paper route.
In the book, Newsom describes his struggles with dyslexia and how the learning disorder undercut his self-esteem when he was an emotionally vulnerable child.
Eager to make himself something more than an awkward kid with sweaty palms and a bowl haircut who couldn’t read, Newsom mimicked Remington Steele, the suave character on the popular 1980s detective show. He chugged down glassfuls of raw eggs like Sylvester Stallone in “Rocky” and ran across town and back like a prizefighter in training.
He found confidence in high school sports, but his struggle to find himself continued into young adulthood. Newsom wrote that he watched tapes of motivational guru Tony Robbins and heeded his advice to remake yourself in the image of someone you admire. For Newsom, that became Robbins himself.
“Find a person who embodies all of the outward traits of personality, bearing, charisma, language, and power lacking in yourself,” Newsom described the philosophy in the book. “Study that person. Copy that person. The borrowed traits may fit awkwardly at first, but don’t fret. You’ll be surprised by how fast the pose becomes you, and you the pose.”
His father scoffed at the self-help gurus and nurtured his interest in business.
More than a half-dozen friends and family members, including Gordon Getty, invested equal shares to help him launch a wine shop in San Francisco. Newsom named the business, which expanded to include restaurants, hotels and wineries, “PlumpJack,” the nickname of Shakespeare’s fictional character Sir John Falstaff and the title of Gordon Getty’s opera.
“Gordon’s really inspired me to be bolder and more audacious. He’s inspired me to be more authentic,” Newsom said. “The risks I take in business … just trying to march to the beat of a different drummer and to be a little bolder. That’s my politics. But I also think he played a huge role in that, in terms of shaping me in that respect as well.”
Newsom described Gordon and Ann Getty as like family. The Gettys also became the biggest investors in his wineries and among his largest political donors.
In an interview, Newsom said there are many days when he feels his mother “absolutely” was right to worry about the facade of politics and the mold her son stuffed himself into.
Gavin Newsom heads for his home neighborhood on Nov. 3, 2003, to cast hisvote for San Francisco mayor.
(Mike Kepka / San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)
He described the day the recall against him qualified for the ballot amid the COVID-19 pandemic as humbling and humiliating, though it later failed by a wide margin. Still today, he said, there’s a voice in his head constantly questioning why he’s in politics, what he’s exposing his wife and children to and doing with his life.
By choosing a career as an elected official despite his mother’s warnings, Newsom ultimately picked his father’s world and accomplished his father’s dream of taking office. But he said the book taught him that so much of his own more gutsy positions, such as his early support for gay marriage, and his hustle were from his mother.
Newsom said he’s accepted that he can’t control which version of himself people choose to see. Writing the book felt cathartic, he said, and left him more comfortable taking off his mask.
“It allowed me to understand better my motivations, my purpose, my meaning, my mission… who my mom and dad were and who I am as a consequence of them and what truly motivates me,” Newsom said. “There’s a freedom. There’s a real freedom. And it’s nice. It’s just so much nicer than the plaster of the past.”
Politics
Fetterman slams Democrats’ ‘Jim Crow 2.0’ voter ID rhetoric as party unity fractures
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Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., is continuing his streak of breaking with his party — this time on voter ID legislation gaining momentum in the Senate.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Senate Democrats have near-unanimously rejected the Safeguarding American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, election integrity legislation that made its way through the House earlier this week.
Schumer has dubbed the legislation “Jim Crow 2.0,” arguing it would suppress voters rather than encourage more secure elections.
COLLINS BOOSTS REPUBLICAN VOTER ID EFFORT, BUT WON’T SCRAP FILIBUSTER
Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa., speaks to a reporter as he arrives in the U.S. Capitol for a vote Dec. 3, 2025. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
But Fetterman, who has repeatedly rejected his party’s messaging and positions, pushed back on Schumer’s framing of the bill.
“I would never refer to the SAVE Act as like Jim Crow 2.0 or some kind of mass conspiracy,” Fetterman told Fox News’ Kayleigh McEnany on “Saturday in America.”
“But that’s part of the debate that we were having here in the Senate right now,” he continued. “And I don’t call people names or imply that it’s something gross about the terrible history of Jim Crow.”
The bill would require voters to present photo identification before casting ballots, require proof of citizenship in person when registering to vote and mandate states remove non-citizens from voter rolls.
MURKOWSKI BREAKS WITH GOP ON VOTER ID, SAYS PUSH ‘IS NOT HOW WE BUILD TRUST’
Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, announced her support for the SAVE America Act but won’t go as far as to nuke the Senate filibuster. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
Momentum is building among Republicans. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, became the 50th member of the conference to back the legislation. But Senate Democrats have all but guaranteed its demise in the upper chamber, via the filibuster.
Fetterman would not say whether he supports the bill outright. However, he noted that “84% of Americans have no problem with presenting IDs to vote.”
“So it’s not like a radical idea,” Fetterman said. “It’s not something — and there already are many states that show basic IDs. So that’s where we are in the Senate.”
HARDLINE CONSERVATIVES DOUBLE DOWN TO SAVE THE SAVE ACT
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Senate Democrats are ready to buck the SAVE Act. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty)
Even if Fetterman were to support the bill on the floor, it is unlikely to pass without more significant procedural changes.
There are currently not enough votes to overcome the Senate’s 60-vote filibuster threshold.
Fetterman is also not keen on eliminating the filibuster — a position shared by most Senate Republicans.
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He noted that Senate Democrats once favored scrapping the filibuster but now want to preserve it while in the minority in a Republican-controlled government.
“I campaigned on it, too,” Fetterman said. “I mean we were very wrong about that to nuke the filibuster. And we should really humble ourselves and remind people that we wanted to eliminate it — and now we love it.”
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