Business

The Surveillance Tools That Could Power Trump’s Immigration Crackdown

Published

1 year ago

January 26, 2025

The Surveillance Tools That Could Power Trump’s Immigration Crackdown

Apps and ankle monitors that track asylum seekers in real time wherever they go. Databases packed with personal information like fingerprints and faces. Investigative tools that can break into locked phones and search through gigabytes of emails, text messages and other files.

These are pieces of a technology arsenal available to President Trump as he aims to crack down on illegal immigration and carry out the largest deportation operation in American history. To do so, his administration can tap a stockpile of tools built up by Democrats and Republicans that is nearly unmatched in the Western world, according to an analysis by The New York Times.

A review of nearly 15,000 contracts shows that two agencies — Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and Citizen and Immigration Services — have spent $7.8 billion on immigration technologies from 263 companies since 2020.

The contracts, most of which were initiated under the Biden administration, included ones for tools that can rapidly prove family relationships with a DNA test to check whether, say, an adult migrant crossing the border with a minor are related. (Families are often treated differently from individuals.) Other systems compare biometrics against criminal records, alert agents to changes in address, follow cars with license plate readers, and rip and analyze data from phones, hard drives and cars.

The contracts, which ranged in size, were for mundane tech like phone services as well as advanced tools from big and small companies. Palantir, the provider of data-analysis tools that was co-founded by the billionaire Peter Thiel, received more than $1 billion over the past four years. Venntel, a provider of location data, had seven contracts with ICE totaling at least $330,000 between 2018 and 2022.

The Biden administration used many of these technologies for immigration enforcement, including in investigations of drug trafficking, human smuggling and transnational gang activity. How Mr. Trump may apply the tools is unknown, especially as the whereabouts of many immigrants are known and the government faces a shortage of officers and facilities to detain people.

But Mr. Trump has already made clear that his immigration agenda is strikingly different from his predecessor’s. This week, he announced a barrage of executive actions to lock down the borders and expel migrants and those seeking asylum.

“All illegal entry will immediately be halted and we will begin the process of returning millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came,” Mr. Trump said at his inauguration on Monday.

Tech products are almost certain to feature in those plans. Thomas Homan, the administration’s border czar, has discussed meeting with tech companies about available tools.

“They’ll certainly use all tools at their disposal, including new tech available to them,” said John Torres, a former acting assistant secretary for ICE.

A White House spokesman declined to comment. ICE said in a statement that it “employs various forms of technology, and information to fulfill its mission, while protecting privacy, and civil rights and liberties in accordance with applicable laws.”

Eric Hysen, the chief information officer for the Homeland Security Department under President Biden, said ICE and other immigration agencies have vast responsibilities. Many tools were designed for investigations of drug traffickers and other criminals, not tracking migrants, he said, while other technology like license plate readers could be used to ease traffic at border crossings.

The federal government has had longstanding internal policies to limit how surveillance tools could be used, but those restrictions can be lifted by a new administration, Mr. Hysen added. “Those are things that can change, but they are not easy to change,” he said.

Creating an arsenal

The buildup of immigration tech goes back to at least the creation of the Homeland Security Department after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. Interest in the tools fueled a boom that is expected to grow under Mr. Trump. Leaders in Europe and elsewhere are also investing in the technologies as some adopt increasingly restrictive immigration policies.

Many companies are racing to meet the demand, offering gear to fortify borders and services to track immigrants once they are inside a country.

In the United States, the beneficiaries include the makers of GPS tracking devices, digital forensics tools and data brokers. Palantir and others won contracts with ICE for storing and analyzing data. Thomson Reuters, Lexis Nexis and credit rating companies provide access to databases of personal information that can help government agents find the homes, workplaces and social connections of citizens and noncitizens alike.

Clearview AI, a facial recognition firm, had contracts worth nearly $9 million, according to government records. Cellebrite, an Israeli phone-cracking company, sold ICE about $54 million in investigative tools. The F.B.I. famously used Cellebrite tools in 2016 to unlock the iPhone of a mass shooter in San Bernardino, Calif., to aid the investigation.

Investors have taken note. The stock price of Geo Group, a private prison operator that sells monitoring technology to ICE, has more than doubled since Mr. Trump won November’s election. Cellebrite’s shares have also nearly doubled in the past six months and Palantir’s shares have risen nearly 80 percent.

Tom Hogan, Cellebrite’s interim chief executive, said the company was proud to help “keep our homeland and borders safe with our technology.” Thomson Reuters said in a statement that its technology is used by agencies to support investigations into child exploitation, human trafficking, drug smuggling and transnational gang activity. Lexis Nexis, Clearview and Palantir did not respond to requests for comment.

In an investor call in November, Wayne Calabrese, Geo Group’s chief operating officer, said the company expected the “Trump administration to take a much more expansive approach to monitoring the several millions of individuals” who were going through immigration proceedings but had not been detained.

“We have assured ICE of our capability to rapidly scale up,” he said.

In a statement for this article, Geo Group, based in Boca Raton, Fla., said it looked forward to supporting the Trump administration “as it moves quickly to achieve its announced plans and objectives for securing the country’s borders and enforcing its immigration laws.”

Tracking locations

One technology that may be used immediately in mass deportations can identify the exact location of immigrants, experts said.

About 180,000 undocumented immigrants wear an ankle bracelet with a GPS tracking device, or use an app called SmartLink that requires them to log their whereabouts at least once a day. Made by a Geo Group subsidiary, the technology is used in a program called Alternatives to Detention. The program began in 2004 and expanded during the Biden administration to digitally surveil people instead of holding them in detention centers.

Location data collected through the program has been used in at least one ICE raid, according to a court document reviewed by The Times. In August 2019, during the first Trump administration, government agents followed the location of a woman who was being tracked as part of the program. That helped the agents obtain a search warrant for a chicken processing plant in Mississippi, where raids across the state resulted in the detention of roughly 680 immigrants with uncertain legal status.

Sejal Zota, the legal director of Just Futures Law, a group that opposes government surveillance programs, said the Trump administration would likely need to rely on digital surveillance tools as it would be impossible to physically detain vast numbers of individuals without legal status.

“While this administration wants to scale up detention, and I believe that it will find ways to do that, it will take time,” she said. “I think that this program will continue to remain important as a method to surveil and control people.”

Troves of data

The Trump administration also has access to private databases with biometrics, addresses and criminal records. Agents can obtain records of utility bills for roughly three-quarters of Americans and driver’s licenses for a third of Americans, according to a 2022 study by Georgetown University.

These tools could potentially be used to track people high on ICE’s priority list, like those with a criminal history or people who do not show up for immigration court hearings. Investigators could use the databases to find someone’s automobile information, then use license plate readers to pinpoint their location.

During the first Trump administration, ICE could access driver’s license data through private companies in states like Oregon and Washington, even after the state tried cutting off access to the information to the federal government, according to the Georgetown study.

Mr. Torres, the former ICE official, said this information was critical for agents to find people.

“We know people give false addresses,” he said. Agents can use “big data sharing to triangulate their location based on habits.”

That has raised privacy concerns. “Privacy harms may seem theoretical on paper, but they’re never theoretical for vulnerable people on the front lines,” said Justin Sherman, a distinguished fellow at Georgetown Law’s Center on Privacy and Technology.

During the Biden administration, ICE also bought software from Babel Street, a tech company that gathers data from thousands of publicly available websites and other sources. Its services can assess people as potential security risks based on data. Babel Street did not respond to requests for comment. ICE has also paid about a dozen companies for software that can be used to overcome passcodes, surface deleted files and analyze email inboxes.

Some immigration experts have questioned how much of this technology the Trump administration may use. Some tools are most relevant for targeted investigations, not for widespread deportations, said Dave Maass, the director of investigations at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a civil liberties group.

“What they are buying and what is actually useful may be totally different things,” said Mr. Maass. Regardless, he said, tech companies “are going to make a lot of money.”

Methodology

The New York Times analyzed government contract data from usaspending.gov. The data covered spending from Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Citizenship and Immigration Services from 2020 to the present. The Times filtered the data to technology-related contracts, using recipient information and contract description. The Times looked at money that had been spent, not just pledged, to calculate the total spending and total number of tech companies.

Click to comment

Business

Fire survivors call for audits of Edison’s wildfire prevention spending

Published

3 hours ago

April 12, 2026

Press Room

Fire survivors call for audits of Edison’s wildfire prevention spending

Survivors of the devastating Eaton fire called on state lawmakers on Wednesday to pass a bill requiring audits of spending by Southern California Edison and the state’s two other big for-profit electric companies on wildfire prevention.

The survivors pointed to an investigation by The Times that found that Edison had not spent hundreds of millions of dollars that it told regulators before the fire was needed to keep its transmission system safe. Edison had begun charging customers for the costs.

“Californians funded the wildfire prevention,” Joy Chen, executive director of Every Fire Survivor’s Network, told members of the Assembly Utilities and Energy Commission on Wednesday. ”And we survivors paid the price when that work was not done.”

While the government’s investigation into the fire has not yet been released, Edison has said it believes that a century-old transmission line, which had not carried power since 1971, may have briefly re-energized on the night of Jan. 7, 2025, to ignite the fire. The inferno killed 19 people and destroyed thousands of homes and other structures in Altadena.

Chen’s wildfire survivors group and Consumer Watchdog sponsored the bill, known as Assembly Bill 1744. It would require the wildfire safety spending by Edison, Pacific Gas & Electric and San Diego Gas & Electric to be audited by an independent accounting firm.

The state Public Utilities Commission would have to consider the audits’ findings before agreeing to raise customer rates to cover even more wildfire spending.

“Had Edison known it would be accountable for those funds, that wildfire may not have started,” Jamie Court of Consumer Watchdog told the committee, referring to the Eaton fire.

All three utilities said at the hearing they opposed the bill.

A lobbyist for San Diego Gas & Electric said he believed the audits were unnecessary because the commission was already reviewing the spending.

“We think it creates a duplicative process,” he said.

At the committee hearing, Edison’s lobbyist did not say why the company was opposed to the bill.

The company has previously said that safety is its top priority and that it does not believe maintenance on its transmission lines suffered before the Eaton fire.

Also voicing support for the bill at the hearing were survivors of other deadly wildfires in the state, including the 2018 Camp fire, which killed 85 people and destroyed much of the town of Paradise. Investigators found that the fire was ignited when equipment failed on a decades-old PG&E transmission line.

The bill’s author, Assemblywoman Tasha Boerner, an Encinitas Democrat, pointed to how independent audits of the three companies’ wildfire spending from 2019 to 2020 found that $2.5 billion could not be accounted for.

Those were the last independent audits of the three companies’ wildfire spending.

Despite the findings, the commission did not require the companies to return any of the questioned amounts to electric customers. Instead, the commission agreed the companies could spend billions of dollars more, Boerner said.

“This is frankly unacceptable,” she said.

Asked for a response to those audits, the lobbyist from San Diego Gas & Electric told the committee he wasn’t familiar with the findings.

California electric rates are the nation’s second highest after Hawaii.

In 2024, wildfire expenses amounted to 17% to 27% of the costs the three companies charge to consumers, according to a legislative analysis of Boerner’s bill. The average residential customer pays $250 to $490 a year for that spending.

Business

The tale of L.A.’s iconic hot sauce and how Ozempic is making it even hotter

Published

15 hours ago

April 12, 2026

Press Room

The tale of L.A.’s iconic hot sauce and how Ozempic is making it even hotter

For 55 years, the family behind Tapatío has refused to even write down the recipe for Los Angeles’ iconic hot sauce, passing its secret formula for success only from lip to ear in closed rooms.

The Saavedra family put the ingredients on paper for the first time earlier this year as they sold the beloved brand to backers who plan to make their salsa picante even bigger beyond California’s borders. It is a weight off the shoulders of Luis Saavedra, the founder’s son and one of the few people who knew the recipe.

“We didn’t want anyone to know what we were using,” he told The Times in an interview at Tapatío’s factory in Vernon. “That always scared my sisters, because what if something happens?”

Demand for hot sauces had taken off for unexpected reasons just as the Saavedras were looking to sell. The millions of people on Ozempic and other powerful weight-loss drugs often have cravings for more flavor. The values of some sauce companies have skyrocketed. Bachan’s, a Japanese barbecue sauce brand, was acquired in February for $400 million.

While the Dallas private investment firm that bought Tapatío, Highlander Partners, wouldn’t share the terms of the deal, the company’s new chairman, Jeff Partridge, said it hopes to capitalize on the growing appetite for more heat to splash on proteins.

“Whether it’s GLP-1 or desire for proteins, Tapatío and hot sauces enhance that experience,” he said. “Consumers are increasingly seeking flavors.”

Red peppers drive Tapatío’s taste, though the company won’t share which exact peppers are used. The thin sauce uses garlic, salt and other spices for a tangy, peppery punch. It has a mild heat that doesn’t linger.

Luis Saavedra, right, former chief executive officer of Tapatío Foods and son of company founder Jose-Luis Saavedra, speaks with Eric Beatty, the current chief executive, at the company’s manufacturing facility on Wednesday.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

The big acquisition is a long way from the brand’s birth in founder Jose-Luis Saavedra’s kitchen more than 50 years ago.

Saavedra, originally from Mexico City, long dreamed of making his way north. He landed in Chicago in his late 20s, working as a Spanish translator. He met his wife and moved to Southern California.

He worked at an aerospace parts manufacturer in Los Angeles. The homemade hot sauce he brought for lunch was a hit with co-workers who asked for more. When he was laid off in the late ’60s during an oil recession, he started selling bottles.

As sales rose, he rented a small space for production in Maywood and it officially became a business in 1971. The whole family pitched in. His son, Luis, remembers twisting on caps and attaching labels to bottles when he was 13.

Bottles are filled with Tapatio hot sauce.

Saavedra and his son would drive a van up and down Los Angeles, manually packing and unloading the product to local corner stores. Many of the first bottles were stocked in East Los Angeles stores.

About five years in, the company made enough for Saavedra to quit the two part-time jobs he had picked up to keep the business afloat. Operations remained in Maywood for 14 years before they expanded to a 7,000-square-foot building in Vernon.

In 1996, the company made its boldest bet, splurging on a 30,000-square-foot building.

In the same facility today, the strong aroma of spices tickles visitors’ noses. The precise portioning of the secret ingredients, matching the ratios of the founder’s original formula, happens in a room locked off from employees. The magic mix is then rapidly poured into a long line of empty bottles that march along a conveyor belt like soldiers.

It’s the legacy of the founder, who refused to be deterred by naysayers or obstacles to growth, said Saavedra’s son.

“Let’s go around it,” the younger Saavedra said, quoting his father’s mantra in the face of problems. “Let’s go under. Let’s go above it.”

His father’s stubbornness paid off in court as the company was sued for its name. It was once called Cuervo — his wife’s original last name — and tequila giant Jose Cuervo came after it. Saavedra had already trademarked the name in California, so it got a big payout to give up the name.

Saavedra briefly entertained the name “Charro,” a reference to Mexican cowboys, before landing on Tapatío, a nickname used for people born in Guadalajara, Jalisco, where all three of his children were born. Its logo evolved into a beaming cowboy with bright blue eyes in a wide-brimmed hat.

The Tapatío name was also challenged. Del Monte Foods sued Saavedra in the ’80s, claiming the name was too similar to its brand “Patio.” Saavedra won that case.

The founding father’s hardheadedness could also sometimes cause trouble.

The original Tapatio label, left, compared to the current lversion at Tapatio.

The younger Saavedra battled with his father in the late ’90s about changing the brand’s label to help it stand out on crowded shelves. The old bottles were largely black and white and looked a little outdated. Eventually, the senior Saavedra gave in. Sales skyrocketed.

Today, Tapatío is shaken over meals around the globe, though its dominance is strongest in California. It has been used in collaborations with other companies to spike mashed potatoes, protein powder, pickles and ramen.

Tacked to a wall at the Vernon factory is an old photo of the dozen people who were there to launch the brand’s new facility 30 years ago. Some of the employees still work there, including Jorge Cuervo, the production supervisor, and Fabian Diaz, who mans the forklift.

Diaz, who moves countless pallets of product, jokes he was born at the factory, having spent almost his entire adult life working for the company.

Under the new ownership, all 25 current employees were retained, and the firm has committed to hiring more.

“They’ve been doing this for a long time,” Luis Saavedra said. “They have a passion for it.”

The family began exploring options for a sale in late 2024, right after the founder, now 97, suffered a stroke.

Jose-Luis Saavedra had remained closely involved in day-to-day operations despite his age, often spending from sun-up to sun-down at the factory.

As he took on all his father used to do as well as his own workload, the younger Saavedra was getting burnt out and started to worry that keeping the company family-owned could be hurting the brand.

“Work was really devouring me,” Luis Saavedra said. “It was a tough decision, very difficult. We cried together as a family, then we said, ‘In the long run, it’s better.’”

Luis Saavedra, left, former CEO of Tapatio.

Once it let potential suitors know the company was in play, the offers poured in. The family considered offers from around 40 companies before choosing Highlander Partners.

In a few years, the company’s new leaders hope to use the growing demand for flavor triggered by weight-loss drugs to bring California’s top sauce to many more markets east of the Rockies, said Eric Beatty, the company’s current chief executive.

“We believe that we’ve got these sector tailwinds behind us,” Beatty said. “It’s going to be a really good story.”

New leadership has grand plans for the brand, hoping to build more facilities and add new products.

“We’ll always be a California company,” Beatty said. “This will always be the center of the Tapatío universe.”

Meanwhile, the Saavedra family still has a minority stake in the company and will continue to help manage it.

“They are the essence of the brand, and really understand the heartbeat of the brand,” said Partridge, Tapatío’s new chairman. “We certainly want to make sure that they always have a voice.”

Business

Video: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

Published

1 day ago

April 11, 2026

Press Room

Video: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

new video loaded: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

Ben Casselman, our chief economics correspondent, describes how the increase in prices as a result of the war in Iran is beginning to show up in the data, and what could come next.

By Ben Casselman, Nour Idriss, Stephanie Swart and Sutton Raphael

April 11, 2026