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The Surveillance Tools That Could Power Trump’s Immigration Crackdown

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The Surveillance Tools That Could Power Trump’s Immigration Crackdown

Apps and ankle monitors that track asylum seekers in real time wherever they go. Databases packed with personal information like fingerprints and faces. Investigative tools that can break into locked phones and search through gigabytes of emails, text messages and other files.

These are pieces of a technology arsenal available to President Trump as he aims to crack down on illegal immigration and carry out the largest deportation operation in American history. To do so, his administration can tap a stockpile of tools built up by Democrats and Republicans that is nearly unmatched in the Western world, according to an analysis by The New York Times.

A review of nearly 15,000 contracts shows that two agencies — Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and Citizen and Immigration Services — have spent $7.8 billion on immigration technologies from 263 companies since 2020.

The contracts, most of which were initiated under the Biden administration, included ones for tools that can rapidly prove family relationships with a DNA test to check whether, say, an adult migrant crossing the border with a minor are related. (Families are often treated differently from individuals.) Other systems compare biometrics against criminal records, alert agents to changes in address, follow cars with license plate readers, and rip and analyze data from phones, hard drives and cars.

The contracts, which ranged in size, were for mundane tech like phone services as well as advanced tools from big and small companies. Palantir, the provider of data-analysis tools that was co-founded by the billionaire Peter Thiel, received more than $1 billion over the past four years. Venntel, a provider of location data, had seven contracts with ICE totaling at least $330,000 between 2018 and 2022.

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The Biden administration used many of these technologies for immigration enforcement, including in investigations of drug trafficking, human smuggling and transnational gang activity. How Mr. Trump may apply the tools is unknown, especially as the whereabouts of many immigrants are known and the government faces a shortage of officers and facilities to detain people.

But Mr. Trump has already made clear that his immigration agenda is strikingly different from his predecessor’s. This week, he announced a barrage of executive actions to lock down the borders and expel migrants and those seeking asylum.

“All illegal entry will immediately be halted and we will begin the process of returning millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came,” Mr. Trump said at his inauguration on Monday.

Tech products are almost certain to feature in those plans. Thomas Homan, the administration’s border czar, has discussed meeting with tech companies about available tools.

“They’ll certainly use all tools at their disposal, including new tech available to them,” said John Torres, a former acting assistant secretary for ICE.

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A White House spokesman declined to comment. ICE said in a statement that it “employs various forms of technology, and information to fulfill its mission, while protecting privacy, and civil rights and liberties in accordance with applicable laws.”

Eric Hysen, the chief information officer for the Homeland Security Department under President Biden, said ICE and other immigration agencies have vast responsibilities. Many tools were designed for investigations of drug traffickers and other criminals, not tracking migrants, he said, while other technology like license plate readers could be used to ease traffic at border crossings.

The federal government has had longstanding internal policies to limit how surveillance tools could be used, but those restrictions can be lifted by a new administration, Mr. Hysen added. “Those are things that can change, but they are not easy to change,” he said.

The buildup of immigration tech goes back to at least the creation of the Homeland Security Department after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. Interest in the tools fueled a boom that is expected to grow under Mr. Trump. Leaders in Europe and elsewhere are also investing in the technologies as some adopt increasingly restrictive immigration policies.

Many companies are racing to meet the demand, offering gear to fortify borders and services to track immigrants once they are inside a country.

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In the United States, the beneficiaries include the makers of GPS tracking devices, digital forensics tools and data brokers. Palantir and others won contracts with ICE for storing and analyzing data. Thomson Reuters, Lexis Nexis and credit rating companies provide access to databases of personal information that can help government agents find the homes, workplaces and social connections of citizens and noncitizens alike.

Clearview AI, a facial recognition firm, had contracts worth nearly $9 million, according to government records. Cellebrite, an Israeli phone-cracking company, sold ICE about $54 million in investigative tools. The F.B.I. famously used Cellebrite tools in 2016 to unlock the iPhone of a mass shooter in San Bernardino, Calif., to aid the investigation.

Investors have taken note. The stock price of Geo Group, a private prison operator that sells monitoring technology to ICE, has more than doubled since Mr. Trump won November’s election. Cellebrite’s shares have also nearly doubled in the past six months and Palantir’s shares have risen nearly 80 percent.

Tom Hogan, Cellebrite’s interim chief executive, said the company was proud to help “keep our homeland and borders safe with our technology.” Thomson Reuters said in a statement that its technology is used by agencies to support investigations into child exploitation, human trafficking, drug smuggling and transnational gang activity. Lexis Nexis, Clearview and Palantir did not respond to requests for comment.

In an investor call in November, Wayne Calabrese, Geo Group’s chief operating officer, said the company expected the “Trump administration to take a much more expansive approach to monitoring the several millions of individuals” who were going through immigration proceedings but had not been detained.

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“We have assured ICE of our capability to rapidly scale up,” he said.

In a statement for this article, Geo Group, based in Boca Raton, Fla., said it looked forward to supporting the Trump administration “as it moves quickly to achieve its announced plans and objectives for securing the country’s borders and enforcing its immigration laws.”

One technology that may be used immediately in mass deportations can identify the exact location of immigrants, experts said.

About 180,000 undocumented immigrants wear an ankle bracelet with a GPS tracking device, or use an app called SmartLink that requires them to log their whereabouts at least once a day. Made by a Geo Group subsidiary, the technology is used in a program called Alternatives to Detention. The program began in 2004 and expanded during the Biden administration to digitally surveil people instead of holding them in detention centers.

Location data collected through the program has been used in at least one ICE raid, according to a court document reviewed by The Times. In August 2019, during the first Trump administration, government agents followed the location of a woman who was being tracked as part of the program. That helped the agents obtain a search warrant for a chicken processing plant in Mississippi, where raids across the state resulted in the detention of roughly 680 immigrants with uncertain legal status.

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Sejal Zota, the legal director of Just Futures Law, a group that opposes government surveillance programs, said the Trump administration would likely need to rely on digital surveillance tools as it would be impossible to physically detain vast numbers of individuals without legal status.

“While this administration wants to scale up detention, and I believe that it will find ways to do that, it will take time,” she said. “I think that this program will continue to remain important as a method to surveil and control people.”

The Trump administration also has access to private databases with biometrics, addresses and criminal records. Agents can obtain records of utility bills for roughly three-quarters of Americans and driver’s licenses for a third of Americans, according to a 2022 study by Georgetown University.

These tools could potentially be used to track people high on ICE’s priority list, like those with a criminal history or people who do not show up for immigration court hearings. Investigators could use the databases to find someone’s automobile information, then use license plate readers to pinpoint their location.

During the first Trump administration, ICE could access driver’s license data through private companies in states like Oregon and Washington, even after the state tried cutting off access to the information to the federal government, according to the Georgetown study.

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Mr. Torres, the former ICE official, said this information was critical for agents to find people.

“We know people give false addresses,” he said. Agents can use “big data sharing to triangulate their location based on habits.”

That has raised privacy concerns. “Privacy harms may seem theoretical on paper, but they’re never theoretical for vulnerable people on the front lines,” said Justin Sherman, a distinguished fellow at Georgetown Law’s Center on Privacy and Technology.

During the Biden administration, ICE also bought software from Babel Street, a tech company that gathers data from thousands of publicly available websites and other sources. Its services can assess people as potential security risks based on data. Babel Street did not respond to requests for comment. ICE has also paid about a dozen companies for software that can be used to overcome passcodes, surface deleted files and analyze email inboxes.

Some immigration experts have questioned how much of this technology the Trump administration may use. Some tools are most relevant for targeted investigations, not for widespread deportations, said Dave Maass, the director of investigations at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a civil liberties group.

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“What they are buying and what is actually useful may be totally different things,” said Mr. Maass. Regardless, he said, tech companies “are going to make a lot of money.”

The New York Times analyzed government contract data from usaspending.gov. The data covered spending from Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Citizenship and Immigration Services from 2020 to the present. The Times filtered the data to technology-related contracts, using recipient information and contract description. The Times looked at money that had been spent, not just pledged, to calculate the total spending and total number of tech companies.

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Commentary: The right-wing attack on science reaches a nadir, but it could get worse

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Commentary: The right-wing attack on science reaches a nadir, but it could get worse

The tally from Trumpian attacks on science now includes billions of dollars in damage to farmers and ranchers and assaults on scientists’ freedom of speech

One of the rules I came to live by during my years of covering global trouble spots is: “Never assume that things can’t get worse.”

But it will be hard to find a worse display of shameful servility to the Trump administration by a scientific organization than the American Diabetes Association provided on Friday.

During the organization’s annual conference in New Orleans, five of its leading members — four former presidents and the current editor of Diabetes Care, its official journal — were distributing paper copies of an editorial from the journal decrying the administration’s aggressive attack on scientific research and funding.

The seeming endorsement by the ADA of the current administration’s approach to science and of its attacks on freedom of speech is unconscionable.

— Open letter to American Diabetes Association

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Suddenly they were confronted by security guards and New Orleans police and manhandled out of the hall. (A video is here, courtesy of MedPageToday.)

Their papers were confiscated. They were ordered to surrender their passes and were informed that if they tried to reenter the hall they would be arrested for trespassing.

“We printed 1,000 copies of the editorial, at my personal expense, and we hoped that 200 people who hadn’t seen it would read it,” Steven Kahn, director of the Diabetes Research Center at the University of Washington, editor of the journal and the lead author of the editorial, told me.

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Instead, the editorial has become a must-read, with tens of thousands of page views and widespread condemnation of the conference organizers’ actions.

An open letter to the ADA started by David Nathan of Massachusetts General Hospital, titled “Shame on You” and stating that “the seeming endorsement by the ADA of the current administration’s approach to science and of its attacks on freedom of speech is unconscionable” has more than 6,400 signatories on change.org as of this writing.

The Diabetes Association implied in an official statement that the scientists had breached IRS regulations that include “maintaining a strictly nonpartisan environment at all organizational events.” On Wednesday, the organization said it would commission “a thorough independent review of the events that occurred.”

The organization’s action underscores one reason why the Trump administration’s wholesale attack on scientific research has reached a level that, as I’ve written, will have generational ramifications: It’s because some of our most august scientific organizations have failed to stand up for principle.

“It’s part of a larger systems failure among the academic medical centers, research universities, scientific and professional societies and the National Academies,” says Peter Hotez of Baylor College of Medicine, a vaccine expert and veteran adversary of pseudoscience.

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The attention given to individual incidents such as the ADA conflict obscure what Hotez calls “the greater reality … a much darker MAHA strategy to tear down American biomedicine.” The goal, he says, is to supplant independent academic research with “an entire system of pseudoscience and grift.” MAHA is the administration’s acronym for “Make America Healthy Again.”

The latest iteration of this effort came late last month with a rule proposal from the Office of Management and Budget, which is headed by the arch-conservative Russell Vought, that would in effect make all scientific grant applications subject to the oversight of politically-appointed commissars.

Among other provisions, grants would be rejected if they’re judged to “fund, promote, encourage, subsidize, or facilitate … diversity, equity, and inclusion” or “gender ideology” such as “theories or ideologies that deny the biological reality of sex or the sex binary in humans.”

The OMB proposal finally stirred major scientific bodies to speak up. “This latest move is a brazen power grab,” the American Association for the Advancement of Science said through its chief executive, Sudip Parikh. “If this rule becomes final, Americans’ hopes for future cures, national security and economic strength will rely on the scientific sensibilities of the nation’s chief bureaucrat.”

As it happens, the OMB proposal dropped just as the economic consequences of the extremist war on science were becoming clearer than ever.

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Among the thousands of grants and programs that perished when the administration dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development, for example, was a program monitoring the advance of the New World screwworm north from Central America.

The screwworm, which has the capacity to devastate cattle and sheep herds, has now appeared in Texas, where its costs could be enormous. Just last year, the Dept. of Agriculture calculated that the eradication of the pest in the U.S. in the 1990s yielded annual economic benefits to producers of an inflation-adjusted $1.7 billion a year to the cattle industry and $6 billion a year to the broader economy. A new outbreak, the USDA estimated, could cost the Texas economy $1.8 billion.

Then there’s measles. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports 2,030 U.S. cases this year as of June 4, almost as many as were seen in all of 2025 (when there were 2,288, including three deaths), the worst outbreak since 1991. This is the harvest of the anti-vaccine ideology being spread by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

The outbreak’s consequences can be measured in dollars and cents: Responding to an outbreak of as few as 600 cases could cost local agencies $10 million, according to healthcare researchers at Johns Hopkins University.

The Trump administration has proposed slashing the budget of the grant making National Science Foundation by 61% and of the National Institutes of Health by 40%. The budget of the CDC, which once reigned as a global gold-standard for public health oversight but has suffered from the disdain of RFK Jr. and his minions, would be cut by 44%.

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Taken together, these cuts “would shrink the economy by $1 trillion compared with maintaining the 2025 level of R&D,” reckons the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation, a science and tech think tank.

What frightens scientists more than the sheer numbers are that the cuts are arbitrary and manifestly pernicious. A study published last year in JAMA Internal Medicine identified 383 NIH-funded clinical trials that the administration terminated, leaving more than 74,000 participants high and dry.

“Scientific investment is not a cost to be minimized,” Henry Miller, a former biotech official at the Food and Drug Administration, observed recently; “it is an engine of national wealth. … The internet, mRNA vaccines, human gene therapy, GPS, the transistor — all emerged from the sustained public investment being dismantled today.”

The Diabetes Care editorial that Kahn and his colleagues attempted to distribute at the New Orleans conference is a cri de coeur targeted at the right-wing anti-science campaign. It’s titled, “Misguided Brushes of a Pen Continue to Dismantle and Destroy Biomedical Research in the United States.”

The result of the funding reductions, the authors wrote, will be “researchers being forced out of science and fewer people considering biomedical investigation as a career. Are we ready to watch the crippling of scientific advances in diabetes and all other diseases? It is no longer enough to stand idly by or work behind the scenes with lawmakers. Moreover, it is no longer appropriate to fret about political backlash.”

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The scientists intended their distribution of the article implicitly as a counterweight to a keynote talk by NIH Director Jay Bhattacharya, who was going to speak without taking questions but who bailed out at the last minute. I sought a comment from Bhattacharya, who portrays himself as a champion of open scientific debate, about the eviction of the five scientists from the conference, but got no reply.

The uproar has roiled the ADA. Its president-elect, endocrinologist Jennifer Green of Duke University, and its scientific sessions planning committee chair, diabetes expert Mark Atkinson of the University of Florida, have both resigned their positions, though their role in the evictions, if any, is unknown.

The so-called New Orleans Five demanded an apology from the association, Kahn told me. They got one Wednesday from ADA Chief Executive Charles Henderson, via a video in which he extended his apology to “the broader diabetes community,” many members of which of whom he acknowledged were “disturbed, disappointed and concerned about what occurred.”

The truth is that the ADA’s action only validated the editorial’s exhortation to scientists to speak out forcefully: “We can no longer afford complacency and fear. We must all act now!” Will other scientific bodies draw a lesson from what happened in New Orleans? Let’s hope so.

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The FBI serves a search warrant at the Garden Grove chemical plant

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The FBI serves a search warrant at the Garden Grove chemical plant

Federal Bureau of Investigation officers served a search warrant Wednesday at the Garden Grove chemical plant, where a compromised tank containing toxic chemicals threatened to leak or explode, resulting in the evacuation of nearby residents in May.

“We are cooperating with authorities at our Garden Grove facility and will continue to do so,” a spokesperson of GKN Aerospace, which operates the facility, said in an email statement.

Laura Eimiller, an FBI spokesperson, said FBI agents are serving a search warrant as part of an ongoing investigation into the Garden Grove aerospace business.

GKN Aerospace is a division of Melrose Industries, a U.K.-based aerospace company that manufactures aircraft parts.

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In May, at the manufacturing facility, which stores thousands of gallons of toxic chemicals in pressurized tanks used to produce materials such as plexiglass for fighter jet and commercial aircraft windows, one tank threatened to leak or explode.

Over 50,000 residents were temporarily evacuated as officials investigated the potential for an explosion for days. They found that a crack in the compromised tank released the pressure buildup inside the storage unit, which ruled out the possibility of an explosion, and allowed residents to return to their homes.

The compromised tank threatened to blow up, affecting adjacent tanks also containing the toxic chemical methyl methacrylate which could have caused a large-scale public safety emergency. Still, plans to remove the remaining MMA chemical tanks from the facility have been postponed, and no new date has been announced yet.

Residents who were impacted by the evacuation have already filed multiple class action lawsuits against the company, alleging negligence at the manufacturing facility and seeking compensation for loss of use of homes and diminished property value. Now, federal officials will investigate possible violations and factors that could have contributed to the incident.

According to the FBI warrant, the officers will seize items in violation of measures to prevent the accidental release of hazardous substances into the air.

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The warrant allows FBI officers the discretion to search digital devices or seize and transport them as part of the investigation.

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Rivian begins deliveries of cheaper electric vehicles

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Rivian begins deliveries of cheaper electric vehicles

Electric-vehicle maker Rivian began delivery of a cheaper SUV on Tuesday as it aims to take customers from Tesla and others.

The long-anticipated R2, which will eventually be available for less than $45,000, could help boost the market share of the Irvine company better known for vehicles priced around $77,000.

The first R2s to roll off the company’s production line in Normal, Ill., are the performance version, starting at $57,990. Rivian said the R2 Premium will arrive in late 2026 for around $54,000, followed by an R2 Standard version in 2027 priced at $44,990.

“Rivian is really trying to prove its worth,” said Ivan Drury, director of insights at Edmunds. “They’ve gone past that initial stage and are hoping to move on to mass market products.”

The R2 Performance is still an expensive vehicle for many Americans, but it’s a step down from Rivian’s nearly $77,000 R1S. It’s typical for an automaker to launch the most expensive version of a new vehicle first, experts said.

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Whether the R2 will be the success Rivian is hoping for won’t become clear until late 2027, once the standard versions are widely available. Chief Executive RJ Scaringe said the company is aiming to compete with not just other EV makers, but also traditional auto companies such as Jeep and Subaru.

“More mainstream people are going to be in on the R2, especially for the lower-priced models,” auto analyst Brian Moody said. “You’re always going to have early adopters, but there’s a lot more customers to go around in the $45,000 to $55,000 range.”

According to Cox Automotive, the average transaction price for a new EV in the U.S. is $55,000, compared with $49,000 for a gas-powered vehicle. Used EV sales have been surging lately because of their value, with an average transaction price of around $36,000.

Though there’s significant hype surrounding the launch of R2, investors have been unimpressed. Rivian shares fell 7% on Tuesday.

There has been a broad cooling of the EV market. Major automakers including Honda and Ford have cut back their EV options as excitement for the vehicles has fallen under the Trump administration. A $7,500 EV tax credit for new vehicles expired in September.

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Drury added that an announcement of a new product would generally generate more buzz than the first deliveries of a vehicle that’s already been in the public eye.

“This is simply them delivering on a promise, and the market itself is not what it was when they had first conjured up the vehicle,” Drury said.

Rivian lost $3.6 billion last year and hasn’t been profitable since its founding in 2009. Scaringe said the company will reach profitability on a per-unit production basis with the R2 this year, but estimated that the company won’t turn an overall profit until closer to 2030.

Karl Brauer, an auto industry expert at ISeeCars.com, said the premium and standard versions of the R2 probably will sell in much higher volumes than the performance version.

“It’s in theory an exciting moment, because they’re launching this new version, but it’s the expensive one,” Brauer said. “There’s no indication in my mind that there will be huge, high-volume sales.”

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