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With bird flu cases on the rise, staff at California lab say they are overworked and burned out
On a recent Friday morning, Alyssa Laxamana arrived at a laboratory on the UC Davis campus to continue California’s race against bird flu.
A note from her supervisor had alerted Laxamana that about 130 samples of cow milk and other dairy products were en route — a large but manageable workload. She got to work preparing the buffer solutions and other supplies she would need to test the samples for H5N1 influenza, the virus that causes the flu spreading through California’s cattle and poultry farms.
Laxamana’s plans, however, quickly went out the window. More samples kept popping up in a digital queue as another lab worker logged unexpected shipments. Around noon she had to draw a line. She calculated she could get through about 270 samples that day. The rest would have to wait.
“I can only do so much,” Laxamana recalled saying to herself.
Laxamana works in the biotechnology department of the California Animal Health and Food Safety Laboratory, the first line of defense in the state’s effort to track and prevent the spread of the H5N1 virus.
Far from working at full capacity, however, the Davis lab has been roiled over the past year by workplace tensions. Understaffing and poor management, Laxamana and other current and former employees say, have left lab employees overworked and struggling to keep pace with testing demands, while creating an environment where mistakes are more likely. An exodus of most of the staff this year left Laxamana and a co-worker for a period as the only two people testing for the virus on a daily basis.
The stakes for the lab are high: It is the only lab in the state with the authority to confirm bird flu cases. Although there is no evidence that the alleged workplace problems have contributed to an outbreak, processing tests quickly gives farmers a jump on quarantining or culling infected animals.
“Any potential delay in testing could result in greater spread,” said Richard Webby, a virologist at St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital in Tennessee, who specializes in influenza in birds and other animals.
The problems come amid a rising tide of bird flu cases at poultry and dairy farms and an increasing threat to humans. Last week the Davis lab confirmed the virus had been found in a retail sample of raw milk from a Fresno-based dairy, which health officials warn may have been sold in stores in Los Angeles County. And, so far, about 30 people in the state — the vast majority of them dairy workers — are known to have been infected.
Bill Kisliuk, a spokesperson for UC Davis, denied that workplace issues have left the lab ill-equipped to handle bird flu testing. He said the facility has “maintained the supervision, staffing and resources necessary to provide timely and vital health and safety information to those asking us to perform tests throughout the current outbreak of avian flu.”
After The Times inquired about staffing levels and other workplace issues, the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services inspected the lab in October, while UC Davis officials hired more staff and got help from a lab in Wisconsin, according to current staff. UC Davis officials declined to confirm the moves.
The spokesperson for the California Department of Food and Agriculture, which jointly operates the lab, deferred questions to UC Davis, saying, “CAHFS lab has done tremendous work under demanding circumstances.”
The virus is taking a rising toll on the state’s dairy and poultry industries. Since September, outbreaks at turkey farms, chicken broilers, egg-laying facilities and other producers around the state have affected more than 6 million birds, according to USDA data. And while the virus is less lethal in cows than birds, dead cows and calves have piled up along roadsides in Tulare County, with farmers and veterinarians reporting mortality rates far higher than expected. Also worrisome for a state that produces 20% of the country’s milk is the steep drop-off in milk production farmers have reported among cows that recover from the flu.
Discontent over staffing, pay and other alleged workplace issues has pervaded the lab over the past two years, emails and other communications reviewed by The Times show.
In May 2023, employees in the biotechnology section sent a petition to the lab’s managers demanding they address the staff’s concerns. After getting no reply, they sent another note viewed by The Times in November, accusing managers of refusing “time and again” to make improvements. Their workload, they added, had “measurably increased” since the temporary closure of the another CAHFS lab in Tulare earlier that year due to flooding.
California Animal Health and Food Safety Laboratory worker Alyssa Laxamana, left, and former worker Kayla Dollar at the UC Davis lab in September.
(Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
“We operate with the mindset that the next outbreak is always around the corner, and we need proper training opportunities and competitive salary to remain adequately staffed for that eventuality,” they wrote.
Several lab staff quit their jobs in the first half of 2024, leaving behind what they described as a relatively inexperienced, skeletal crew.
Helen Kado-Fong, a supervisor who had worked in the biotechnology department for about 12 years decided to retire early in May. She said she had become fed up with what she described as an attitude of indifference or hostility toward efforts by her and others in the lab to raise concerns.
In an email she sent a few months before she left to the dean of UC Davis veterinary school and CAHFS director, Kado-Fong warned the “high turnover and disengagement of technical staff is weakening the ability of the CAHFS laboratory to fulfill its mission.”
Another to quit was Kayla Dollar, a lab assistant in the department for about two years, who said she left in June after being rejected for a promotion to a lab technician. Dollar said she was told she didn’t get the job because she didn’t have sufficient experience. Dollar said she was perplexed by the explanation because her supervisor Kado-Fong had been trying to get the OK to have Dollar receive training to prepare her for the technician role.
“I was hitting a wall at every turn,” Dollar said.
Dollar was hired at a UC Davis veterinary genetics lab in June as a biotechnologist, the same position she had been rejected from at CAHFS.
And Jasmine Burke quit her post as one of the lab’s technicians in July, she said, after being threatened with discipline for raising concerns about long work hours and rushed testing procedures. She and others said that as the lab rushed to meet 24-hour turnaround times for bird flu testing, other types of tests became backlogged, and she and other staff failed at times to keep up with routine lab maintenance, such as recalibrating machines and ensuring refrigerators holding samples and chemical solutions were set at the correct temperature.
“Every attempt to communicate concerns here goes nowhere,” she wrote to the university’s human resources department, according to an email viewed by The Times. Burke now works as a barista at a coffee shop.
Kisliuk, the UC Davis spokesperson, declined to respond to questions about specific incidents involving employees. “When a staff member reports concerns about workplace safety or conditions, we review the matter and take the appropriate steps,” he wrote in an emailed statement.
By July, five employees had departed, leaving behind only Laxamana and colleague Victoria Ontiveros, who have worked in the lab for two years or less.
Late one afternoon on a day in September, Ontiveros recalled how she changed into scrubs and donned two sets of surgical gloves, goggles, an N95 mask, a lab coat and a hairnet — the required gear for entering the Biosafety Level 3 lab, or BSL-3, where samples suspected of containing the virus are tested. Only approved staff can enter the facility through a locked door that requires an iris scan to open.
California officials have blocked Raw Milk dairy in Fresno from distributing its raw dairy products.
(Tomas Ovalle / For The Times)
Ontiveros had already done several long shifts in the BSL-3 that week, which with normal staffing would have been divided among multiple people, she said. Now, she was preparing to test cow milk samples that had arrived at the lab around 2 p.m. Typically, samples received after noon were tested the following day, but she said her supervisors had insisted these needed to be turned around quickly as infections spread.
She said she worked for hours, painstakingly pipetting drops of the samples into tiny glass wells as part of the testing process, which extracts genetic material in order to detect the presence of the virus. Then, late in the evening, she realized she had programmed one of the machines analyzing the samples incorrectly. Ontiveros felt a sharp pang of despair. All her work, and the hours Laxamana had spent earlier in the day mixing a chemical solution to wash the samples, had been wasted.
It was around 9 p.m. when she emerged from the lab. She had started her workday around 8 a.m. The tests would have to be redone the next day.
“We are stretched so thin that mistakes can happen,” Ontiveros said. “I was so tired and mentally drained.”
At the time, Ontiveros said she was handling the testing of cow milk largely on her own, although another worker was sometimes sent up from the Tulare lab to help on weekends. While Laxamana had the required security clearance, she hadn’t yet completed the necessary training.
“There’s this huge pressure on me and and responsibility to show up to work every day because I have no backup,” Ontiveros said.
Later in September, Laxamana described being put straight to work as the number of cattle milk samples was ramping up. She said she was asked to run 44 samples without ever having completed a practice run. The only hands-on training she had had was twice shadowing the testing process. As Laxamana worked, Ontiveros stood nearby, supervising.
Already nervous, Laxamana said she was distracted by a walkie-talkie that crackled with voices as she tried to work. Colleagues in the main lab were peppering her with questions about what to do about another batch of tests that appeared to have failed. Holding a pipette carefully in one hand, Laxamana talked through the radio to troubleshoot the problem.
At times this year understaffing has led to quality control missteps, current and former workers said.
Laxamana described coming to work one morning in October and realizing results of tests she had run the day before had not been analyzed properly by lab staff. She said a manager assured Laxamana the errors would be corrected, but when she checked later that day the results had not been changed.
She said she stopped a case coordinator from releasing the incorrect results to farmers, which would have resulted in the culling of birds.
Earlier this year, a poultry sample got misplaced and went untested for three weeks, Laxamana said. She attributed the mistake to being overworked, saying, “There were only two people handling the workload, and things were missed in all of that chaos.”
Kisliuk, the UC Davis spokesperson, declined to answer questions about specific incidents described where workers made mistakes or where managers made mistakes. “We have multiple levels of quality assurance and extensive training of staff,” he said.
In late summer the lab hired a supervisor and others to join the lab. The move created additional work for Laxamana and Ontiveros, who said they were required to juggle their own work while also helping with training the new arrivals.
In recent weeks the supervisor and another new hire took over testing of high-risk poultry samples, but Laxamana and Ontiveros said staffing shortages remain.
Still, Laxamana doesn’t think about leaving.
“There are things that I can do to help prevent a disaster,” she said.“I could not bear to leave the lab in the condition that it is right now.”
To understand how Mr. Trump has achieved this omnipresence, The New York Times reviewed the first 329 days of his second term, finding at least one instance each day when he attracted the public’s attention to himself and his actions.
The review encompassed more than 250 media appearances, more than 320 official appearances, and more than 5,000 Truth Social posts or reposts. The analysis shows that while Mr. Trump has lagged his predecessors in his number of official appearances, he has pursued a raft of innovative methods to force himself into the public consciousness on a daily, and sometimes even hourly, basis.
The battery of activity started from the moment he was inaugurated, when he traveled from the Capitol Building to the Capital One Arena to publicly sign a flurry of executive orders.
Since then, he has stayed in the public eye in part by doing things no president has ever done. High-stakes Oval Office meetings, like his negotiations with President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, are held on-camera and broadcast live on global news networks. His Q.-and-A. sessions with reporters frequently last an hour or more.
He regularly airs his opinions – on social media, in discursive asides at rallies – about idiosyncratic subjects that range widely across the zeitgeist, from Sydney Sweeney’s sexy denim ads to the redesigned logo of the Cracker Barrel restaurant chain to the mysterious fate of the aviator Amelia Earhart, who vanished over the Pacific Ocean in 1937.
And his engagement with the news media has soared well beyond the start of his first administration.
Through Dec. 14, Mr. Trump took reporters’ questions on 449 occasions, compared with 223 during the same period of his first term. On average, Mr. Trump has interacted with journalists roughly twice a day, doubling his rate from 2017, according to Martha Joynt Kumar, a Towson University political scientist who tracks presidential press interactions. Mr. Trump limits which news outlets can ask questions at small events, but in sheer volume, he is the most media-accessible modern president, and far outpaces his predecessor, Joseph R. Biden Jr.
“Reporters will be in my office asking me for the president’s reaction to a breaking news story,” Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said in an interview. “And I’ll just say to them, ‘I don’t know, why don’t you ask him yourself in 30 minutes?’”
President Trump’s media appearances have soared this year, more than doubling both the Biden administration’s and those of his own first term.
Finding the Cameras
Many of his public moments go viral online, like his diatribe about restoring the name of the Washington Redskins, or the A.I.-generated video meme he posted of himself dribbling a soccer ball with Cristiano Ronaldo in the Oval Office. They take on a life of their own, rippling across social media and dissected and amplified by influencers and mass media platforms alike.
The result is a president whose not-so-inner monologue is injected into our daily lives in myriad ways, when we are watching TV on the weekends or idly scrolling the web – a Greek chorus for our national narrative.
“He’s the most ubiquitous president ever,” said Douglas Brinkley, the presidential historian.
The media strategy aligns with his political strategy.
Dating back to his years as an outspoken real estate developer and reality TV star, Mr. Trump has relished being unavoidable for comment. But at age 79, he has been outdoing his younger self. And there is a logic to his logorrhea.
Mr. Trump’s allies often speak of the political benefits of flooding the zone: pursuing so many policies, ideas, and dramatic restructurings of the normal ways of governance as to overwhelm the system. “All pedal, no brake,” as Stephen K. Bannon, Mr. Trump’s one-time adviser, has called it.
“We joke internally that he is our ultimate director of communications,” Ms. Leavitt said. “He has incredible media instincts, and he is the final decision maker on all policy, and he has been in a ‘flood the zone,’ ‘do as much as possible’ mindset since he walked into the Oval Office on Jan. 20.”
All presidents benefit from the awesome news-making powers of the office, with its agenda-setting influence over a dedicated global press corps. But Mr. Trump has outstripped his predecessors in whipsawing the public’s attention onto matters small and large – and limiting the level of scrutiny that any one shocking remark or policy proposal receives.
“People can really only focus on a handful of things a day,” said Bill Burton, a deputy White House press secretary under former President Barack Obama. “This attention flood is working for Trump because he is able to do an extraordinary amount of executive actions and very little of it can get attention.”
Or as Mr. Brinkley put it: “He plays to win the day, every day, around the clock.”
His commentary takes on a life of its own.
One of Mr. Trump’s political assets is his instinct for virality.
With a natural feel for the web, Mr. Trump has a knack for amplifying wacky memes and pop culture curios that can drive days of online discourse. Sometimes, coverage of his offhand remarks or late-night social media posts can crowd out the more significant, norm-shattering changes he is making to American governance.
Late one Friday night in May, the president posted an obviously A.I.-generated image of himself as the pope. It struck a nerve.
Mr. Trump had already courted controversy days earlier, after the death of Pope Francis on April 21.
“I’d like to be pope,” the president told reporters who asked about who should become the next pontiff. “That would be my number one choice.”
The comment disturbed some Catholics, who said the notion was crude and insensitive. That reaction seemed only to prompt Mr. Trump to double down, posting the A.I.-generated image to his Truth Social account days later. By the weekend it had become a cultural phenomenon, mocked on “Saturday Night Live” and called out by experts as an example of misleading A.I. content.
After Mr. Trump posts the A.I. image …
May 2
Trump posts A.I. image of himself as Pope
There is nothing clever or funny about this image, Mr. President. We just buried our beloved Pope Francis and the cardinals are about to enter a solemn conclave to elect a new successor of St. Peter. Do not mock us.
May 3
NYS Catholic Conference says “do not mock us”
May 3
“Saturday Night Live” covers fake image
May 3 Vatican asked about image, declines to comment
May 4
Cardinal Joseph Tobin of New Jersey criticizes image as “not good”
May 4
JD Vance defends Trump on X, calling it a joke … some Catholics were outraged, prompting a news cycle focused on the controversy …
5
Says “the Catholics loved it”
… before Mr. Trump suggested he had nothing to do with it.
Mr. Trump, who is not Catholic, had plenty of defenders, too. They said his commentary and the A.I. image were simply jokes, part of the president’s unique comedic style.
“As a general rule, I’m fine with people telling jokes and not fine with people starting stupid wars that kill thousands of my countrymen,” Vice President JD Vance, who is Catholic, wrote on X.
In his quest for attention, the president is often aided by a cottage industry of right-wing influencers and activists who are primed to syndicate, reinforce and defend whatever content he pushes out each day. For this conservative media ecosystem, Mr. Trump’s messaging and commentary are the raw fuel that drives clicks, shares and views.
On June 7, the president’s visit to a raucous U.F.C. fight – complete with a “Trump dance” entrance into the arena – generated an immediate spike in online interest, including about 50,000 posts on X. Five days later, when he promoted a “Trump gold card” visa, his announcement led to roughly 30,000 posts on X.
A barrage that distracts from bad news.
One pattern in Mr. Trump’s behavior: When his administration is faced with bad news, he launches a fusillade of distraction.
This can take the form of outlandish, out-of-left-field claims about political opponents. Or he might weigh in on a pop culture subject far afield from Washington politics – from the ratings of late-night hosts like Seth Meyers to the physical appearance of a megastar like Taylor Swift.
The events of July 2025 offer a case in point.
As the Jeffrey Epstein files returned to the news – along with speculation that Mr. Trump might appear in them – the president embarked on a breathtaking series of tangents. Mr. Trump claimed without evidence that former President Bill Clinton had bankrolled an effort by senior intelligence officials to frame him for a crime, mused about stripping the actress Rosie O’Donnell of her U.S. citizenship, and accused the singer Beyoncé of accepting millions of dollars to endorse his erstwhile rival, former Vice President Kamala Harris.
July 8
F.B.I. publishes memo about Epstein files On July 8, the F.B.I. said it would not declassify more Epstein files.
10
Claimed intelligence officials tried to frame him
10
Pushed to defund NPR and PBS
10 Directed ICE to arrest protesters
12
Threatened Rosie O’Donnell’s citizenship
15
Claimed Adam Schiff engaged in mortgage fraud Over the following days, Mr. Trump seemed to lash out in every direction.
On July 18, the Justice Department filed a request to unseal grand jury testimony about Mr. Epstein, again raising questions about Mr. Trump’s involvement. The president promptly lobbed insults at late-night talk show hosts, dismissed the Epstein affair as “fake news” and shared fresh claims about a supposed Obama administration plot to undermine him after the 2016 election.
July 18
Request filed to unseal grand jury testimony
On July 18, the Department of Justice filed a request — later denied — to unseal grand jury testimony.
20
Criticized Washington Commanders name
21
Called the “Russia hoax” the “crime of the century”
22
Called Epstein controversy “fake news”
22
Criticized Kimmel and Fallon
24 Criticized Federal Reserve chairman
Over the following days, Mr. Trump bounced from topic to topic.
On July 25, The Wall Street Journal published a major scoop: The paper had unearthed a risqué birthday letter that Mr. Trump had apparently written to Mr. Epstein in 2003. Mr. Trump responded with his attack on Beyoncé and revived his threat to revoke the broadcast licenses of TV networks. Then he announced the imminent construction of an enormous gilded ballroom at the White House, at a cost of $200 million. (He has since revised the cost upward to $400 million.)
Asked if there was a deliberate strategy to distract from negative news, Ms. Leavitt noted that every administration seeks to minimize unhelpful headlines.
“Yes, there have been times in which we’ve tried to do that, but also often it just happens naturally, because the president is willing to weigh in on so many subjects,” she said. “Sometimes it’s really not deliberate. It’s just him speaking his mind on whatever news cycle or news story is brought to him in that moment.”
He has added tricks to his arsenal.
Mr. Trump’s devotion to Truth Social mirrors the hair-trigger Twitter habit of his first term; on one recent December evening, he posted 158 times between 9 p.m. and midnight. And he has continued to appear on Fox News with certain preferred hosts.
But this year, he has added to his media arsenal by appearing in many more public spaces that fall outside of a president’s typical itinerary.
Mr. Trump has stopped by a Washington Commanders N.F.L. game, popped up in the New York Yankees locker room, attended the Ryder Cup golf tournament and the men’s tennis final at the U.S. Open, sat ringside at numerous U.F.C. fights, and traveled to the Daytona 500. He is the first sitting president to attend a Super Bowl. When FIFA staged the Club World Cup final in New Jersey, Mr. Trump not only attended, but joined the winning team onstage for the trophy ceremony.
The net effect is a sense of inescapability, that no corner of American life remains Trump-free – which itself amounts to a potent expression of presidential authority and command. “His power, in part,” said Mr. Burton, the former Obama aide, “comes from the attention that people give him, or that he forces on them.”
Can it ever be too much?
In the fall of 2009, President Barack Obama appeared on David Letterman’s talk show, gave interviews to CNBC and Men’s Health magazine, and made the rounds of all five major network Sunday shows. Washington was abuzz about whether he was overexposed.
That debate sounds quaint today. But the question of whether a president can be too visible remains open.
“The public is being desensitized” to Mr. Trump’s omnipresence, argued Mr. Brinkley, the historian. “It starts becoming blather. The enemy for Trump isn’t Democrats; it’s the public being bored with the show.”
Ms. Leavitt said that if there was a risk to his ubiquity, “President Trump would not be president right now.” She added: “He is a businessman who speaks his mind and tells it like it is, and sometimes people don’t like that. But obviously the vast majority of our country does, or else he wouldn’t be in this office.”
During Mr. Trump’s first term, the public eventually tired of his frenzied pace. And in some ways, Mr. Trump appears to be slowing down physically as he approaches his 80th birthday in June (which he will celebrate in part by staging a nationally broadcast U.F.C. fight on the White House lawn). He has appeared to doze at some Oval Office meetings, and he is holding fewer formal public events than he did at this point in 2017.
Still, Mr. Trump and his team have embraced the everywhere-all-at-once nature of modern media. Average Americans, busy with work and family, do not tune in for daytime news conferences or Cabinet meetings. And 6:30 p.m. newscasts and local newspapers are no longer the primary vessels by which Americans learn about their commander-in-chief.
Instead, politics now suffuses our lives as a kind of ambient noise – via TikTok videos, social media posts, YouTube talk shows and family Facebook messages – never fully separate from our leisure pursuits. “Right now the game is attention, in terms of what’s culturally breaking through,” Mr. Burton said. “The fact that so much message exists is the point.”
Mr. Trump has both propelled this merging of culture and politics, and continues to strategically exploit it. In December, he became the first president to personally host the Kennedy Center Honors, comparing himself onstage to Johnny Carson and musing that he would do a better job than Jimmy Kimmel.
“This is the greatest evening in the history of the Kennedy Center,” Mr. Trump told the crowd. “Not even a contest. There has never been anything like it.”
His performance will air in prime time on CBS on Dec. 23.
Photo and video sources: Graham Dickie/The New York Times; Doug Mills/The New York Times; Roll Call Factba.se; PBS; Mauro Pimentel/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images; Kenny Holston/The New York Times; The New York Times; Annabelle Gordon/Reuters; Eric Lee/The New York Times; Fox; Cheriss May for The New York Times; Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press; Margo Martin, via Storyful; Mark Abramson for The New York Times; Global News; Al Drago/Getty Images; Fox News; Dave Sanders for The New York Times; Pete Marovich for The New York Times; Ted Shaffrey/Associated Press … Show all
President Trump’s media company is merging with a nuclear fusion energy firm in a $6-billion deal aimed at generating more power amid growing demand from power-hungry artificial intelligence data centers.
The merger between Trump Media & Technology and TAE Technologies could lead to one of the world’s first publicly traded fusion energy companies, the two companies said Thursday.
What is TAE Technologies?
TAE Technologies is a private company based in Foothill Ranch, Calif. It has been raising funds for commercial-scale nuclear fusion, a method of energy production that supporters say could revolutionize access to electricity. Founded in 1998, the company has built and operated five fusion reactors and raised more than $1.3 billion.
Fusion uses the same process that powers the sun to produce potentially limitless energy. Experts say it hasn’t been achieved on a large scale because the process is volatile and expensive. TAE is trying to develop the technology needed to reduce the size, cost and complexity of fusion reactors.
“Our talented team, through its commitment and dedication to science, is poised to solve the immense global challenge of energy scarcity,” TAE Chief Executive Michl Binderbauer said in a statement. “Recent breakthroughs have prepared us to… commercialize our fusion technology.”
What is the political history of Truth Social?
Truth Social was launched in 2022 as Trump created an alternative to mainstream social media, which was increasingly restricting and blocking his posts and profiles, as well as those of his allies and supporters. It began trading on the Nasdaq stock exchange through a 2024 merger with a special purpose acquisition company.
While most social media platforms have lifted restrictions on Trump’s posts, he still primarily posts on his own platform.
Though Trump and companies he is associated with control more than a 40% stake in the company, much of his investment is managed by others to avoid a conflict of interest during his term as president. Some analysts suggest his indirect association with a new company in a highly regulated industry could also lead to issues.
TAE will need significant investment and regulation to advance, which makes Trump’s ties a major conflict, Richard Painter, a former White House ethics lawyer in the George W. Bush administration, told the Associated Press.
“He’s jumping into this industry just like he jumped into cryptocurrency a couple of years ago,” Painter said. “Just as the United States government is gonna get all involved in it. And it’s so obvious that there’s a huge conflict of interest.”
Trump Media shares, which had fallen more than 80% from their 2024 peak, have skyrocketed around 50% since the deal was announced.
The company now has a market value of more than $4.5 billion.
Why are the companies merging?
The parent company of Trump’s social media site, Truth Social, Trump Media & Technology, previously had little to do with energy production. The company agreed to merge with Alphabet-backed TAE Technologies, with the aim of paving the way for easier access to abundant electricity.
The merger aims to help both companies diversify and raise more money.
It is an attempt to combine Trump Media’s “significant access to capital” with TAE’s “leading fusion technology,” the companies said in a release.
They plan to begin construction in 2026 on the first-ever utility-scale fusion power plant.
“Fusion power plants are expected to provide economic, abundant and dependable electricity that would help America win the AI revolution,” the release said.
The boom in popularity of AI chatbots such as ChatGPT has created a seemingly insatiable new demand for power.
The Georgia Institute of Technology says modern AI data centers use as much electricity as a small city. As AI models grow, they demand even more power.
What are the terms of the deal?
The all-stock transaction announced this week values each share of TAE Technologies at $53.89, although it is a private company. Trump Media has agreed to provide $200 million in cash to TAE upon closing, expected in mid-2026.
When the merger is complete, TAE and Trump Media shareholders will each own about 50% of the combined company.
Trump Media will be the holding company for TAE, TAE Power Solutions and TAE Life Sciences.
The U.S. Space Force announced Friday it has awarded satellite contracts with a combined value of about $1.6 billion to Rocket Lab in Long Beach and to the Redondo Beach Space Park campus of Northrop Grumman.
The contracts by the Space Development Agency will fund the construction by each company of 18 satellites for a network in development that will provide warning of advanced threats such as hypersonic missiles.
Northrop Grumman has been awarded contracts for prior phases of the Proliferated Warfighter Space Architecture, a planned network of missile defense and communications satellites in low Earth orbit.
The contract announced Friday is valued at $764 million, and the company is now set to deliver a total of 150 satellites for the network.
The $805-million contract awarded to Rocket Lab is its largest to date. It had previously been awarded a $515 million contract to deliver 18 communications satellites for the network.
Founded in 2006 in New Zealand, the company builds satellites and provides small-satellite launch services for commercial and government customers with its Electron rocket. It moved to Long Beach in 2020 from Huntington Beach and is developing a larger rocket.
“This is more than just a contract. It’s a resounding affirmation of our evolution from simply a trusted launch provider to a leading vertically integrated space prime contractor,” said Rocket Labs founder and chief executive Peter Beck in online remarks.
The company said it could eventually earn up to $1 billion due to the contract by supplying components to other builders of the satellite network.
Also awarded contracts announced Friday were a Lockheed Martin group in Sunnyvalle, Calif., and L3Harris Technologies of Fort Wayne, Ind. Those contracts for 36 satellites were valued at nearly $2 billion.
Gurpartap “GP” Sandhoo, acting director of the Space Development Agency, said the contracts awarded “will achieve near-continuous global coverage for missile warning and tracking” in addition to other capabilities.
Northrop Grumman said the missiles are being built to respond to the rise of hypersonic missiles, which maneuver in flight and require infrared tracking and speedy data transmission to protect U.S. troops.
Beck said that the contracts reflects Rocket Labs growth into an “industry disruptor” and growing space prime contractor.
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