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Granderson: Top Republicans know better than to back Trump

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Granderson: Top Republicans know better than to back Trump

When it comes to disaster movies, my biggest pet peeve is the sex scene. As soon as a Diane Warren song starts playing in the background, the male and female leads will lock eyes and suddenly decide they have time to cuddle. “Saving the planet” loses all sense of urgency.

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LZ Granderson

LZ Granderson writes about culture, politics, sports and navigating life in America.

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That’s what it feels like watching Republicans today refuse to endorse Kamala Harris because of the optics. They can see as well as anyone else that former President Trump is a threat to democracy. He says it openly. But apparently when members of the GOP look at their chances of holding on to power, the romantic music in their heads just sweeps them away.

Take Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp. If anyone knows how far Trump will go to grab power, it’s him. Trump has been harassing him ever since losing the state to President Biden by 11,779 votes back in 2020. We heard Trump’s phone call with Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger. We saw the indictment (though whether the Fulton County district attorney can continue to prosecute it remains in limbo). Trump’s allies tried to use fake electors to pretend he won the state.

Kemp followed the law and common sense and certified the real electors, which gave Biden the state’s 16 electoral votes.

We’re still hearing about Trump’s grudge, most recently in a long rant at a campaign stop in Georgia.

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“He’s a bad guy. He’s a disloyal guy. And he’s a very average governor,” Trump said on Saturday about Kemp, who has a 63% approval rating in his state — and whom Trump endorsed for governor in 2018.

If anyone knows of the danger that Trump represents, it’s Kemp. And yet the governor responded to that latest barrage with a social media post supporting Trump’s campaign: “my focus is on winning this November and saving our country from Kamala Harris and the Democrats — not engaging in the petty personal insults, attacking fellow Republicans, or dwelling on the past.”

That’s how he characterized Trump’s attempt to overturn the election. Dwelling on the past. His wife, Marty Kemp, is so worried about what Trump would do if he regained power that she said she is going to write in her husband’s name for president instead of voting for Trump. Oh, great. Such bravery.

Kemp is expected to run for Senate, so perhaps what we’re seeing is that his political future matters more to him than the country’s future does. He wouldn’t want to be seen endorsing a Democrat, even when the alternative is a felon whom Kemp has personally seen attempting to overthrow American democracy.

The public spat between Kemp and Trump prompted Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) to beg the two to work things out. As if there’s some sort of acceptable middle ground between democracy and a failed coup d’etat.

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The political maneuverings from folks who used to say “never Trump” — such as Graham and Trump’s running mate, Sen. JD Vance of Ohio — would not be possible without a healthy dose of cowardice.

Harris, like most politicians, will have to answer for positions she has taken in the past and may no longer support. But one stance she hasn’t changed is on the importance of protecting a free and fair election. On the day of the Jan. 6 attack, Harris’ motorcade came within 20 feet of the pipe bomb planted the day before outside the Democratic National Committee’s office. Authorities still don’t know who placed that one or the similar device found at the Republican National Committee’s headquarters.

We are not in ordinary times. Many conservatives know this firsthand. And yet despite understanding the urgency that the moment calls for, they continue to make time to play politics, like the romantic leads in a doomsday flick. At least most of them do.

This week a new group launched, called Republicans for Harris. It’s an effort to make it OK for conservatives to do all that they can to stop someone who tried to overturn the election from having another crack at becoming king. Among the most important strategies, of course, is voting for Trump’s opponent. Many Americans who tend to vote Republican will be reluctant.

The Kemps of the world aren’t helping, but consider the record of Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah). He has waffled at moments but mostly seems to have seen Trump for what he is and been bold enough to say so.

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During the primary in 2016, Romney recorded robocalls in support of Marco Rubio and John Kasich, encouraging voters to vote for “a candidate who can defeat Hillary Clinton and who can make us proud.” After Chris Christie endorsed Trump, Romney reportedly wrote Christie him an email saying Trump is “unquestionably mentally unstable, and he is racist, bigoted, misogynistic, xenophobic, vulgar and prone to violence.”

In 2018, Romney accepted Trump’s endorsement for the Senate. But in 2021 he voted for impeachment. Outlining his reasoning in a statement, Romney said the former president “attempted to corrupt the election by pressuring the Secretary of State of Georgia to falsify the elections results in his state” and “incited the insurrection against Congress by using the power of his office.”

Romney and Christie are like many Republicans who knew the danger of Trump before he became president but chose party over country. Members of Republicans for Harris, and the half-dozen former Trump Cabinet members who refuse to endorse him, have decided not to make that mistake twice. Other politicians, such as Graham and Kemp, do not care what happens to democracy as long as their careers survive.

@LZGranderson

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Politics

Video: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran

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Video: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran

new video loaded: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran

Our national security correspondent David E. Sanger examines the war of choice that President Trump has initiated with Iran.

By David E. Sanger, Gilad Thaler, Thomas Vollkommer and Laura Salaberry

March 1, 2026

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Dems’ potential 2028 hopefuls come out against US strikes on Iran

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Dems’ potential 2028 hopefuls come out against US strikes on Iran

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Some of the top rumored Democratic potential candidates for president in 2028 are showing a united front in opposing U.S. strikes on Iran, with several high-profile figures accusing President Donald Trump of launching an unnecessary and unconstitutional war.

Former Vice President Kamala Harris said Trump was “dragging the United States into a war the American people do not want.”

“Let me be clear: I am opposed to a regime-change war in Iran, and our troops are being put in harm’s way for the sake of Trump’s war of choice,” Harris said in a statement Saturday following the joint U.S. and Israeli strikes throughout Iran.

“This is a dangerous and unnecessary gamble with American lives that also jeopardizes stability in the region and our standing in the world,” she continued. “What we are witnessing is not strength. It is recklessness dressed up as resolve.”

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Former Vice President Kamala Harris, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and California Gov. Gavin Newsom are leading Democratic 2028 hopefuls who spoke out against U.S. strikes on Iran. (Big Event Media/Getty Images for HumanX Conference; Reuters/Liesa Johannssen; Mario Tama/Getty Images)

California Gov. Gavin Newsom delivered some of his sharpest criticism during a book tour stop Saturday night in San Francisco, accusing Trump of manufacturing a crisis.

“It stems from weakness masquerading as strength,” Newsom said. “He lied to you. So reckless is the only way to describe this.”

“He didn’t describe to the American people what the endgame is here,” Newsom added. “There wasn’t one. He manufactured it.”

Newsom is currently promoting his memoir, “Young Man in a Hurry,” with recent and upcoming stops in South Carolina, New Hampshire and Nevada — three key early voting states in the Democratic presidential calendar.

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Earlier in the day, Newsom said Iran’s “corrupt and repressive” regime must never obtain nuclear weapons and that the “leadership of Iran must go.”

“But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war that will risk the lives of our American service members and our friends without justification to the American people,” Newsom wrote on X.

California is home to more than half of the roughly 400,000 Iranian immigrants in the United States, including a large community in West Los Angeles often referred to as “Tehrangeles.”

DEMOCRATS BUCK PARTY LEADERS TO DEFEND TRUMP’S ‘DECISIVE ACTION’ ON IRAN

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., a leading progressive voice and “Squad” member, accused Trump of dragging Americans into a conflict they did not support.

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“The American people are once again dragged into a war they did not want by a president who does not care about the long-term consequences of his actions. This war is unlawful. It is unnecessary. And it will be catastrophic,” Ocasio-Cortez said.

“Just this week, Iran and the United States were negotiating key measures that could have staved off war. The President walked away from these discussions and chose war instead,” she continued.

“In moments of war, our Constitution is unambiguous: Congress authorizes war. The President does not,” she said, pledging to vote “YES on Representatives Ro Khanna and Thomas Massie’s War Powers Resolution.”

Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress. (Daniel Boczarski/Getty Images for Vox Media)

Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, another Democrat often mentioned as a potential 2028 contender, also criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress.

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“No justification, no authorization from Congress, and no clear objective,” Pritzker wrote on X.

“Donald Trump is once again sidestepping the Constitution and once again failing to explain why he’s taking us into another war,” he continued. “Americans asked for affordable housing and health care, not another potentially endless conflict.”

“God protect our troops,” Pritzker added.

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails.

“In our democracy, the American people — through our elected representatives — decide when our nation goes to war,” Shapiro said, adding that Trump “acted unilaterally — without Congressional approval.”

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JONATHAN TURLEY: TRUMP STRIKES IRAN — PRECEDENT AND HISTORY ARE ON HIS SIDE

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails. (Rachel Wisniewski/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

“Make no mistake, the Iranian regime represses its own people… they must never be allowed to possess nuclear weapons,” he said. “But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war.”

Shapiro added that “Congress must use all available power” to prevent further escalation.

Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg also accused Trump of launching a “war of choice.”

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“The President has launched our nation and our great military into a war of choice, risking American lives and resources, ignoring American law, and endangering our allies and partners,” Buttigieg wrote on X. “This nation learned the hard way that an unnecessary war, with no plan for what comes next, can lead to years of chaos and put America in still greater danger.”

Buttigieg has been hitting early voting states, stopping in New Hampshire and Nevada in recent weeks to campaign for Democrats ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.

Sen. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., who has been floated as a rising national figure within the party, said he lost friends in Iraq to an illegal war and opposed the strikes.

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“Young working-class kids should not pay the ultimate price for regime change and a war that hasn’t been explained or justified to the American people. We can support the democracy movement and the Iranian people without sending our troops to die,” Gallego wrote on X. 

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Fox News’ Daniel Scully and Alex Nitzberg contributed to this report.

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From hostage crisis to assassination plots: Iran’s near half-century war on Americans
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Commentary: With midterm vote starting, here’s where things stand in national redistricting fight

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Commentary: With midterm vote starting, here’s where things stand in national redistricting fight

Donald Trump has never been one to play by the rules.

Whether it’s stiffing contractors as a real estate developer, defying court orders he doesn’t like as president or leveraging the Oval Office to vastly inflate his family’s fortune, Trump’s guiding principle can be distilled to a simple, unswerving calculation: What’s in it for me?

Trump is no student of history. He’s famously allergic to books. But he knows enough to know that midterm elections like the one in November have, with few exceptions, been ugly for the party holding the presidency.

With control of the House — and Trump’s virtually unchecked authority — dangling by a gossamer thread, he reckoned correctly that Republicans were all but certain to lose power this fall unless something unusual happened.

So he effectively broke the rules.

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Normally, the redrawing of the country’s congressional districts takes place once every 10 years, following the census and accounting for population changes over the previous decade. Instead, Trump prevailed upon the Republican governor of Texas, Greg Abbott, to throw out the state’s political map and refashion congressional lines to wipe out Democrats and boost GOP chances of winning as many as five additional House seats.

The intention was to create a bit of breathing room, as Democrats need a gain of just three seats to seize control of the House.

In relatively short order, California’s Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom, responded with his own partisan gerrymander. He rallied voters to pass a tit-for-tat ballot measure, Proposition 50, which revised the state’s political map to wipe out Republicans and boost Democratic prospects of winning as many as five additional seats.

Then came the deluge.

In more than a dozen states, lawmakers looked at ways to tinker with their congressional maps to lift their candidates, stick it to the other party and gain House seats in November.

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Some of those efforts continue, including in Virginia where, as in California, voters are being asked to amend the state Constitution to let majority Democrats redraw political lines ahead of the midterm. A special election is set for April 21.

But as the first ballots of 2026 are cast on Tuesday — in Arkansas, North Carolina and Texas — the broad contours of the House map have become clearer, along with the result of all those partisan machinations. The likely upshot is a nationwide partisan shift of fewer than a handful of seats.

The independent, nonpartisan Cook Political Report, which has a sterling decades-long record of election forecasting, said the most probable outcome is a wash. “At the end of the day,” said Erin Covey, who analyzes House races for the Cook Report, “this doesn’t really benefit either party in a real way.”

Well.

That was a lot of wasted time and energy.

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Let’s take a quick spin through the map and the math, knowing that, of course, there are no election guarantees.

In Texas, for instance, new House districts were drawn assuming Latinos would back Republican candidates by the same large percentage they supported Trump in 2024. But that’s become much less certain, given the backlash against his draconian immigration enforcement policies; numerous polls show a significant falloff in Latino support for the president, which could hurt GOP candidates up and down the ballot.

But suppose Texas Republicans gain five seats as hoped for and California Democrats pick up the five seats they’ve hand-crafted. The result would be no net change.

Elsewhere, under the best case for each party, a gain of four Democratic House seats in Virginia would be offset by a gain of four Republican House seats in Florida.

That leaves a smattering of partisan gains here and there. A combined pickup of four or so Republican seats in Ohio, North Carolina and Missouri could be mostly offset by Democratic gains of a seat apiece in New York, Maryland and Utah.

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(The latter is not a result of legislative high jinks, but rather a judge throwing out the gerrymandered map passed by Utah Republicans, who ignored a voter-approved ballot measure intended to prevent such heavy-handed partisanship. A newly created district, contained entirely within Democratic-leaning Salt Lake County, seems certain to go Democrats’ way in November.)

In short, it’s easy to characterize the political exertions of Trump, Abbott, Newsom and others as so much sound and fury producing, at bottom, little to nothing.

But that’s not necessarily so.

The campaign surrounding Proposition 50 delivered a huge political boost to Newsom, shoring up his standing with Democrats, significantly raising his profile across the country and, not least for his 2028 presidential hopes, helping the governor build a significant nationwide fundraising base.

In crimson-colored Indiana, Republicans refused to buckle under tremendous pressure from Trump, Vice President JD Vance and other party leaders, rejecting an effort to redraw the state’s congressional map and give the GOP a hold on all nine House seats. That showed even Trump’s Svengali-like hold on his party has its limits.

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But the biggest impact is also the most corrosive.

By redrawing political lines to predetermine the outcome of House races, politicians rendered many of their voters irrelevant and obsolete. Millions of Democrats in Texas, Republicans in California and partisans in other states have been effectively disenfranchised, their voices rendered mute. Their ballots spindled and nullified.

In short, the politicians — starting with Trump — extended a big middle finger to a large portion of the American electorate.

Is it any wonder, then, so many voters hold politicians and our political system in contempt?

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