Ohio
Ohioans know what they voted for last November. Yost's legal fights don't change that. • Ohio Capital Journal
It was plain what Ohio voters approved last November with Issue 1. An overwhelming majority of Ohioans voted for a reset on abortion rights after relentless government assault on reproductive freedoms under the state’s patriarchal theocratic rule.
The consensus of 57% of the electorate was to enshrine the fundamental right to abortion in the Ohio Constitution.
Issue 1 also explicitly barred the state from directly or indirectly burdening, prohibiting, penalizing or interfering with access to abortion, and discriminating against abortion patients and providers.
It’s right there in the ballot language of the constitutional amendment voters said “yes” to last November. But now, Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost, who issued a legal analysis that largely stood against Issue 1 before it was approved by voters, argues Ohioans didn’t vote for what they did.
For months Yost has been doing his level best to legally obstruct implementation of the newly amended state constitution by maintaining the legitimacy of burdensome and discriminatory pre-Issue 1 abortion restrictions that clearly violate the letter of the law post-Issue 1.
He slow walks every single constitutional challenge to every single Republican statute still on the books that interferes with abortion access by erecting unnecessary government barriers between a woman and her right to an abortion.
Yost had the gall to contend that Ohio voters didn’t pass Issue 1 to block unnecessary government-mandated delays before patients are allowed to obtain abortions, or to eliminate government-mandated information (that is at least irrelevant and at worst distressing) prior to receiving care.
Yes. They. Did.
Yost cannot pick and choose, a la carte, which provision of the voter-mandated abortion rights amendment applies to unconstitutional restrictions that remain in the Ohio Revised Code.
But that’s what he’s trying to do in courtroom arguments to keep burdensome and discriminatory state abortion restrictions in force indefinitely, including the 24-hour waiting period for abortion patients – a medically unwarranted government mandate not applicable to any other medical procedure – plus separate, in-person visits for patients to be schooled in required anti-choice material designed to discourage abortions.
Yost and his fellow Republican theocrats like to intimate that childlike Ohioans who voted for Issue 1 didn’t fully understand what they were doing. The naïve majority who cast their ballots in favor of the amendment simply failed to grasp what it meant to the common sense abortion regulations Republican men had imposed on Ohio women.
Court filings by Yost’s office suggest gullible citizens thought a vote for Issue 1 would just give women the same abortion rights they had under Roe v. Wade. Never mind what the language added to the Ohio Constitution (and read by Issue 1 voters) actually said.
Yost analyzed that text at length last year before the November election in a disingenuous critique ripped by a former Ohio AG and AG candidate as “a biased hit piece that is intended to confuse voters and weaken support for the amendment.”
Yost concluded that all state abortion laws, such as the 24-hour waiting period and state mandated “informed consent” provisions, would likely be erased if the amendment passed. They “would certainly be challenged under Issue 1” and subject to the “exclusive scrutiny test” of the court as to whether or not they “burden, penalize, prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against” the right to abortion, reasoned Yost.
The problem is, countered his peers, “no such standard of review exists in law – Yost has created it out of whole cloth to support his arguments.”
Yost was, wrote Marc Dann and Jeff Crossman, “deliberately misleading” with “hyperbolic claims and scare tactics.”
He was also revealing his fealty to partisan extremism over the public interest of truth-telling.
Today, Yost crafts his own textual interpretation of the changes Ohioans mandated in state abortion law and audaciously assumes what voters were thinking when they enshrined the right “to make and carry out one’s own reproductive decisions” in their constitution. It is obvious he does not respect the will of the people or acknowledge their sovereignty in self-governance.
Yost, ever the media hound, wants to attract attention as a courtroom combatant for the hard right. To that end, he will fight constitutionally protected abortion rights in Ohio with protracted litigation and frivolous appeals to subvert implementation of the law with whatever legal tool he has to keep Ohio women subjugated as second-class citizens.
Yost is fixated on is generating headlines and getting on TV. So he pursues partisan lawsuits with other Republican AGs to exploit MAGA wedge issues, especially concerning transgender equality, and files a slew of Trump-loving, regulatory-hating amicus briefs to the Supreme Court.
Ohio’s chief law enforcement officer waves off Trump’s 88 felony counts in four jurisdictions for charges ranging from “pervasive and destabilizing lies” about election fraud to illegally hoarding classified documents and falsifying business records in a hush money coverup to win the 2016 election. Yost appears guided by selective application of the law when it comes to the accused felon and presumptive presidential nominee of his party.
But Ohio’s AG is misguided if he thinks Ohioans are willing to concede that same selectivity when it comes to their hard-won constitutional right to reproductive freedom. They know what they voted for and so does Yost.
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Ohio
Ohio Secretary of State Democratic primary pits outsider vs. insider – Signal Ohio
Ohio Democrats had a tough time recruiting candidates for the 2026 midterms after years of election losses.
But they’ve still ended up with a primary contest for Ohio Secretary of State that bears the hallmarks of a competitive race, pitting a first-time candidate against one of the state’s more accomplished Democrats.
After launching his campaign early, Cincinnati cancer doctor Hambley has gained traction with state party insiders. He’s done so through a mix of active campaigning and strong fundraising – visiting 78 counties and, according to him, raising nearly $1 million, a figure that includes a nearly $200,000 personal loan. Former Gov. Ted Celeste endorsed Hambley last week, becoming the latest current or former elected Democrat to do so, and the state party opted last month to remain neutral in the race.
“Everyone here knows that we need a change,” Hambley said at a voter forum packed with liberal activists in Columbus earlier this month.
State Rep. Allison Russo, an Upper Arlington Democrat who previously led the Ohio House Democrats, meanwhile, says she’s made up for lost time after entering the race eight months after Hambley.
She’s racked up organized labor endorsements and is touting her experience fighting with Republicans in Columbus.
“We are not at a moment in time for an office of this significance in the statewide ticket where we can afford to have someone who’s on a learning curve,” Russo said in an interview.
The contest has become a test of competing arguments within the party: whether Democrats are better served by a political outsider or an experienced officeholder. Voters will decide in the May 5 primary.
A similar insider-outsider dynamic also exists in the Republican primary between state Treasurer Robert Sprague and Marcell Strbich, a retired U.S. Army intelligence officer, although the Ohio Republican Party has backed Sprague in that race, greatly increasing his chances of winning.
The Ohio Secretary of State is a key battleground for both parties, since it serves as the state’s chief elections officer. The role has become more politicized in recent years as President Donald Trump has sought to impose new restrictions on mail voting, which he claims is susceptible to fraud, even though documented cases of voter fraud are exceedingly rare.
The office’s duties include overseeing election administration, issuing guidance to county boards and writing ballot language for statewide issues, an increasingly important political battleground in Ohio, and serving on the Ohio Redistricting Commission.
The office also manages the state’s campaign finance system and business filings.
Hambley builds grassroots campaign
Hambley launched his campaign in January 2025, just months after Democrats were left decimated and demoralized by the November presidential election. A cancer doctor who works for the University of Cincinnati health system, he attracted little attention outside of Cincinnati. In his campaign launch statement, he cited in part the redistricting reform amendment that voters rejected in the November 2024 election as inspiring him to run.
Hambley was involved with that political fight, running a network of Southwest Ohio health workers who promoted the amendment. He got his first introduction to politics a decade before that, organizing opposition in Cleveland to Trump’s “Muslim ban” ahead of the city’s hosting of the 2016 Republican National Convention.
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As other Democrats deliberated over whether to run, Hambley developed his campaign by working off the list of hundreds of thousands of voters who signed the petitions for the 2024 amendment. He’s also amassed support by holding hundreds of small events around the state – 360, by his count. Hambley’s message includes emphasizing his background growing up on a small farm and the trusted role doctors play in society. He’s campaigned around the state in a Jeep, like another Democratic physician seeking statewide office, Dr. Amy Acton, the party’s presumptive nominee for governor.
“I absolutely believe, with a caregiver background running on care and empathy, especially this year, especially against these opponents, is the right way,” Hambley said during an April 11 voter forum in Columbus.
Russo makes a case for experience
Russo, who also works as a health care researcher, launched her campaign in August after being privately linked to a possible run for lieutenant governor.
She won her current seat in November 2018 in her first run for elected office, and was one of several women candidates to flip previously Republican-held suburban seats. Since then, she’s built relationships with Democrats around the state, in part through an unsuccessful special election campaign in 2021. At a November 2024 election night event that otherwise was extraordinarily bleak for state Democrats, she touted how Democrats flipped two additional Republican-held seats in Franklin County, ending Republicans’ ability to pass referendum-proof legislation.
From the beginning, Russo has emphasized her experience dealing with Republicans in Columbus.
“Having been in the arena, having been in some of the toughest fights in terms of attacks on direct democracy, attacks on voting, attacks on our redistricting process and navigating through a very broken redistricting process, that experience I think is critical,” Russo said in an interview.
Russo’s experience should give her an advantage in fundraising, given the opportunity she’s had to network as a Democratic legislative leader and a former candidate in a 2021 congressional race.
But in a state disclosure filed in January, Hambley said he had $546,000 in cash on hand, more than double what Russo reported at the time. He’s started putting his campaign cash to work – launching TV ads that subtly criticize Russo for accepting corporate political action committee money as a Democratic legislative leader.
“We’re going to be ramping up in the next couple weeks,” he said in an interview.
Russo declined to share her fundraising numbers, saying she’ll do so when she files her disclosure later this month. Even though Hambley got an eight-month head start on the race, Russo said she’s visited 76 counties, just under Hambley’s 78.
She said her advertising plan involves leaning on social media, and likened buying TV ads during a primary election to “lighting money on fire.” She dismissed the idea that the race is competitive, saying her internal polling shows her with a significant lead. She said it also shows there are many undecided voters, but she thinks they’ll gravitate toward the more experienced candidate.
“I think all of this leads me right into the general election. And that is where my eye is focused. It is winning this general election in November,” Russo said.
Few policy differences
The two candidates don’t have much difference on policy. Both say they want to expand voting rights while opposing Donald Trump’s attempts to restrict mail voting. Their main points of difference largely come down to their professional backgrounds.
But Hambley has leaned into two lines of attack, which both reflect Russo’s practical experience in politics.
First, Hambley has attacked Russo over her 2023 vote with Republicans to approve the current state legislative maps. The vote, which followed a lengthy court battle that Republicans ultimately won, locked in maps for the rest of the decade that will favor the GOP to win between three-fifths and two-thirds of Ohio’s House seats, to the disappointment of activists who view the maps as gerrymandered in favor of Republicans.
“Voting for gerrymandered maps is disqualified if you want to be Secretary of State,” Hambley said at the Columbus voter forum.
Second, Hambley has attacked Russo for accepting money from corporate PACs during her tenure as state House minority leader. He also attacked her for getting endorsed by the Ohio Chamber of Commerce, which Hambley called a “MAGA group” in a social media video.
In response, Russo said she supports campaign-finance reform. But, she said her job as a Democratic legislative leader was to help elect Democrats.
“I want real solutions. Not a bumper-sticker slogan that makes us all feel good,” Russo said.
In an interview, Russo also said some of Hambley’s stances could hurt him in a general election.
Hambley has pledged to campaign in 2027 for a new redistricting reform amendment – which would continue the politicization of the office by current Secretary of State Frank LaRose. In 2024, he endorsed and campaigned for President Donald Trump, after previously arguing that secretaries of state should avoid political campaigning to prevent a perception of bias.
“My primary opponent misunderstands what the job actually is and misunderstands what the role of [secretary of state] should be,” Russo said.
For his part, Hambley has argued Democrats need to confront difficult truths.
“People don’t like us. People don’t like the average Democrat in Ohio,” Hambley said during a March 5 candidate forum in Erie County. “It is a huge problem for us.
Ohio
Ranked choice voting ban silences Ohio voters | Opinion
By banning ranked choice voting and penalizing communities that consider it, Ohio leaders have limited local control and signaled a lack of trust in voters to shape their own elections.
When Gov. Mike DeWine signed Senate Bill 63 into law, he didn’t just ban ranked choice voting in Ohio. He sent a clear message: Ohio voters cannot be trusted to make decisions about our own elections.
That should concern everyone, regardless of where you stand on ranked choice voting.
This is not really about a specific voting system. It is about whether communities have the right to explore new ideas, debate them openly, and decide for themselves what works. Senate Bill 63 shuts that door completely. It tells cities and counties across Ohio that even considering a different approach is off-limits.
Worse, it punishes them for trying.
When policy becomes coercion
The law threatens to withhold Local Government Fund dollars from any community that adopts ranked choice voting. That is not guidance. It is coercion. It forces local leaders to choose between representing their voters and protecting their budgets.
In a state that has long valued local control, that should raise serious red flags.
Here in Greater Cincinnati, we pride ourselves on collaboration, innovation, and civic pride. We bring people together across industries, neighborhoods, and perspectives to solve problems and build something stronger. That spirit does not come from the top down. It comes from people who are trusted to show up and participate.
Senate Bill 63 undermines that spirit.
Ranked choice voting is already used in cities and states across the country. Some have embraced it. Others have rejected it. That is exactly how democracy is supposed to work. You try something. You evaluate it. You adjust.
Ohio does not even get that chance.
Who gets to decide our elections?
Instead of trusting voters to decide, state leaders decided for them. Instead of allowing debate, they ended it. Instead of encouraging participation, they shut it down.
If we believe in democracy, we have to believe in the people who make it work.
We have to trust Ohioans to think critically, to weigh options, and to choose how our elections should function. Taking that choice away does not protect democracy. It weakens it.
Gov. DeWine had an opportunity to stand up for that principle. He chose not to.
Now it is up to Ohio voters to decide what kind of voice we want to have moving forward and whether we are willing to accept it being taken away.
Tyler Minton is a Cincinnati resident and Ohio native who works in the meetings and events industry.
Ohio
Wanda Lou Bailey, Louisville, Ohio
ALLIANCE, Ohio (MyValleyTributes) – Wanda Lou Bailey, born August 8, 1940, in Charleston, West Virginia, passed away peacefully on April 18, 2026, in Louisville, Ohio. She was a beloved member of her community, whose life was marked by dedication to her family, faith, and numerous heartfelt pursuits.
A graduate of Poca High School in West Virginia in 1958, Wanda’s early years paved a foundation of commitment that she carried throughout her life. Her professional journey included roles at Big Lots and Quality Farm and Fleet, but it was her role as a pastor’s wife that truly defined much of her life’s work. Alongside her late husband, Rev. Paul Bailey, whom she married on May 31, 1958, Wanda was deeply involved in spiritual and community service until his passing on March 9, 2021.
Wanda’s warm spirit and spicy attitude extended beyond her family and church. She was known for her skills in puzzles, crafts, quilting-each piece a testament to her caring nature. Her memory bears, lovingly crafted from cherished fabrics, stand as small yet profound symbols of her dedication and love. She also volunteered for many years at Canaan Acres Christian Camp, embracing her role as “Camp Nana” with a heart full of grace and kindness, known by all who knew her there.
Wanda is survived by four devoted children: Paula (David) Monteleone, David (Debra) Bailey, Laura (Pastor Mike) Kimball, and Beth Bailey. She also leaves behind nine grandchildren-Jennifer (Nathaniel) Miller, Carrie (Casey) Callarick, Kimberly (Brandy) Brown, Michael (Heidi) McLaughlin, Gregory Bailey, Rev. Cassandra (Bryan) Wynn, Jeremiah (Jaclyn) Kimball, Courtnie (Jon) Eckelberry, and Joshua (Ruby) Vandeborne. Her legacy further extends through twenty-four great-grandchildren and four great-great-grandchildren, as well as extended family who called her mom and nana, continuing her family lines that meant so much to her. Wanda was also sister to Mary McCalister, Clara Honaker, and Archie Quigley. She was preceded in death by her beloved parents, William and Rebecca (Vansickle) Quigley, and her husband, Rev. Paul Bailey.
The community will gather to honor Wanda’s life and legacy with a viewing on April 25, 2026, from 2:00 PM to 4:00 PM at Canaan Acres Campground, located at 8020 Nazarene Ave NE, Louisville, Ohio 44641. A funeral service will follow at 4:00 PM the same day at the campground with her son in law Pastor Mike Kimball officiating. Entombment will take place at Highland Hills Cemetery in Follansbee, West Virginia. on Monday, April 27th the time will be announced at a later date.
Wanda Lou Bailey’s life was one of service, creativity, and boundless love-a true beacon to her family and community. She will be dearly missed and lovingly remembered by all who had the privilege to know her. Memorial contributions can be made in Wanda’s memory to “Camp Nana Fund) in care of Caanan Acres Campground, 8020 Nazarene Ave. NE Louisville, Ohio 44641. Arrangements have been entrusted to Brown Funeral Home, Sebring Chapel (330) 938-2526, www.grfuneralhome.com.
Family and friends may view send condolences at Gednetz-Ruzek-Brown Funeral Home & Cremation Service.
To order memorial trees or send flowers to the family in memory of Wanda Lou Bailey, please visit our flower store.
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