Politics
Column: How does California celebrate women's history month? With two male senators
The primaries are over and California has made one decision for certain: For the first time in 30 years, the Golden State will not send a woman to the Senate.
Welcome to women’s history month 2024, where even in California, progress feels like finding tampons in the public bathroom, then realizing they’re the kind with no tube.
For those blissfully not following election results, it looks like Adam Schiff or Steve Garvey will be joining Alex Padilla as our representatives in the higher house of Congress.
No hate to any of them. Gender obviously shouldn’t be the determining factor in who we vote for, despite what the “no balls to scratch” gentleman in a certain MSNBC viral video thinks.
But in an era of eroding gender rights, it does give pause.
Especially when you add to it that leadership in the state Legislature has gone all Y-chromosome. A few weeks ago, former president pro tem of the Senate Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who in 2018 became the first women to ever hold that job, stepped down due to term limits, giving it to the very capable Mike McGuire (D-Healdsburg). That leaves McGuire and Assemblyman Robert Rivas in charge.
Atkins was the only woman — a queer one at that — to have held both of the Legislature’s top jobs. Her leadership was marked by a bipartisan respect, a strength and wisdom that only a lesbian from the mountains of Appalachia could summon in a place known for rivalries as intense as they are petty.
If you don’t know Atkins’ backstory, it’s a lot like Dolly Parton’s — smart but poor kid in a backwoods cabin, no running water, few prospects, and a lot of heart.
She’s got grit, as they say — and doesn’t hoard it for herself. Atkins made sure other women had power, giving them leadership positions on key committees and helping them rise.
“Toni has taken more arrows to the chest than we will ever know,” recently elected Sen. Aisha Wahab (D-Hayward) told me, yet she’s “still willing to include you even if you are seen as the other.”
Now, of course, Atkins is running for governor — trying to become the first woman to hold that office in California (as are Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and former Controller Betty Yee).
Which brings me to the real point of this column.
It’s not the number of women in power. It’s the quality.
Thankfully, California has quality, the kind of women that don’t just fight to win, but fight for change.
You won’t find many Marjorie Taylor Greenes with their Jewish space lasers around the Golden State — at least, in office.
Instead, you will find Oakland Democrat Buffy Wicks — who in 2020 broke motherhood boundaries by, four weeks post-C-section, bringing her newborn daughter to the floor of the Assembly to vote when her colleagues refused to allow her to do so remotely.
“What I am going to do, leave her at home?” she quipped recently when I asked her about that.
You’ll find Karen Bass — first Black mayor of Los Angeles, first Black woman to serve as the speaker of any state legislature, not just California’s.
And, Atkins told me, one of the first to reach out to her when she became speaker herself, telling Atkins she knew what it felt like to be the only woman in the room.
“We are still friends today,” Atkins said.
You’ll find women like Wahab, the first Muslim and Afghan American to be elected to the state Senate. She grew up in foster care after losing her parents (her mom died when she was young, her father was murdered in a robbery).
Those early experiences left her acutely aware of the nexus of generational trauma and public policy, and a belief that, “There is no point for me to waste time, power and privilege on fear.”
You’ll find veterans like Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley), who in her spare time from reforming the justice system and protecting kids on social media joined with colleagues to change what it meant to be a woman in the Legislature, because, as she puts it, “We have some catching up to do.”
About a decade ago, the few women under the dome — there were less than two dozen at the time — decided they wanted to accelerate that catching up and set out to get more females elected, not just ones from their own party or background.
So the women’s caucus, of which Skinner was one member of a formidable group, began not just recruiting other women to run — but vetting candidates to make sure they could win. That didn’t mean gate-keeping for a certain type, just making sure they were “viable,” Skinner told me.
Money, honey.
The caucus started helping candidates with mentoring and the backing to raise cash — even from skeptical donors who were still more comfortable with cigars than children.
Because before the vote there is the campaign, and if you can’t pay for it, you can’t win. And men didn’t want to give money to women, because they didn’t believe they could win, a circular logic that kept women sidelined.
“Whether it was conscious or not, there was that kind of bias that women candidates can’t raise the money,” Skinner said.
But women like Skinner and her caucus see viability differently than the establishment. That has led not only to more women in office, but diverse women.
Skip ahead 15 years and the effect of that intentional focus from the women’s caucus is clear.
There is currently a record number of women in the state Legislature, 50 out of a total of 120 possible spots. That’s about 42% women, in a state where half the population is female.
Organizations such as Emily’s List use the same approach to making sure female candidates have money, and across the country, the almost-equal ascent of women continues.
Other states, however, have done better than California. Nevada, believe it or not, is the only state to have had a majority-female legislature. Thirty-two states have elected female governors, sometimes more than once.
And nearly everywhere, it’s still controversial to show up with a baby, or be a woman with a wife, or in some places, even — as Missouri recently suggested — show your shoulders.
“It’s great to see,” Atkins says of California’s progress, and the progress of women in general.
But still, “The room doesn’t always act like we belong there.”
Politics
Video: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
new video loaded: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
By David E. Sanger, Gilad Thaler, Thomas Vollkommer and Laura Salaberry
March 1, 2026
Politics
Dems’ potential 2028 hopefuls come out against US strikes on Iran
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Some of the top rumored Democratic potential candidates for president in 2028 are showing a united front in opposing U.S. strikes on Iran, with several high-profile figures accusing President Donald Trump of launching an unnecessary and unconstitutional war.
Former Vice President Kamala Harris said Trump was “dragging the United States into a war the American people do not want.”
“Let me be clear: I am opposed to a regime-change war in Iran, and our troops are being put in harm’s way for the sake of Trump’s war of choice,” Harris said in a statement Saturday following the joint U.S. and Israeli strikes throughout Iran.
“This is a dangerous and unnecessary gamble with American lives that also jeopardizes stability in the region and our standing in the world,” she continued. “What we are witnessing is not strength. It is recklessness dressed up as resolve.”
Former Vice President Kamala Harris, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and California Gov. Gavin Newsom are leading Democratic 2028 hopefuls who spoke out against U.S. strikes on Iran. (Big Event Media/Getty Images for HumanX Conference; Reuters/Liesa Johannssen; Mario Tama/Getty Images)
California Gov. Gavin Newsom delivered some of his sharpest criticism during a book tour stop Saturday night in San Francisco, accusing Trump of manufacturing a crisis.
“It stems from weakness masquerading as strength,” Newsom said. “He lied to you. So reckless is the only way to describe this.”
“He didn’t describe to the American people what the endgame is here,” Newsom added. “There wasn’t one. He manufactured it.”
Newsom is currently promoting his memoir, “Young Man in a Hurry,” with recent and upcoming stops in South Carolina, New Hampshire and Nevada — three key early voting states in the Democratic presidential calendar.
Earlier in the day, Newsom said Iran’s “corrupt and repressive” regime must never obtain nuclear weapons and that the “leadership of Iran must go.”
“But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war that will risk the lives of our American service members and our friends without justification to the American people,” Newsom wrote on X.
California is home to more than half of the roughly 400,000 Iranian immigrants in the United States, including a large community in West Los Angeles often referred to as “Tehrangeles.”
DEMOCRATS BUCK PARTY LEADERS TO DEFEND TRUMP’S ‘DECISIVE ACTION’ ON IRAN
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., a leading progressive voice and “Squad” member, accused Trump of dragging Americans into a conflict they did not support.
“The American people are once again dragged into a war they did not want by a president who does not care about the long-term consequences of his actions. This war is unlawful. It is unnecessary. And it will be catastrophic,” Ocasio-Cortez said.
“Just this week, Iran and the United States were negotiating key measures that could have staved off war. The President walked away from these discussions and chose war instead,” she continued.
“In moments of war, our Constitution is unambiguous: Congress authorizes war. The President does not,” she said, pledging to vote “YES on Representatives Ro Khanna and Thomas Massie’s War Powers Resolution.”
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress. (Daniel Boczarski/Getty Images for Vox Media)
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, another Democrat often mentioned as a potential 2028 contender, also criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress.
“No justification, no authorization from Congress, and no clear objective,” Pritzker wrote on X.
“Donald Trump is once again sidestepping the Constitution and once again failing to explain why he’s taking us into another war,” he continued. “Americans asked for affordable housing and health care, not another potentially endless conflict.”
“God protect our troops,” Pritzker added.
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails.
“In our democracy, the American people — through our elected representatives — decide when our nation goes to war,” Shapiro said, adding that Trump “acted unilaterally — without Congressional approval.”
JONATHAN TURLEY: TRUMP STRIKES IRAN — PRECEDENT AND HISTORY ARE ON HIS SIDE
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails. (Rachel Wisniewski/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
“Make no mistake, the Iranian regime represses its own people… they must never be allowed to possess nuclear weapons,” he said. “But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war.”
Shapiro added that “Congress must use all available power” to prevent further escalation.
Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg also accused Trump of launching a “war of choice.”
“The President has launched our nation and our great military into a war of choice, risking American lives and resources, ignoring American law, and endangering our allies and partners,” Buttigieg wrote on X. “This nation learned the hard way that an unnecessary war, with no plan for what comes next, can lead to years of chaos and put America in still greater danger.”
Buttigieg has been hitting early voting states, stopping in New Hampshire and Nevada in recent weeks to campaign for Democrats ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.
Sen. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., who has been floated as a rising national figure within the party, said he lost friends in Iraq to an illegal war and opposed the strikes.
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“Young working-class kids should not pay the ultimate price for regime change and a war that hasn’t been explained or justified to the American people. We can support the democracy movement and the Iranian people without sending our troops to die,” Gallego wrote on X.
Fox News’ Daniel Scully and Alex Nitzberg contributed to this report.
Politics
Commentary: With midterm vote starting, here’s where things stand in national redistricting fight
Donald Trump has never been one to play by the rules.
Whether it’s stiffing contractors as a real estate developer, defying court orders he doesn’t like as president or leveraging the Oval Office to vastly inflate his family’s fortune, Trump’s guiding principle can be distilled to a simple, unswerving calculation: What’s in it for me?
Trump is no student of history. He’s famously allergic to books. But he knows enough to know that midterm elections like the one in November have, with few exceptions, been ugly for the party holding the presidency.
With control of the House — and Trump’s virtually unchecked authority — dangling by a gossamer thread, he reckoned correctly that Republicans were all but certain to lose power this fall unless something unusual happened.
So he effectively broke the rules.
Normally, the redrawing of the country’s congressional districts takes place once every 10 years, following the census and accounting for population changes over the previous decade. Instead, Trump prevailed upon the Republican governor of Texas, Greg Abbott, to throw out the state’s political map and refashion congressional lines to wipe out Democrats and boost GOP chances of winning as many as five additional House seats.
The intention was to create a bit of breathing room, as Democrats need a gain of just three seats to seize control of the House.
In relatively short order, California’s Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom, responded with his own partisan gerrymander. He rallied voters to pass a tit-for-tat ballot measure, Proposition 50, which revised the state’s political map to wipe out Republicans and boost Democratic prospects of winning as many as five additional seats.
Then came the deluge.
In more than a dozen states, lawmakers looked at ways to tinker with their congressional maps to lift their candidates, stick it to the other party and gain House seats in November.
Some of those efforts continue, including in Virginia where, as in California, voters are being asked to amend the state Constitution to let majority Democrats redraw political lines ahead of the midterm. A special election is set for April 21.
But as the first ballots of 2026 are cast on Tuesday — in Arkansas, North Carolina and Texas — the broad contours of the House map have become clearer, along with the result of all those partisan machinations. The likely upshot is a nationwide partisan shift of fewer than a handful of seats.
The independent, nonpartisan Cook Political Report, which has a sterling decades-long record of election forecasting, said the most probable outcome is a wash. “At the end of the day,” said Erin Covey, who analyzes House races for the Cook Report, “this doesn’t really benefit either party in a real way.”
Well.
That was a lot of wasted time and energy.
Let’s take a quick spin through the map and the math, knowing that, of course, there are no election guarantees.
In Texas, for instance, new House districts were drawn assuming Latinos would back Republican candidates by the same large percentage they supported Trump in 2024. But that’s become much less certain, given the backlash against his draconian immigration enforcement policies; numerous polls show a significant falloff in Latino support for the president, which could hurt GOP candidates up and down the ballot.
But suppose Texas Republicans gain five seats as hoped for and California Democrats pick up the five seats they’ve hand-crafted. The result would be no net change.
Elsewhere, under the best case for each party, a gain of four Democratic House seats in Virginia would be offset by a gain of four Republican House seats in Florida.
That leaves a smattering of partisan gains here and there. A combined pickup of four or so Republican seats in Ohio, North Carolina and Missouri could be mostly offset by Democratic gains of a seat apiece in New York, Maryland and Utah.
(The latter is not a result of legislative high jinks, but rather a judge throwing out the gerrymandered map passed by Utah Republicans, who ignored a voter-approved ballot measure intended to prevent such heavy-handed partisanship. A newly created district, contained entirely within Democratic-leaning Salt Lake County, seems certain to go Democrats’ way in November.)
In short, it’s easy to characterize the political exertions of Trump, Abbott, Newsom and others as so much sound and fury producing, at bottom, little to nothing.
But that’s not necessarily so.
The campaign surrounding Proposition 50 delivered a huge political boost to Newsom, shoring up his standing with Democrats, significantly raising his profile across the country and, not least for his 2028 presidential hopes, helping the governor build a significant nationwide fundraising base.
In crimson-colored Indiana, Republicans refused to buckle under tremendous pressure from Trump, Vice President JD Vance and other party leaders, rejecting an effort to redraw the state’s congressional map and give the GOP a hold on all nine House seats. That showed even Trump’s Svengali-like hold on his party has its limits.
But the biggest impact is also the most corrosive.
By redrawing political lines to predetermine the outcome of House races, politicians rendered many of their voters irrelevant and obsolete. Millions of Democrats in Texas, Republicans in California and partisans in other states have been effectively disenfranchised, their voices rendered mute. Their ballots spindled and nullified.
In short, the politicians — starting with Trump — extended a big middle finger to a large portion of the American electorate.
Is it any wonder, then, so many voters hold politicians and our political system in contempt?
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