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Changes to Indiana antisemitism bill drains support from many in Hoosier Jewish community – Indiana Capital Chronicle

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Changes to Indiana antisemitism bill drains support from many in Hoosier Jewish community – Indiana Capital Chronicle


A major change to a bill that would define and ban antisemitism at Indiana’s public education institutions led to a reversal of support and opposition among those who testified on the proposal at the Statehouse Wednesday.

In contention is the removal of a definition of antisemitism adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), which was included in the original version of House Bill 1002

The IHRA’s “working definition” includes contemporary examples of antisemitism, like “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor,” and “holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the State of Israel.”

Rep. Chris Jeter, R-Fishers (Photo courtesy of Indiana House Republicans)

Lawmakers in the Senate education committee amended the legislation on Wednesday to remove mention of IHRA and its examples of antisemitism, however. The newest draft of the bill instead defines antisemitism as “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews.”

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The measure was unanimously approved by the committee and now heads to the Senate floor.

“We’ve made some changes to try to ensure that we’re not referencing outside entities, but that we’re making the definition our own in the code, and the bill really tries to strike a balance of not impeding on any free speech, but just saying if we fund state education, we want that education to reflect our values as a body,” said Rep. Chris Jeter, R-Fishers, who authored the priority measure for the House GOP caucus.

“We wanted to be careful about referencing sort of outside groups, because if their definition changes, we don’t want anybody to impose that ours is supposed to be changed,” he continued.

But numerous members of Indiana’s Jewish community said they can’t support the bill unless it codifies the IHRA definition into state law.

“I’m extremely disappointed that the amendment that passed did not include reference to the IHRA statement. This essentially gutted the bill we wrote, and now leaves Jews without equal protection,” said Allon Friedman, president of the Jewish Affairs Committee of Indiana, which helped craft the bill. “This is essentially abandonment of the Indiana Jewish community and unwittingly rewards our enemies. … The Jewish community is absolutely united on this issue — we do not want the bill without IHRA.”

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What is the IHRA definition?

Indiana law already bans discrimination on the basis of race and “creed,” which means religion. The legislation specifies that antisemitism — bias against Jewish people — is religious discrimination and is not allowed within the public education system.

The definition approved by the Senate committee is part — but not all — of IHRA’s overall definition of antisemitism. 

By removing reference to IHRA, the bill excludes the alliance’s examples of contemporary antisemitism that would have also been outlawed in Indiana, including:

  • Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion.
  • Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews as such or the power of Jews as collective — such as, especially but not exclusively, the myth about a world Jewish conspiracy or of Jews controlling the media, economy, government or other societal institutions.
  • Accusing Jews as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Jewish person or group, or even for acts committed by non-Jews.
  • Denying the fact, scope, mechanisms (e.g. gas chambers) or intentionality of the genocide of the Jewish people at the hands of National Socialist Germany and its supporters and accomplices during World War II (the Holocaust).
  • Accusing the Jews as a people, or Israel as a state, of inventing or exaggerating the Holocaust.
  • Accusing Jewish citizens of being more loyal to Israel, or to the alleged priorities of Jews worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations.
  • Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.
  • Applying double standards by requiring of it a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.
  • Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.
  • Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.
  • Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.

Jeter filed an identical bill in 2023. It passed out of the House in a 97-0 vote but never received a committee hearing in the Senate, effectively killing the proposal. 

He conceded Wednesday “there was some issue with some of those examples,” though. 

“Anytime we do lists in bills and legislation, I feel like it gets a little iffy,” he told the Senate committee.

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Before the amendment, critics of the proposal maintained it limits free speech and suggests criticism of a foreign government would count as anti-Jewish rhetoric.

More than two dozen people who testified against the original bill emphasized that criticism of the Israeli government does not amount to antisemitism. Some warned of witch hunts under the vague definition.

Many of those issues appeared to be resolved with the updated version of Jeter’s bill.

“Most of our concerns with this bill were related to very specific language that was in there that conflated antisemitism with criticism against the State of Israel. As this amendment stands now, most of those concerns have been addressed,” said Syed Ali Saeed, president of the Indiana Muslim Advocacy Network. “I don’t think the IHRA definition is the best definition. It’s not the most complete, most fluid definition that’s out there.”

Indiana lawmakers move forward with bills to ban antisemitism, expand workforce training funds

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Maliha Zafar, executive director of the Indiana Muslim Advocacy Network, added that although the examples in the IHRA definition “undeniably address antisemitic sentiments,” the list is “concurrently overly broad and would have inadvertently stifled legitimate criticism and analysis of Israeli policies.”

Daniel Segal, representing Jewish Voice for Peace – Indiana, said the group “strongly objected” to the IHRA definition’s examples of anti semitism and its “confusing criticism of the State of Israel, and its policies, with antisemitism.”

“We believe that the amendments that have been made render this bill acceptable — the harmful elements have been removed,” Segal said. “The previous bill, we thought, was harmful to our Arab brothers and sisters, and we committed as Jews to ensuring that ‘never again’ is for everybody. And that includes Palestinians. As Jews, that is part of our faith and is part of what we learned from the horrible experience of the Holocaust.”

Jewish community withdraws support

Although originally in support of the bill, many from Indiana’s Jewish community said “hateful” and “harmful” acts of semitism will continue across the state’s colleges and universities unless the IHRA definition is added back in.

“As a Jewish student, we navigate a world where concealing our identity has become a necessity. On a campus where 10 to 12% of students are Jewish, incidents of antisemitism have skyrocketed by over 800%,” said Indiana University junior Kaylee Werner, who is also chair of the school’s Antisemitism Prevention Task Force. 

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She pointed to vandalism and swastikas “stained” on campus walls, as well as “unfair treatment” against Jewish students by some professors.

“This is the harsh reality that we face daily. The House-passed IHRA statement offers a beacon of hope in this darkness. It equips our administration with the necessary tools to combat antisemitism effectively and educate our community,” Werner said. “In this conversation, there is no room for ambiguity. There is either hate, or there is acceptance. There’s either right, or there’s wrong. We urgently need this statement to clearly identify and denounce these acts as antisemitism.”

Rabbi Sue Silberberg, executive director at IU Hillel, additionally emphasized that “we need the bill as passed through the House in order to protect the Jewish students on campus who are suffering every single day.”

In this conversation, there is no room for ambiguity. There is either hate, or there is acceptance. There’s either right, or there’s wrong. We urgently need this statement to clearly identify and denounce these acts as antisemitism.

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– Indiana University junior Kaylee Werner

“We must recognize that Jewish students are marginalized, hated and discriminated against based on their spiritual connection, and this is antisemitism. … They are being harassed, they are being bullied, and they are being marginalized,” she said, noting that — since the Hamas attack in October — she has been “working with and seeing students who are facing severe antisemitism on campus every single day, in a way that I have not seen in the past 35 years.”

Even so, Sen. John Crane, R-Avon, said antisemitism and mistreatment of “Jews or any ethnic or racial group” is “absolutely abhorrent, the challenge is whether “government will be able to solve that.” 

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“I don’t think so,” Crane said. “I’m of a mind of a gentleman named Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, who survived in the Russian Gulag, who said the line separating good and evil runs straight through the human heart. And at the end of the day, it’s a human problem that we’re going to have to be able to address, irrespective of whatever steps we attempt to take through governmental action.”

Several other Republican senators said Wednesday they were concerned about the amended bill, citing oppositional testimony from those in the Hoosier Jewish community. 

Those lawmakers still voted in favor of the bill but said they want additional changes on the chamber floor to address those grievances.

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Indiana

Projecting the Indiana Fever’s 2026 Starting Lineup

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Projecting the Indiana Fever’s 2026 Starting Lineup


The start of training camp officially marks the beginning of the 2026 WNBA season. The Indiana Fever were fairly quiet during free agency after successfully retaining most of their top-tier talent such as Kelsey Mitchell, Aliyah Boston, Lexie Hull, and Sophie Cunningham. Though they still managed to add a few solid pieces to further stack their depth.

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Last season the Fever made an impressive postseason run despite facing multiple injuries, particularly in the backcourt. The front office clearly prioritized guard depth as a result, as well as looking to upgrade at the power forward position.

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The Fever brass aimed to shore up any defensive deficiencies on the perimeter in the draft by adding guard Raven Johnson out of South Carolina, who brings a reputation as a defensive stopper. As for bolstering the frontcourt, to play alongside, and even provide some relief for Aliyah Boston, newly acquired 6-foot-4 Monique Billings and veteran forward Myisha Hines-Allen fit the bill. Indiana also picked up another solid player in Tyasha Harris at the guard position to provide backcourt depth and relieve pressure on Kelsey Mitchell and Caitlin Clark.

As for the starting lineup, here’s who the Indiana Fever are projected to run with:

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Caitlin Clark, Guard

Jun 17, 2025; Indianapolis, Indiana, USA; Indiana Fever guard Caitlin Clark (22) shoots the ball in the first half against the Connecticut Sun at Gainbridge Fieldhouse. Mandatory Credit: Trevor Ruszkowski-Imagn Images | Trevor Ruszkowski-Imagn Images

This comes as no surprise, but Clark will look to lead the way for the Fever in one of the two starting guard roles. Coming off of a season riddled with injuries, her return is highly anticipated. In true Clark fashion, she showed positive signs of production during the FIBA World Cup qualifiers where she led Team USA in assists and points.

Clark is expected to return to form in 2026. She provides speed in transition, is a deep threat from beyond the arc, and is elite at setting up her teammates. The only thing standing in the way of a productive season for Clark is remaining healthy for the duration of the season.

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Kelsey Mitchell, Guard

Sep 30, 2025; Las Vegas, Nevada, USA; Indiana Fever guard Kelsey Mitchell (0) dribbles against the Las Vegas Aces during the first quarter of game five of the second round of the 2025 WNBA Playoffs at Michelob Ultra Arena. Mandatory Credit: Stephen R. Sylvanie-Imagn Images | Stephen R. Sylvanie-Imagn Images
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Re-signing Kelsey Mitchell was yet again the main offseason priority for the Fever and they did just that. Coming off of a career year, Mitchell will be a key component in the Fever reaching a championship. She averaged 20.2 points per game last season and carried the team on her back during Clark’s absence.

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As a premier scoring guard, she complements Clark’s game well and when the two are on the floor together, they’re easily the most explosive backcourt in the entire WNBA. Mitchell has exceptional speed and is a gifted isolation scorer. Her ability to quickly cut and drive to the rim makes her a nightmare for opposing teams to defend and contributed to her earning a 2025 All-WNBA First Team selection.

Mitchell is one of the most dangerous clutch situation players in the league making her a stellar weapon for the Fever.

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Lexie Hull, Forward

Aug 17, 2025; Uncasville, Connecticut, USA; Indiana Fever guard Lexie Hull (10) reacts after her three point basket against the Connecticut Sun in overtime at Mohegan Sun Arena. Mandatory Credit: David Butler II-Imagn Images | David Butler II-Imagn Images

Entering her fifth WNBA season, all with the Fever, no other player on the roster has grown as much as Lexie Hull. Her steady development has made her a key piece and earned her a starting role in the rotation as last season progressed. Listed as a guard, her defense and versatility has allowed her to frequently fill the role of small forward. She impacts the game on both ends of the floor and saw career highs in 2025 in points per game (7.2), rebounds per game (4.3), assists per game (1.8) and steals per game (1.2).

Her impactful instincts even contributed to her being near the top of the WNBA in offensive fouls drawn last season. With her high-percentage shooting from beyond the arc, solid perimeter defense, and elite hustle, Hull fills the wing role nicely for the Fever.

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Monique Billings, Forward

Sep 17, 2025; San Jose, California, USA; Golden State Valkyries forward Monique Billings (25) boxes out Minnesota Lynx forward Alanna Smith (8) in the fourth quarter in game two of round one for the 2025 WNBA Playoffs at SAP Center. Mandatory Credit: David Gonzales-Imagn Images | David Gonzales-Imagn Images
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Heading into the 2026 season, the Fever desperately needed to add talented size up front to complement Aliyah Boston’s skill set. With the departure of veteran Natasha Howard in free agency, the Fever acquired their likely next starting power forward in Monique Billings.

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Billings is a strong finisher around the basket, has soft hands, runs the floor well, and is adept at screening for guards. She can also defend multiple positions and is a more than capable rebounder. Billings checks all of the boxes of a needed component for Indiana.

Aliyah Boston, Center

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Las Vegas Aces center A’ja Wilson (22) defends Indiana Fever forward Aliyah Boston (7) during Game 4 of the WNBA semifinals on Sunday, Sept. 28, 2025, at Gainbridge Fieldhouse in Indianapolis. The Fever defeated the Aces 90-83. | Christine Tannous/IndyStar / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

After making WNBA history with a record contract, Aliyah Boston looks to continue to elevate her game. Boston has quickly ascended as one of the league’s biggest threats in the middle of the floor. What makes this season even more promising for Boston is the dominant performances she put on display during Unrivaled.

She’s in peak physical shape, faster and has worked on her three-point shooting – an area she committed herself to improving on in the offseason. The three-time All-Star has already established herself as a force on the block due to her combination of size and footwork. Her step-through moves have increased her efficiency in scoring under the basket.

Boston seems poised to have the best season of her career in 2026.

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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.

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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.


(CHALKBEAT INDIANA) — When Pete Hinnefeld and his wife started looking for a preschool for their daughter, they hoped to send her to the same school her brother attended, which was just down the road from their house and offered Spanish-language immersion.

To do this for Lydia, then age 3, they were prepared to pay the $600 monthly cost.

But after voters approved a property tax referendum to fund early learning for children living within the Monroe County Community School Corporation, the family’s preschool bill was cut by more than half. Nearby preschool cut down time spent commuting to their parents’ house for babysitting, and helped Lydia build social skills.

The family are one of hundreds now benefitting from the 2023 referendum, which has more than doubled the number of children attending 3- and 4-year-old preschools in the district.

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“For us, this is why you pay taxes,” Hinnefeld said. “It’s important for young kids to have access to school and if parents need to work, it’s an opportunity to let them work.”

The referendum put forward by the district, located in Bloomington, is a first in the state, offering all families tuition support on a sliding scale based on income, no matter whether children attend a district preschool or a partner provider.

It represents a local solution to problems with accessing and affording early learning that have left thousands of Indiana families waiting for help. Indiana in December 2024 froze its Child Care and Development Fund, or CCDF, and On My Way Pre-K dollars, which provide funding for early learning for income-eligible households.

A $200 million funding increase for CCDF approved by the State Budget Committee this week will allow Indiana to begin issuing vouchers againin May to around 14,000 more children, for a total enrollment of around 57,000. Those funds will last around one year.

Still, around 20,000 children will remain on the waitlist, and families may have fewer options for where to use their vouchers as hundreds of providers have closed since the freeze was announced, according to early learning advocates in the state. In a recent survey of early childhood educators in Indiana — which includes those working in a variety of settings — 90% of respondents said families are struggling to pay tuition.

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A statewide universal preschool program is unlikely, Republican leaders have said. Instead, a legislative proposal this year would have let cities and counties — not just school districts — ask voters to fund preschool seats. It failed to get traction, but its advocates expect it to return.

The political climate isn’t especially promising for local tax increases: A new Indiana law has placed caps on property tax revenue that are already affecting local budgets. Lawmakers also recently restricted when schools can place referendums on the ballot.

Still, a new local revenue stream could be a boon in some Indiana communities, such as those with high demand for preschool, existing programs, and high social cohesion, said Sam Snideman, vice president of government relations for United Way of Central Indiana.

“There are going to be communities where this makes a ton of sense,” Snideman said. “The increasing challenge for an entity that goes before the public for a referendum is making a very clear value case. What is the common good and what is in the community interest is very important.”

School district’s pre-K enrollment doubles after referendum

Before Monroe schools brought the referendum request to voters, the district conducted a study that showed there were not enough early learning seats to serve children in the community, said Timothy Dowling, director of early learning and enrollment at Monroe schools. And families couldn’t always afford the seats that were available.

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But the district also knew that research links quality early learning improved later academic outcomes, Dowling said.

“We wanted to do everything we can to help our students get the benefit of early learning, because we know it pays off in huge dividends,” Dowling said.

The referendum equated to around a $50 increase yearly for a home with an assessed value of $250,000, according to the district website, and also paid for instructional supplies for K-12 students. It passed with 55% of the vote; Dowling said the community study and transparency about how the referendum funds would be used were key to its success.

As a result of the successful referendum, all families in the district qualify for at least $4,000 in tuition assistance for preschool for 4-year-olds, whether their children attend a district school or at one of seven community providers.

Around 76% students in the district’s program attend for free based on their family’s income, Dowling said. Families in the lowest income tier who send their children to community providers receive $8,000 in tuition assistance.

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The program also offers tuition assistance for 3-year-old preschool based on income and where the student attends school. For families making 225% or less of the federal poverty level, preschool is free at district programs. Often those families struggled the most to afford child care, even when state child care vouchers were available, Dowling said.

In 2024-25, the year after the referendum passed, the number of 4-year-olds attending preschool doubled from 184 to 378, with 64 of those children attending preschool at outside centers. This year, the district expanded preschool for 3-year-olds, based on the timeline laid out in the referendum. Enrollment jumped from 78 to 123, with another 33 students attending community child care centers, Dowling said.

With multiple types of providers, families have options, said Kelly Sipes, the executive director for Penny Lane Childcare Centers, which is a partner provider with the district. Those who need transportation might choose a district-run preschool, she said, but those who need year-round care during school holidays can choose a center like Penny Lane instead.

Her centers are usually at capacity, Sipes said, and child care needs in the community persist. When CCDF funding was cut, some of her families turned to the funding from the district instead.

“It’s awesome for the families,” Sipes said. “We should be all in this together as a community.”

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Pitching child care: ‘We live in a society’

Replicating referendum-funded preschool might work well in communities where school-based providers already exist, and where there’s a sufficient tax base and steady demand for child care, Snideman said. It would also be an incentive to attract working families.

But it could be a harder sell in rural districts, where there are fewer families and less demand.

Generally, school referendums pass in districts that are wealthier, and in areas with less farmland, said Larry DeBoer, a Purdue University professor emeritus of agricultural economics, who has studied school referendums in depth.One of the biggest predictors of success is whether a school district has tried to pass a referendum before — even if they’ve failed, a second referendum is more likely to pass, DeBoer said.

Monroe schools had previously passed an operating referendum the year before its 2023 preschool referendum. As a county, Monroe has a slightly lower per-person income than Indiana as a whole, and has more students than the small and medium-sized districts most likely to propose successful ballot measures. It’s home to Indiana University, and tends to vote Democratic in a largely conservative state.

A legislative proposal this year, HB 1430, would have given the power to levy preschool referendums to counties and cities, potentially casting a wider net for both family demand and child care providers.

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The bill did not receive a hearing, in part because Indiana legislative leaders are usually reluctant to consider bills with a fiscal impact in even-numbered years where they don’t pass a state budget. And the most recent state budget passed in 2025 was tight, with cuts to spending and programs due to a revenue shortfall.

The bill’s author, Rep. Blake Johnson, a Democrat, said that conversations about the bill have been fruitful, and that he expects the idea to return in a future session.

Given budget concerns, a locally funded solution that communities can tailor to their own needs may be more successful than a statewide one, said Patrick McAlister, who leads the Preschool Choice Alliance, a statewide group.

“This is an economic development need. Here’s the tool and the option to exercise it or not,” Johnson said.

A successful referendum would be a boon to working parents who struggle to afford the cost of early learning, said McAlister, who used to be the director of the Indianapolis Mayor’s Office of Education Innovation. But even for non-parents, a preschool referendum could have a positive impact on property values and in other ways, McAlister said.

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Ultimately, it would be one part of an “all and above strategy” addressing care for children from birth to age 2.

“We live in a society,” McAlister said. “There are certain things we hold true and caring for children is a value many people share.”

Aleksandra Appleton covers Indiana education policy and writes about K-12 schools across the state. Contact her at aappleton@chalkbeat.org.



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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl

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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl





© Grace Hollars/IndyStar / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

Ty Simpson was a guest on the “Downs 2 Business” podcast with Caleb Downs and Josh Downs, and he discussed why he believed Indiana beat Alabama in the Rose Bowl.

The Crimson Tide’s offense was unable to score a touchdown against the Hoosiers in the 38-3 loss. Simpson shone a light on why he felt Indiana had so much success against Alabama on X.

“From my point of view, I was like they don’t much,” Simpson said. “I was like they do the same thing every down and so when I get the ball, I knew exactly what was going to happen. They just didn’t mess up, bro. They were in the exact same spot they were supposed to be, and they were so well coached. It was so much different than the SEC. In the SEC, they’ll play man, they’ll do these unorthodox coverages because kind of how it is. That game was crazy to me. Of course, I got hurt; that was a bummer. But I just knew what they were going to do, but we couldn’t really run the ball. We didn’t really throw it. It was so crazy to me how it happened.”

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Indiana went on to beat Oregon in the semifinals of the College Football Playoff, and the Hoosiers defeated Miami in the National Championship after defeating the Crimson Tide.

Simpson and Caleb Downs are now both gearing up to be drafted this month.







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