Ohio
Ohio State mailbag: Explaining NIL and the portal, Chip Kelly's impact on key players
Ohio State finally has a full coaching staff, and it came at a good time with the Buckeyes just a few weeks away from starting spring practice. With James Laurinaitis taking over the linebackers, the final full-time position, we now move on to talking about the roster and next season.
But before we get there, I figured it is a good time to answer some questions.
Let’s get to it.
Note: Submitted questions have been lightly edited for clarity and length.
Can you explain a little about how the transfer portal and NIL work? Does a player enter the portal first, or do teams let it be known that they are looking for a certain position and type of player? Can coaches discuss what the possible NIL money could be if the player commits, or do they introduce them to a collective administrator? — Mark E.
It’s a pretty simple process, honestly, but I know a lot of people are confused. This is the legal process. A player enters the portal, and while recruiting a player, the coaching staff isn’t allowed to bring up NIL first. If the recruit asks about NIL, the coaching staff will refer him to the player personnel person for the NIL collectives. For “The Foundation” that’s Cardale Jones, and for “1870 Society” that’s Tyvis Powell. From there the collectives can talk about NIL, Ohio State and whatever else they want.
There is one stipulation: If they want to talk while on an on-campus visit, the conversation must be had off-campus. Again, it’s simple, but I understand if people don’t know these things. I’m working on a larger NIL story for some point this offseason, as well. But those are the basics.
Will Jim Knowles stick with the two-linebacker scheme, or will he go back to the variations he used in his first season? — Marty C.
So first, Knowles utilized two-linebacker sets about the same ratio in each of the past two seasons. In 2022, Ohio State played with two linebackers on the field for 717 snaps and three linebackers for 70 snaps. In 2023, that went to 726 snaps with two and 94 snaps with three.
I’d expect that to remain around the same this year, but I do believe Knowles will get a little creative. Ohio State has the depth and talent to run more dime packages this year. The secondary could end up being the strength of the team, so Knowles will need to get those players on the field.
One other thing to remember is that if Knowles does move Sonny Styles to linebacker, it will open up more versatility. I love to imagine a dime package that includes Denzel Burke, Davison Igbinosun, Jordan Hancock, Styles at linebacker, Lathan Ransom, Caleb Downs and Malik Hartford on the field together. How do you pass on that?
But between Styles and C.J. Hicks, you have two players who can play in the run and the pass. Knowing that, I expect Ohio State to stick to its two-linebacker roots under Knowles this year and utilize three in obvious rushing downs.
In his eight years as a head coach, Chip Kelly has had a running back finish in the top 10 nationally in six of those seasons. (Robert Hanashiro / USA Today)
Who on offense benefits most from the Chip Kelly hire? — Stacey Y.
The easiest answer is two players: TreVeyon Henderson and Quinshon Judkins.
Henderson already has been one of the most explosive running backs in the country, when healthy. Now add Kelly, who is known for his prolific rushing attacks, and Henderson has to be excited about that.
Historically, nearly every running back Kelly has had has put together a terrific season. Last year was the only time Kelly didn’t have a running back finish in the top 30 nationally in yards per game. In fact, in his eight years as a head coach, Kelly has had a running back finish in the top 10 nationally in six of those seasons.
That’s not to say that Henderson and Judkins will add another year to that. But if Ohio State is at its best, those two won’t be that high on the list because they are sharing carries.
Kelly’s offenses have finished in the top 15 in rushing offense seven times. It’s the consistency I like. The Buckeyes are going to have the most talented running back duo in the country next year and have added a play-caller who consistently has turned teams into efficient rushing teams.
There’s no doubt right now that Henderson and Judkins benefit the most. Henderson’s draft stock could skyrocket after this season.
GO DEEPER
Could Chip Kelly bring nation’s best run game to Ohio State? 5 thoughts on Buckeyes new OC
Kelly’s offense demands run blocking from the tight ends. Our tight ends seemed to struggle with that last year, and the receivers did too. Will this be a priority in the spring, or do the coaches need to add a blocking tight end in the portal? — Dave P.
Ohio State already added a tight end known for blocking: Ohio transfer Will Kacmarek. He likely will be a big part of the offense this year, in a bigger way than maybe I even imagined. He’s a fine receiver, he has 507 yards and two touchdowns in two seasons, but he is a strong blocker already. If he can transition to the Big Ten, Ohio State has a strong blocker already.
I will say, Gee Scott has to take a significant step forward in that aspect this spring, and I’m interested to see how redshirt freshman Jelani Thurman has grown in that aspect. Ohio State has the pieces to be a good blocking tight end group already, but it will take some development and reps this offseason. If it’s not a strength, Kelly is smart enough to adjust.
The roster is loaded obviously, but I’m curious what do you think is the weakest position group? — Max F.
It’s the offensive line by a wide margin.
Getting Donovan Jackson back was big because he played some of his best football in the last half of the 2023 season. The addition of Seth McLaughlin is a big deal because he’s a terrific pass-blocker already and should anchor the interior of the line.
I know many Ohio State fans have their thoughts on left tackle Josh Simmons, but he got better as the season went on. He was bad in the Cotton Bowl, but everybody was. He put together a strong base last year that he can build on this season, and we can expect him to take a big step forward. Ohio State loves his size and athleticism; he just needed some time to adjust to the level of play.
After that, I have serious questions. Josh Fryar just looked lost last year, but he could be a better guard than a tackle. If he moves inside, Luke Montgomery and Tegra Tshabola would be battling for the starting right tackle spot. I assume Montgomery wins that job seeing as Tshabola just hasn’t been able to push for serious playing time yet, although this could be the year.
Still, that’s not a lot of depth if people don’t make steps forward. Who on the bench can you look at and say, “That’s a good swing piece.” I don’t know that there is one right now, but that’s also what spring is for.
Ohio State is going to have to seriously develop some players this offseason because this offensive line could be the difference between a national championship.
GO DEEPER
Ohio State’s new D assistants bring continuity, flexibility for Knowles
In his UCLA articles and on his podcast, Bruce Feldman said that “some” Big Ten schools are in the eight figures for NIL, and UCLA was not even in the seven figures. He then went on to say in the podcast that he heard at least one school is at 20 million per year for the roster. Stewart Mandel said he does not believe that is sustainable: To raise 20 million year after year from donors, outside of the athletic department. Is that viable for OSU? Can the collectives raise 20 million per year or close to that to pay for the football roster? — Kevin H.
This is a good question. I’ll preface this by saying, I don’t believe Ohio State is quite at the $20 million mark, but I’m going to use it as a hypothetical since that’s what the question has.
Raising $20 million each year isn’t sustainable. I agree with Stew, but at the same time, I don’t think it needs to be.
Let’s use this offseason as an example. Ohio State spent a lot in NIL because it was aggressive in the portal, but that’s not necessarily new. Ohio State had six incoming transfers so far; it had nine last year. The Nick Saban retirement changed things, and Ohio State went hard after some big names, but there’s also the junior class returning instead of going to the NFL. That’s not going to happen every season, and when players leave after having big NIL contracts, others step into those roles. But they’re not always going to be as highly paid.
Use JT Tuimoloau as an example. He’s a superstar right now, a top-50 NFL Draft prospect. Who on this roster would’ve got that money if he decided to go to the NFL instead of returning? There’s nobody, not even a transfer, who would’ve been able to equal his financial impact.
Again, these are all hypothetical conversations because we don’t know the exact numbers people are making, but offseasons like this from Ohio State aren’t going to happen every year.
Ryan Day has committed to continuing to develop high school players while filling holes in the portal. You’re going to have offseasons like this when you spend big to keep players and add impact players, but there will also be slower periods.
So is $20 million sustainable? No. But it doesn’t have to be. Now, my name isn’t Phil Knight, and I’m not a co-founder of Nike, so maybe it is sustainable for him.
What does hiring Kelly mean for recruiting? Is Day going to shift his focus and recruit more? Is Brian Hartline the recruiting co-offensive coordinator with Kelly the play-caller co-offensive coordinator? How do you see this playing out past next season? — Josh C.
I’m not worried about recruiting because Kelly isn’t responsible for recruiting the entire offense. He’ll recruit quarterbacks, his position, and as long as Day is the head coach, Ohio State will never have a hard time recruiting quarterbacks to come to Columbus. As for Hartline, I love the role he’s in for his future. He has the offensive coordinator title and gets to learn from Kelly and Day about play-calling. This will only help him.
GO DEEPER
Can Will Howard win over Ohio State — and the NFL? Inside a winding QB journey
Does Devin Brown have a legitimate shot at starting if he performs well in spring ball? — Brian H.
Common sense would tell me that Will Howard didn’t come to Ohio State to back up Brown, so my initial reaction is Brown doesn’t have a shot.
But I do know that Brown isn’t going to go down without a fight. I hate that he didn’t get a chance to really play in the Cotton Bowl because he has the attitude I think people want out of the Ohio State quarterback. We just don’t know about the talent.
At the end of the day, Ohio State will give Brown a chance to win the job, and I bet Brown pushes Howard for the starting spot, but ultimately Howard will win the job.
(Top photo of TreVeyon Henderson (32): William Purnell / Icon Sportswire via Getty Images)
Ohio
Ohio Secretary of State Democratic primary pits outsider vs. insider – Signal Ohio
Ohio Democrats had a tough time recruiting candidates for the 2026 midterms after years of election losses.
But they’ve still ended up with a primary contest for Ohio Secretary of State that bears the hallmarks of a competitive race, pitting a first-time candidate against one of the state’s more accomplished Democrats.
After launching his campaign early, Cincinnati cancer doctor Hambley has gained traction with state party insiders. He’s done so through a mix of active campaigning and strong fundraising – visiting 78 counties and, according to him, raising nearly $1 million, a figure that includes a nearly $200,000 personal loan. Former Gov. Ted Celeste endorsed Hambley last week, becoming the latest current or former elected Democrat to do so, and the state party opted last month to remain neutral in the race.
“Everyone here knows that we need a change,” Hambley said at a voter forum packed with liberal activists in Columbus earlier this month.
State Rep. Allison Russo, an Upper Arlington Democrat who previously led the Ohio House Democrats, meanwhile, says she’s made up for lost time after entering the race eight months after Hambley.
She’s racked up organized labor endorsements and is touting her experience fighting with Republicans in Columbus.
“We are not at a moment in time for an office of this significance in the statewide ticket where we can afford to have someone who’s on a learning curve,” Russo said in an interview.
The contest has become a test of competing arguments within the party: whether Democrats are better served by a political outsider or an experienced officeholder. Voters will decide in the May 5 primary.
A similar insider-outsider dynamic also exists in the Republican primary between state Treasurer Robert Sprague and Marcell Strbich, a retired U.S. Army intelligence officer, although the Ohio Republican Party has backed Sprague in that race, greatly increasing his chances of winning.
The Ohio Secretary of State is a key battleground for both parties, since it serves as the state’s chief elections officer. The role has become more politicized in recent years as President Donald Trump has sought to impose new restrictions on mail voting, which he claims is susceptible to fraud, even though documented cases of voter fraud are exceedingly rare.
The office’s duties include overseeing election administration, issuing guidance to county boards and writing ballot language for statewide issues, an increasingly important political battleground in Ohio, and serving on the Ohio Redistricting Commission.
The office also manages the state’s campaign finance system and business filings.
Hambley builds grassroots campaign
Hambley launched his campaign in January 2025, just months after Democrats were left decimated and demoralized by the November presidential election. A cancer doctor who works for the University of Cincinnati health system, he attracted little attention outside of Cincinnati. In his campaign launch statement, he cited in part the redistricting reform amendment that voters rejected in the November 2024 election as inspiring him to run.
Hambley was involved with that political fight, running a network of Southwest Ohio health workers who promoted the amendment. He got his first introduction to politics a decade before that, organizing opposition in Cleveland to Trump’s “Muslim ban” ahead of the city’s hosting of the 2016 Republican National Convention.
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As other Democrats deliberated over whether to run, Hambley developed his campaign by working off the list of hundreds of thousands of voters who signed the petitions for the 2024 amendment. He’s also amassed support by holding hundreds of small events around the state – 360, by his count. Hambley’s message includes emphasizing his background growing up on a small farm and the trusted role doctors play in society. He’s campaigned around the state in a Jeep, like another Democratic physician seeking statewide office, Dr. Amy Acton, the party’s presumptive nominee for governor.
“I absolutely believe, with a caregiver background running on care and empathy, especially this year, especially against these opponents, is the right way,” Hambley said during an April 11 voter forum in Columbus.
Russo makes a case for experience
Russo, who also works as a health care researcher, launched her campaign in August after being privately linked to a possible run for lieutenant governor.
She won her current seat in November 2018 in her first run for elected office, and was one of several women candidates to flip previously Republican-held suburban seats. Since then, she’s built relationships with Democrats around the state, in part through an unsuccessful special election campaign in 2021. At a November 2024 election night event that otherwise was extraordinarily bleak for state Democrats, she touted how Democrats flipped two additional Republican-held seats in Franklin County, ending Republicans’ ability to pass referendum-proof legislation.
From the beginning, Russo has emphasized her experience dealing with Republicans in Columbus.
“Having been in the arena, having been in some of the toughest fights in terms of attacks on direct democracy, attacks on voting, attacks on our redistricting process and navigating through a very broken redistricting process, that experience I think is critical,” Russo said in an interview.
Russo’s experience should give her an advantage in fundraising, given the opportunity she’s had to network as a Democratic legislative leader and a former candidate in a 2021 congressional race.
But in a state disclosure filed in January, Hambley said he had $546,000 in cash on hand, more than double what Russo reported at the time. He’s started putting his campaign cash to work – launching TV ads that subtly criticize Russo for accepting corporate political action committee money as a Democratic legislative leader.
“We’re going to be ramping up in the next couple weeks,” he said in an interview.
Russo declined to share her fundraising numbers, saying she’ll do so when she files her disclosure later this month. Even though Hambley got an eight-month head start on the race, Russo said she’s visited 76 counties, just under Hambley’s 78.
She said her advertising plan involves leaning on social media, and likened buying TV ads during a primary election to “lighting money on fire.” She dismissed the idea that the race is competitive, saying her internal polling shows her with a significant lead. She said it also shows there are many undecided voters, but she thinks they’ll gravitate toward the more experienced candidate.
“I think all of this leads me right into the general election. And that is where my eye is focused. It is winning this general election in November,” Russo said.
Few policy differences
The two candidates don’t have much difference on policy. Both say they want to expand voting rights while opposing Donald Trump’s attempts to restrict mail voting. Their main points of difference largely come down to their professional backgrounds.
But Hambley has leaned into two lines of attack, which both reflect Russo’s practical experience in politics.
First, Hambley has attacked Russo over her 2023 vote with Republicans to approve the current state legislative maps. The vote, which followed a lengthy court battle that Republicans ultimately won, locked in maps for the rest of the decade that will favor the GOP to win between three-fifths and two-thirds of Ohio’s House seats, to the disappointment of activists who view the maps as gerrymandered in favor of Republicans.
“Voting for gerrymandered maps is disqualified if you want to be Secretary of State,” Hambley said at the Columbus voter forum.
Second, Hambley has attacked Russo for accepting money from corporate PACs during her tenure as state House minority leader. He also attacked her for getting endorsed by the Ohio Chamber of Commerce, which Hambley called a “MAGA group” in a social media video.
In response, Russo said she supports campaign-finance reform. But, she said her job as a Democratic legislative leader was to help elect Democrats.
“I want real solutions. Not a bumper-sticker slogan that makes us all feel good,” Russo said.
In an interview, Russo also said some of Hambley’s stances could hurt him in a general election.
Hambley has pledged to campaign in 2027 for a new redistricting reform amendment – which would continue the politicization of the office by current Secretary of State Frank LaRose. In 2024, he endorsed and campaigned for President Donald Trump, after previously arguing that secretaries of state should avoid political campaigning to prevent a perception of bias.
“My primary opponent misunderstands what the job actually is and misunderstands what the role of [secretary of state] should be,” Russo said.
For his part, Hambley has argued Democrats need to confront difficult truths.
“People don’t like us. People don’t like the average Democrat in Ohio,” Hambley said during a March 5 candidate forum in Erie County. “It is a huge problem for us.
Ohio
Ranked choice voting ban silences Ohio voters | Opinion
By banning ranked choice voting and penalizing communities that consider it, Ohio leaders have limited local control and signaled a lack of trust in voters to shape their own elections.
When Gov. Mike DeWine signed Senate Bill 63 into law, he didn’t just ban ranked choice voting in Ohio. He sent a clear message: Ohio voters cannot be trusted to make decisions about our own elections.
That should concern everyone, regardless of where you stand on ranked choice voting.
This is not really about a specific voting system. It is about whether communities have the right to explore new ideas, debate them openly, and decide for themselves what works. Senate Bill 63 shuts that door completely. It tells cities and counties across Ohio that even considering a different approach is off-limits.
Worse, it punishes them for trying.
When policy becomes coercion
The law threatens to withhold Local Government Fund dollars from any community that adopts ranked choice voting. That is not guidance. It is coercion. It forces local leaders to choose between representing their voters and protecting their budgets.
In a state that has long valued local control, that should raise serious red flags.
Here in Greater Cincinnati, we pride ourselves on collaboration, innovation, and civic pride. We bring people together across industries, neighborhoods, and perspectives to solve problems and build something stronger. That spirit does not come from the top down. It comes from people who are trusted to show up and participate.
Senate Bill 63 undermines that spirit.
Ranked choice voting is already used in cities and states across the country. Some have embraced it. Others have rejected it. That is exactly how democracy is supposed to work. You try something. You evaluate it. You adjust.
Ohio does not even get that chance.
Who gets to decide our elections?
Instead of trusting voters to decide, state leaders decided for them. Instead of allowing debate, they ended it. Instead of encouraging participation, they shut it down.
If we believe in democracy, we have to believe in the people who make it work.
We have to trust Ohioans to think critically, to weigh options, and to choose how our elections should function. Taking that choice away does not protect democracy. It weakens it.
Gov. DeWine had an opportunity to stand up for that principle. He chose not to.
Now it is up to Ohio voters to decide what kind of voice we want to have moving forward and whether we are willing to accept it being taken away.
Tyler Minton is a Cincinnati resident and Ohio native who works in the meetings and events industry.
Ohio
Wanda Lou Bailey, Louisville, Ohio
ALLIANCE, Ohio (MyValleyTributes) – Wanda Lou Bailey, born August 8, 1940, in Charleston, West Virginia, passed away peacefully on April 18, 2026, in Louisville, Ohio. She was a beloved member of her community, whose life was marked by dedication to her family, faith, and numerous heartfelt pursuits.
A graduate of Poca High School in West Virginia in 1958, Wanda’s early years paved a foundation of commitment that she carried throughout her life. Her professional journey included roles at Big Lots and Quality Farm and Fleet, but it was her role as a pastor’s wife that truly defined much of her life’s work. Alongside her late husband, Rev. Paul Bailey, whom she married on May 31, 1958, Wanda was deeply involved in spiritual and community service until his passing on March 9, 2021.
Wanda’s warm spirit and spicy attitude extended beyond her family and church. She was known for her skills in puzzles, crafts, quilting-each piece a testament to her caring nature. Her memory bears, lovingly crafted from cherished fabrics, stand as small yet profound symbols of her dedication and love. She also volunteered for many years at Canaan Acres Christian Camp, embracing her role as “Camp Nana” with a heart full of grace and kindness, known by all who knew her there.
Wanda is survived by four devoted children: Paula (David) Monteleone, David (Debra) Bailey, Laura (Pastor Mike) Kimball, and Beth Bailey. She also leaves behind nine grandchildren-Jennifer (Nathaniel) Miller, Carrie (Casey) Callarick, Kimberly (Brandy) Brown, Michael (Heidi) McLaughlin, Gregory Bailey, Rev. Cassandra (Bryan) Wynn, Jeremiah (Jaclyn) Kimball, Courtnie (Jon) Eckelberry, and Joshua (Ruby) Vandeborne. Her legacy further extends through twenty-four great-grandchildren and four great-great-grandchildren, as well as extended family who called her mom and nana, continuing her family lines that meant so much to her. Wanda was also sister to Mary McCalister, Clara Honaker, and Archie Quigley. She was preceded in death by her beloved parents, William and Rebecca (Vansickle) Quigley, and her husband, Rev. Paul Bailey.
The community will gather to honor Wanda’s life and legacy with a viewing on April 25, 2026, from 2:00 PM to 4:00 PM at Canaan Acres Campground, located at 8020 Nazarene Ave NE, Louisville, Ohio 44641. A funeral service will follow at 4:00 PM the same day at the campground with her son in law Pastor Mike Kimball officiating. Entombment will take place at Highland Hills Cemetery in Follansbee, West Virginia. on Monday, April 27th the time will be announced at a later date.
Wanda Lou Bailey’s life was one of service, creativity, and boundless love-a true beacon to her family and community. She will be dearly missed and lovingly remembered by all who had the privilege to know her. Memorial contributions can be made in Wanda’s memory to “Camp Nana Fund) in care of Caanan Acres Campground, 8020 Nazarene Ave. NE Louisville, Ohio 44641. Arrangements have been entrusted to Brown Funeral Home, Sebring Chapel (330) 938-2526, www.grfuneralhome.com.
Family and friends may view send condolences at Gednetz-Ruzek-Brown Funeral Home & Cremation Service.
To order memorial trees or send flowers to the family in memory of Wanda Lou Bailey, please visit our flower store.
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