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No. 25 Syracuse’s star guards struggle in defeat to North Carolina

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No. 25 Syracuse’s star guards struggle in defeat to North Carolina


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Syracuse was eventually going to pay for its heavy-reliance on its stars. Specifically, its guard tandem of Dyaisha Fair and Georgia Woolley — the typical catalysts of SU’s offense.

Fair and Woolley are the two staples who consistently came through, in one way or another, across Syracuse’s first 12 games. Whether it was Fair’s clutch 3-point shooting to defeat then-No. 13 Notre Dame or Woolley scoring a season-high 23 points to defeat Cornell, the Orange could always count on their backcourt duo.

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Yet Thursday against North Carolina, when all else failed, Fair and Woolley were nowhere to be found, either. The two combined to shoot 8-of-32 for just 20 points, with Fair accounting for 17 of those, and went an abysmal 3-of-12 from 3-point range. For an SU side which often was playing from behind and forced into taking contested 3s, finishing 6-of-30, its two star guards — Fair and Woolley — were at the forefront of those struggles.

“That’s not who we are,” SU head coach Felisha Legette-Jack said on her team settling from 3-point range. “We’re not doing that again.”



Five days after starting Atlantic Coast Conference play with an upset win over Notre Dame, No. 25 Syracuse (11-2, 1-1 ACC) responded with a thud, falling on the road to North Carolina (10-4, 2-0 ACC) 75-51. In its second consecutive spot where SU needed big performances out of its stars, Fair and Woolley shared off-nights from the floor and couldn’t answer UNC’s efficient offense (50% team shooting). The two were forced into errant shots and threw up long range looks as this time, they couldn’t propel the Orange to a comeback victory.

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Though the pressure hasn’t been this high for Fair and Woolley in 2023-24. Syracuse’s lack of depth proved costly Thursday, as its overreliance on Fair and Woolley was bound to doom it in the end.

Fair, the point guard, provides the Orange with a veteran presence who hits 3s more often than anyone in the ACC (3.22 makes per game entering Thursday). While Woolley, the 2 guard, provides SU a solid second scoring option, averaging more than 14 points a game.

They’ve been a lethal combination for Syracuse thus far. But not against North Carolina. Not on a night in which the Orange recieved just seven collective points from their bench. Not when their third and fourth scoring options — Alyssa Latham and Alaina Rice — shot a combined 6-of-22 for 16 points. SU was put in a position where it needed its stars to overcome the rest of its deficiencies, and Fair and Woolley failed to do so.

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North Carolina guards Deja Kelly and Lexi Donarski primarily matched up on Fair and Woolley. Kelly and Donarski played aggressive defense on the two all night, switching to prevent them from driving and forcing them into errant 3s. Fair converted a couple of 3s late in the first half and had three long range makes through 20 minutes. But in the second half, Fair and Woolley couldn’t make a single 3, going 0-for-9, swarmed by UNC’s guards throughout the frame.

Fair ended the loss with her second-lowest 3-point shooting percentage of the season (25%), while Woolley had her worst outing from long range thus far in the campaign (0-of-6).

“You’ve gotta get to the lip of the rim, that’s who we are. We had openings and we kind of just threw the ball in the air and prayed it went in,” Legette-Jack said.

Syracuse’s head coach said postgame that she had plays designed for the Orange to work the ball inside and get short-range buckets. She wasn’t pleased with her team throwing up a litany of 3-balls but it was all it could do at times with how its depth, particularly in the frontcourt, struggled.

Latham and Kyra Wood couldn’t do much down low, matched up against UNC’s Alyssa Ustby and Maria Gakdeng. The Tar Heels’ forwards forced Latham into an inefficient night, as the freshman shot 4-of-13 and couldn’t regularly score in the paint. While Wood did shoot 4-of-5, she only pulled in four rebounds, as Ustby often skied over her to prevent SU from getting second-chance points — and letting UNC expand its big lead.

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Syracuse’s bench didn’t contribute a whole lot, either. Saniaa Wilson has been its lone backup big since Dec. 4, as center Izabel Varejão hasn’t played from then on. Wilson only mustered two points in 26 minutes off the bench and wound up fouling out. Sophie Burrows and Kennedi Perkins were the only others to get significant playing time as backups, but they totaled just five points on a combined 2-for-7 shooting.

So, the bench struggled, the frontcourt was inefficient and Orange couldn’t get second chance points. The weight was entirely on Fair and Woolley’s shoulders. And the Tar Heels proved that can’t happen much more if Syracuse wants to find consistent success in conference play.

The third quarter — where “everything” went wrong for SU, according to Legette-Jack — highlighted the game UNC forced Syracuse into playing. After being down 40-34, North Carolina embarked on an 11-0 run over a three-minute stretch. Fair and Woolley went 0-for-5 in the span, including 0-for-3 from beyond the arc. The Orange couldn’t rely on their outside options, who hadn’t shown they were going to step up.

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As SU spent the rest of the game in desperation mode, Fair and Woolley couldn’t make a single 3-pointer down the stretch to give any sort of glimpse of hope. Once a Woolley pass was intercepted by Ustby and taken coast-to-coast for a layup, making it 72-44 UNC midway through the fourth, Syracuse had nothing left to offer as Fair and Woolley were promptly subbed out with time still remaining.

Albeit, it’s just one off-showing. Fair and Woolley are still two integral parts of why the Orange earned their first top 25 ranking under Legette-Jack. Now, Syracuse must find consistency in its depth, or else Fair and Woolley will have too much pressure on them — and be susceptible to more rough outings.

“These kids are good,” Legette-Jack said. “They had a bad damn day, they don’t have a bad life.”

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Contact Cooper at: [email protected] | cooper_andrews



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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam

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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam


Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.

Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images


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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.

In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.

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Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.

Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.

Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.

On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.

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“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”

She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.

Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.

Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.

Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.

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However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.



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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy

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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy


North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.

State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.

“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.

For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.

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Beyond outdated flood lines

Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.

“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.

Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.

“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”

Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.

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“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”

Thousands of projects, limited dollars

Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.

“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”

That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.

The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.

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For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.

Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.

“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.

The policy gap

Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.

“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.

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A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.

Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.

“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.

North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race


RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.

Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.

North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.

The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.

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North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.

Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.

Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.

Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco

Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.

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Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.

“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”

Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers...

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke

“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.

Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.

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“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”

A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.

Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.

Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.

Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”

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Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.

Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”

Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.

The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.



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