World
White House vs the pope: What is behind the Catholic just war doctrine
When US Vice President JD Vance converted to Catholicism in 2019, he chose Saint Augustine as his patron.
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On Tuesday, speaking at a Turning Point USA event, Vance invoked the tradition of the fifth-century theologian and one of the most important Church fathers to push back against Pope Leo XIV’s criticism of the war in Iran.
The White House number two warned the pontiff to “be careful when he talks about matters of theology,” citing “more than a 1,000-year tradition of just war theory” in his defence.
Meanwhile, the supreme pontiff of the Catholic Church was in the Algerian port city of Annaba, paying homage at the basilica not far from where St Augustine died and was initially interred.
Hippo Regius, as it was known in the bishop’s time, is where St Augustine wrote most of what became the intellectual basis of the just war principles Vance was claiming to defend. Pope Leo XIV is the first pontiff to hail from the Augustinian order.
Whether Vance knew what the Holy Father’s itinerary was that day, his office did not say.
Vance was not the first member of the administration to weigh in.
Days earlier, US President Donald Trump had posted on Truth Social and later reiterated to the press that Pope Leo XIV was “weak on crime” and “terrible for foreign policy,” suggesting the pontiff believed Tehran should be allowed to develop nuclear weapons.
The pope never made any comments regarding the Islamic Republic’s right to nukes.
The post came after the pope had called Trump’s threat to destroy Iran’s “whole civilisation” “truly unacceptable”.
Pope Leo XIV responded the following morning on board the papal plane to Algiers. “I’m not afraid of the Trump administration or of speaking out loudly about the message of the Gospel,” he said.
“I will continue to speak out loudly against war, looking to promote peace, promoting dialogue and multilateral relationships among the states to look for just solutions to problems.”
What the doctrine says
Just war theory, rooted in St Augustine and further elaborated on by Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologiae, sets out strict conditions for the moral use of military force.
The threat must be lasting, grave and certain, and success must be realistically achievable. Most importantly, all other means of resolution must be genuinely exhausted, and the harm caused must not exceed the harm it seeks to prevent.
Put simply, the purpose of this set of rules is to prevent those engaged in war from being the final judges of their own righteousness.
“The just war doctrine doesn’t merely ask whether your cause feels just,” Joseph Capizzi, Dean of the School of Theology and Religious Studies at the Catholic University of America, told Euronews. “As we all know, everybody thinks their situation is just.”
“It understands that most people think of their causes as just. But it is a means by which you can distinguish legitimately just causes of war from illegitimate causes of war.”
The doctrine has also shifted in how it is applied. For most of its history, it was used by priests to authorise their rulers’ wars. Spurred on by world wars and the discovery of nuclear weapons, the modern papacy has used it in the other direction.
“Before, just war doctrine was used often by national clergy to give permission to their emperor or their king to go to war,” Massimo Faggioli, professor of ecclesiology at Trinity College Dublin told Euronews.
“Right now, it is used mostly — I would say almost always — to say ‘well, no, this military intervention doesn’t meet those criteria.’”
Writing as the Roman Empire crumbled, St Augustine had already posed the question of what is righteous in one of the most well-known open checks on power in Catholic moral thought.
“Justice removed,” he asked in The City of God, “what are kingdoms but great bands of robbers?”
Vance has cited The City of God as “the best criticism of our modern age” he has ever read, deeply affecting his religious outlook and thoughts on domestic and foreign policy.
Vatican’s track record
The administration’s framing of Pope Leo XIV as a pacifist who simply does not understand that force is sometimes necessary contradicts the pontiff’s and the Church’s track record, experts say.
Before his election just last year, the pontiff was a registered Republican voter. While he has criticised the Iran war, the Holy Father has shown support for Ukraine’s right to self-defence.
In recent decades, past popes also carefully deliberated the context before commenting on any given conflict.
The Holy See quietly regarded the post-September 11 intervention in Afghanistan as meeting just war criteria, as the US went after Taliban extremists and Al-Qaeda’s Osama bin Laden.
Yet Pope John Paul II opposed both the 1991 Gulf War and 2003 invasion of Iraq not as a pacifist, but on the grounds that last resort had not been demonstrated. Pope Leo XIV’s position on Iran is in line with his predecessors, according to theologians.
“To accuse the pope of being a pacifist is really absurd,” Faggioli said. “Vance and Trump are accusing the pope of thinking about war like a European Catholic. But that’s not true.”
“He is using just war doctrine — and the American cardinals who have spoken against the war in Iran, they have used just war doctrine in ways that Europeans would not. So this is, in some sense, an intra-American debate.”
There is also the matter of what Vance actually said — not just about just war, but about the pope’s remit, after he suggested Pope Leo XIV should confine himself to morality and stay out of foreign policy, Faggioli explained.
“Vance is one of those typical Catholics who thinks that morality is only sexual morality,” Faggioli said. “When he said the pope should stick only to morality, he meant sexual morality — as if war were not a matter of morality. Of course it is.”
Thousand-year tradition and its tenets
The US bishops and other Catholic Church clergy indeed did not stay quiet. On Wednesday, Chairman of the USCCB Committee on Doctrine Bishop James Massa issued a statement in support of the Holy Father’s position, but also the Catholic Church as a whole.
“A constant tenet of that thousand-year tradition is a nation can only legitimately take up the sword ‘in self-defence, once all peace efforts have failed,’” Massa, auxiliary bishop of Brooklyn, wrote.
“When Pope Leo XIV speaks as supreme pastor of the universal Church, he is not merely offering opinions on theology. He is preaching the Gospel and exercising his ministry as the Vicar of Christ.”
Unlike in other public exchanges in recent times with those opposing Washington’s view, the Trump administration has struggled to find the usual levers, experts say. “It’s very hard for them to use the usual tactics to delegitimise the pope, because he is American,” Faggioli said.
“They can’t call him a communist, they can’t call him a radical leftist — his record as a theologian doesn’t support that.”
Euronews contacted several Catholic institutions and theologians for perspectives to further outline the Trump administration’s application of just war doctrine, but none agreed to speak on the record.
‘A consistent lesson of our faith’
On Thursday, from a peace meeting in Cameroon — a country not without its own existing tensions — the pope said, “Woe to those who manipulate religion and the very name of God for their own military, economic, and political gain, dragging that which is sacred into darkness and filth.”
The post on X from his official Pontifex account drew nearly 10 million views in English alone by Friday evening.
Capizzi urged against reading every papal statement as aimed at Washington, however. “You’re in Cameroon, on a continent marked by severe religious conflict; that comment has a much broader application.”
Still, according to Capizzi, the Holy Father’s words are meant for all of the faithful.
“Any believer who appeals to God — as though God is on their side — ought to do so with great fear and trembling,” he said. “That is a consistent lesson of our faith: that a believer is the person who has a healthy fear of God and of God’s judgment of his or her actions. And that includes the way he or she speaks about God.”
The same day at the Pentagon, US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth led a worship service and read what he described as a prayer recited by Combat Search and Rescue crews during the Iran operation.
He introduced it as “CSAR 25:17,” meant to reflect Ezekiel 25:17. What followed was nearly verbatim the monologue delivered by Samuel L Jackson’s hitman in Quentin Tarantino’s Pulp Fiction, in the scene immediately before his character Jules Winnfield commits a murder.
The actual Ezekiel 25:17 is considerably shorter and less specific. Tarantino’s version was itself adapted from a 1973 Japanese martial arts film.
‘Nothing against the pope’
Trump won around 55% of US Catholic votes in 2024. A poll conducted in late March, jointly by Republican pollster Shaw & Co Research and Democratic pollster Beacon Research, found his approval among Catholics had fallen to 48%, with 52% disapproving.
A Fox News poll found US Catholics opposed to military action in Iran by 10 points and against Trump’s conduct toward Iran by 20. A separate NBC survey found US registered voters now view the pope more favourably than the president by a net margin of 46 points.
On Thursday, Trump told reporters he has “nothing against the pope” and is “all about the Gospel,” while continuing to state Pope Leo XIV was in favour of Tehran having nuclear weapons.
Trump also said his preference remained with the pope’s brother Louis, who lives in Florida. “Louis is all MAGA. He gets it, and Leo (XIV) doesn’t,” Trump said.
“If I wasn’t in the White House, Leo wouldn’t be in the Vatican,” he reiterated.
The night before, police had surrounded the New Lenox home of a different brother of the pope, John Prevost, following a bomb threat. K9 explosive-detection units found nothing. The investigation remains ongoing.
The greater picture
For Faggioli, the dispute is a symptom of something that has been building for years: not a domestic row about one war, but a contest over what Christianity means and who speaks for it.
“America always had a religious understanding of itself as a nation, but presidents were very cautious about not looking like messianic figures — at least in life,” Faggioli said.
“Trump has exploited the creation of a vacuum of secularisation in America, and he has filled that vacuum with a certain degree of messianism — and some American Christians are happy about that.”
“Trumpism is a form of political messianism. He sees himself — and many people see in him — someone with a divine mission: a political Messiah who will deliver salvation to America, to Americans, to Christianity. And he is serious when he posts those things.”
Capizzi, for his part, was more of the belief that the US president would eventually mend bridges with the Holy See. “I actually consider this a hopeful sign — that it’s touching and impacting President Trump, despite what he’s saying and what he’s posted.”
“This conversation has shown that the Church retains her moral authority,” he said.
“This is a teaching moment. Catholics and others are getting to see that these doctrines are over a thousand years old, that we have thought about these questions for a very long time, and there is a moral gravity behind these claims.”
As for the pope, John Prevost said something crucial about his brother before any of this began. “I don’t think he’ll stay quiet for too long if he has something to say,” he told the New York Times last year. “He won’t just sit back.”
World
From bear hugs to handshakes: How India lost its edge with Trump while Pakistan quietly gained ground
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This week, President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi came face-to-face at the G7 summit in France, their first such encounter since February 2025. Rather than his trademark bear hug, Modi greeted Trump with a smile and handshake.
Then on Wednesday, the two held a bilateral meeting. It was a friendly chat, but one that came against a backdrop of compounding tensions.
As India works at restoring its relationship with Washington, its arch-foe Pakistan has expanded its own diplomatic profile, complicating India’s campaign against its nuclear-armed rival.
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President Donald Trump looks at Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif speaking following the official signing of the first phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas. Shariff announced his intention to nominate Trump for the Noble Peace Prize for a second time. (Evelyn Hockstein / Reuters)
For years, India built an international case against Pakistan, projecting it as an isolated or destabilizing state. This hardline stance appeared to be working, with Modi declaring to Pakistan, “India has been successful in isolating you, and we will intensify those efforts.”
But a decade later, Pakistan is rapidly emerging as a key global player in the region and beyond.
While Modi initially tried to engage Pakistan, his government’s approach eventually hardened around the mantra that “terror and talks cannot coexist.”
In Washington, India has typically been favored, with Presidents Trump, Biden, Obama and George W. Bush all making visits during their time in office.
President Donald Trump (R) shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a bilateral meeting at the G7 Summit on June 17, 2026 in Evian-les-Bains, France. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
Modi built a rapport with Trump during his first term in office and was one of the first world leaders invited to the White House after Trump’s inauguration. But over the past year, that relationship has come under strain as Islamabad quietly clawed its way back to credibility.
“India misjudged Trump in term two, banking on once friendly relations,” Sid Dubey, a visiting professor at Bennett University in India, told Fox News Digital. “They have yet to start recovering from that.”
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U.S. President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi wave to the crowd at Sardar Patel Stadium in Ahmedabad, India, Monday, Feb. 24, 2020. India poured on the pageantry with a joyful, colorful welcome for President Donald Trump on Monday that kicked off a whirlwind 36-hour visit meant to reaffirm U.S.-India ties while providing enviable overseas imagery for a president in a re-election year. (AP Photo/Aijaz Rahi)
The shift first became apparent in May 2025, when President Trump announced he had secured a ceasefire between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan. The fighting had come over India-administered Kashmir and was the worst in decades.
Islamabad promptly praised Trump for ending the deadly dispute and even nominated him for a Nobel Peace Prize. New Delhi, however, rejected the claim, insisting the ceasefire was the result of direct bilateral talks with Pakistan.
The response reflected India’s long-standing sensitivity to third-party involvement in what it fiercely maintains is a bilateral dispute.
In the months that followed, frictions only deepened.
FILE — In this Jan. 11, 2013 file photo, a Pakistani Ranger in black uniform and his Indian counterpart march during a flag-off ceremony, at the joint Pakistan-India border check post of Wagah near Lahore, Pakistan. (AP Photo/K.M. Chaudary, File)
President Trump hit India with some of the steepest tariffs imposed on any major economy. Meanwhile, U.S. sanctions pressure on Russian oil rattled energy import-dependent India, while disputes over H-1B visas added further strain. Analysts say Trump’s America First agenda increasingly overshadowed the friendship Modi had cultivated during Trump’s first term.
“When Trump unfortunately said the May 2025 clash ended because of him personally, that upset India a lot, and they made that known,” Dubey said. “Then the tariffs were another slap in India’s face. Meanwhile, Pakistan took advantage, leaving India at a bit of a loss. From there, relations fell further with the Iran conflict.”
India is among the countries most indirectly affected by the strategic fallout from the Iran war, facing economic pressure and mounting energy concerns.
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Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf meets with chief of Defence Forces of Pakistan, Field Marshal Asim Munir, in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (Iranian Parliament Speaker Office/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters)
Last week, a U.S. strike further exacerbated tensions after three Indian seafarers became collateral damage in the conflict. They were the first and only seafarers confirmed killed as part of the U.S. blockade, sparking outrage across India.
New Delhi instantly summoned Washington’s Chargé d’Affaires Jason Meeks, expressing deep concern over the renewed attacks and arguing that its nationals were becoming casualties in a war not their own.
India also warned of the broader humanitarian, economic, and energy consequences of the conflict, which are expected to linger even as an agreement has now been reached.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance, center, walks with Pakistan’s Chief of Defence Forces and Chief of Army Staff Field Marshall Asim Munir, left, and Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar after arriving for talks with Iranian officials in Islamabad, Pakistan, Saturday, April 11, 2026. (Jacquelyn Martin/Pool via AP Photo)
All the while, Pakistan was gaining diplomatic visibility, finding itself in the unusual position of currying favor in Washington while maintaining deep ties with China, Iran and the Gulf states.
Pakistan’s prominent role in recent months highlighted how Islamabad has been more nimble in its diplomacy than India,” Council on Foreign Relations Senior Fellow Sadanand Dhume told Fox News Digital. “Additionally, Pakistan decisively outmaneuvered India’s quixotic bid to isolate Pakistan on the world stage.”
Regional dynamics have also been reshaped by the two rivals’ competing strategies. India has deepened its strategic partnership with the U.S. through alliances such as the Quad partnership with the U.S., Australia, and Japan and has expanded cooperation across South Asian states, including a burgeoning relationship with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan’s growing regional relevance has been reflected in its strengthened ties with China, improved relations with regional partners like Bangladesh and expanded security cooperation with Gulf states.
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Additionally, Trump, who accused Pakistan of “deceit and lies” during his first term, has since repeatedly praised its leadership. In June 2025, the president invited Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir to the White House for a high-profile lunch meeting.
Munir was the first Pakistani military chief who was not also president to be hosted by a U.S. president. He also led the war effort against India earlier that year.
In this photo released by the Inter Services Public Relations, Pakistan’s Chief of Defense Forces and Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir, center, Pakistan Naval Chief Admiral Naveed Ashraf, left, and Pakistan Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal Zaheer Ahmed Babar attend a guard of honor ceremony at the joint military command headquarters in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, Monday, Dec. 8, 2025. (Inter Services Public Relations via AP)
Trump described Munir as his “favorite Field Marshal” and an “exceptional human being.”
Their relationship has been further reflected in trade deals and, most recently, Pakistan’s role as a principal mediator in restoring diplomacy between the U.S. and Iran.
“India tried to make Pakistan an international pariah. Instead, Pakistan has wormed its way into Trump’s good books through a combination of concrete co-operation with the U.S. and outrageous flattery of the president, leading to Trump elevating Field Marshal Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif as heroes,” Dhume said.
India, meanwhile, has maintained close ties with Israel while generally sticking to more measured messaging.
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On June 15, upon the agreement of a deal with Iran, Modi released a statement, saying, “India hopes that the implementation of this understanding will help restore peace and stability in the region and ensure the freedom of navigation and commerce.”
“Hats off to Pakistan. They worked really hard to bring this awfully disruptive war with Iran to an end,” Dubey told Fox. “India unfortunately lost out by not seeking to be a problem solver like Pakistan. It could have played its cards better as a peacemaker, given its traditionally strong relations with Tehran.”
Still, analysts caution these are rapidly evolving dynamics. There is no guarantee that Pakistan’s current moment will last, and the tide for India could still turn.
“Pakistan’s mediation role has allowed it to substantially reset its international image. It has positioned itself as a responsible international actor rather than a rogue state responsible for both nuclear proliferation and exporting Islamic terrorism. How long this lasts depends in large measure on two things: will Pakistan find a way to remain in Trump’s good books, and will it be able to change its behavior sufficiently to convince the world that it has indeed turned over a new leaf,” Dhume told Fox News Digital.
Meanwhile, India is working to regain its position and show the U.S. it is still a reliable partner.
Marco Rubio visited India last month, his first since becoming Trump’s top diplomat last year, which was widely seen as an attempt to reset ties.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks as President Donald Trump looks on during a cabinet meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, DC, on April 30, 2025. (JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images)
Trump and Modi’s G7 meeting marked another significant step.
Trump praised Modi as “calm, cool and totally killer” and said he would be traveling to India “sometime in the future.” India has been pressing Trump for a visit, potentially as part of a broader meeting involving Japan and Australia.
Trump also said the United States would defend India.
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“If anybody attacks that man, we’re going to be there,” Trump said, referring to Modi. “Now, if there’s a new leader, I’m not sure about it.”
The Pakistani and Indian governments did not respond to Fox News Digital requests for comment.
World
EU of six, not 27, is needed to ‘stay relevant’ – Bruno Le Maire
Working with a coalition of six core European countries instead of 27 is the best way to reinforce Europe, former French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire told Euronews on the sidelines of the G7 summit in Évian, France.
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His comments come as the European Union looks for ways to streamline its decision-making process and become more agile on key issues from defence to foreign policy.
“The single lesson that all the European leaders must draw from the past months, and I would say from the last two years, is that if they want to be relevant and strong, they need to be united. And they don’t need to unite with 27 member states,” he said in a Euronews interview.
“They need to give a new impetus to the European construction by building a European [project] with six core countries,” Le Maire, who was the longest-serving economy and finance minister since World War II and the shortest-serving minister for armed forces, note
Le Maire listed France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, and the Netherlands — the EU’s six largest economies — as the states that should band together to discuss key issues facing the bloc, ranging from the Iran conflict and support for Ukraine to chip manufacturing on European soil and nuclear energy.
“Six countries instead of 27 countries is the best way of reinforcing Europe, of facing the threats posed by many empires around the world, and getting some concrete results,” he said.
Le Maire pointed to the pressure from the US administration against the EU, including tariffs and threats over regulatory standards, in response to Brussels’ antitrust fines and digital regulations targeting American tech giants like Google and Amazon.
“We can no longer accept being blackmailed […]. The way President Trump and the US administration are saying, ‘You should get rid of the taxation of Google, Amazon, Facebook, and Microsoft, otherwise, I will hit you with new tariffs,’ is 100% unacceptable among allies,” he said.
“If we want to resist that kind of threat, that kind of blackmail […] the six strongest European member states must stand united […]. If we are divided, you cannot resist that pressure,” he said.
“If you stand united, explaining that it will be difficult for the US to gain access to the European market if they do not respect Europe as a partner, that is the best way of getting some concrete results.”
Too much talk, too few decisions
Often held up by a principle of unanimity, Le Maire told Euronews that involving 27 countries to form a consensus on EU decision-making means “long talks and very few decisions”, while what is needed now is “strong decisions and fewer talks.”
He envisioned a structure in which the six core countries move forward on matters, and “then the 21 other member states, if they want to join, they will join,” adding, “first of all, let’s move on.”
The idea of this coalition is not new. In fact, it already exists in some shape or form.
Earlier this year, the finance ministers of Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Spain launched a new coalition, dubbed the “E6”, to push for “decisive action and swift progress” in four strategic areas: defence, supply chains, the Savings and Investments Union, and strengthening the euro internationally.
“We are providing the impetus, and other countries are welcome to join us,” German Finance Minister Lars Klingbeil said at the time. The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, endorsed this two-speed Europe concept as a way of bolstering the European economy.
In May, the E6 signed a joint letter calling for an acceleration of the Capital Markets Union (CMU) in an attempt to get a deal through a politically stagnant Brussels.
The CMU aims at creating a single, integrated market for capital across all 27 member states to service companies, investors and consumers.
World
‘A Brighter Word Than Bright,’ From Turkish Director Belkis Bayrak, Explores Grief, Resilience in Lives Shattered by Suicide
Rising Turkish filmmaker Belkis Bayrak is prepping her sophomore feature, “A Brighter Word Than Bright,” which she’s presenting this week in the Transilvania Pitch Stop co-production forum of the Transilvania Intl. Film Festival. The director’s debut feature, “Gülizar,” world premiered in Toronto’s Discovery strand and played San Sebastian’s New Directors Competition.
A portrait of grief and resilience, “A Brighter Word Than Bright” follows a young literature teacher who, in an effort to protect the dignity of a grieving woman, serves five years in prison for a death he didn’t cause — only to find upon his release that the official truth has erased his sacrifice. Written by Bayrak, the film is produced by Saba Film (Turkey), Arizona Films (France) and Plan Bee Films (Kosovo).
The film begins in a Turkish military barrack, where Osman, a sensitive young conscript, forms a quiet but powerful bond with his superior, Ziya. In the rigid and masculine world of the army, they find sanctuary in poetry and late-night talks — a safe haven that’s abruptly shattered when Ziya takes his own life.
Aware of the taboo around suicide in Turkish society, Osman decides to take the blame for Ziya’s death to spare his pregnant fiancée the shame, isolation and harsh public censure she would otherwise face. To protect her and the future of her unborn child, Osman makes a silent and heavy sacrifice: he insists that he instigated the suicide and spends five years in prison. The film picks up the thread of their story after his release, when the duo reconnects, and Osman tentatively begins to rebuild his life through a love for literature and teaching.
Speaking to Variety in Transilvania, Bayrak described “A Brighter Word Than Bright” as a film “about two men whose presence — and absence — have marked my life.” It draws on a tragic episode in the director’s past, when her uncle, who served alongside her father in the Turkish Armed Forces, died by suicide — a tragedy that her family has never fully come to terms with.
Years later, Bayrak said she was the first among them to openly talk about the tragic death, breaking the silence “that still reverberates through my family.” She sees the film not only as a “gesture of remembrance” for her uncle, but an act of empathy towards the wife, children and other loved ones he left behind, insisting: “Filmmaking is a way of resilience for all of us.”
Taking its title from a poem by John Keats, “A Brighter Word Than Bright” was partly inspired by Jane Campion’s “Bright Star,” a biographical romantic drama based on the last three years of the life of the 19th-century poet. Bayrak recalls being touched by Campion’s evocation of the famous romantic poet, a “fragile” soul in which she says she saw glimpses of her father, a man who — much like the lead character, Osman — “managed to overcome life’s challenges with a gentle and restrained nature.”
In order to shape the world of the film, which is set in the 1990s, Bayrak delved into her family archive for inspiration, unearthing old photos and letters to recreate the mood of the time. She said she encountered many “beautiful moments” on this “nostalgic journey,” but could “always feel the loss” of her uncle lingering outside the frame of each photo and beyond the margins of every page.
Bayrak describes her uncle as a man who struggled with his explosive temper, and it is in part the question of masculinity that she hopes to explore, offering “a different representation of male characters” on screen.
“I believe that, today, the definition of ‘male’ and ‘masculinity’ is very problematic. That is a burden for everyone,” she said. “The definition of what is masculinity is changing. It’s more rigid. There is less place for perception, understanding, empathy.
“We’ve seen countless films set in military or war environments that glorify heroism and masculinity. But I have always been drawn to those who stand quietly at the margins whose fragility is not weakness but endurance,” she continued. “Osman is such a character. His story is about the long emotional aftermath of sacrifice, the impossibility of returning to who you once were, and the hesitant rediscovery of tenderness through teaching and art.”
The Transilvania Intl. Film Festival runs June 12 – 21.
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