World
Texas seeing an increase in kindergarteners who don’t meet state requirements for measles shots
Before the pandemic helped fuel the growth of vaccine politicization across the country, less than 1% of Austin school district’s kindergarteners in the fall of 2019 failed to comply with the state’s vaccine reporting requirements.
Five years later, the Austin Independent School District had some of the state’s highest number of kindergarteners who neglected those state requirements — about 1 in 5 kindergarteners had not proven they were fully vaccinated against measles and did not file an exemption.
A Texas Tribune analysis has found that this explosion of vaccine non-compliance has played out across many school districts in the state in recent years, helping to push Texas’ measles vaccine coverage to the lowest it’s been since at least 2011.
“We definitely were on a better trajectory (before the pandemic),” said Alana Bejarano, executive director of health services and nursing for the Austin school district, which reported a 23% delinquency rate for the measles vaccines among their kindergarteners.
“I don’t know that I can pinpoint the concrete answer, except (preschool and kindergarteners) were born at a time where everything kind of went off track and getting them back into that, you know, that’s been difficult.”
The Tribune examined kindergarten measles vaccination compliance because it’s the earliest the state documents school vaccination rates and measles can be especially deadly for young children. The state’s two measles deaths this year were girls ages 6 and 8. Under Texas vaccine requirements, most kindergarteners must show they are fully vaccinated against measles or file an exemption to enroll in school; most who are not fully vaccinated have an exemption.
During the pandemic, the statewide measles vaccine delinquency rate — a term the Texas Department of State Health Services uses to track students not compliant with those requirements — more than doubled.
The Tribune estimated the number of vaccine-delinquent kindergarteners in each district by comparing delinquency rates and enrollment totals.
In school districts with the most delinquent kindergarteners in the 2024-25 school year, the latest data available from the state, as much as 44% of their kindergarteners were delinquent in the measles vaccines, and their delinquencies also outnumbered exemptions, which was not the case at the state level. Those school districts had vaccine delinquency rates as small as a fraction of a percent just five years prior.
The five other vaccinations required for kindergarten followed similar increases in delinquency rates during the same time period.
The pandemic is the driving force behind the increase in vaccine delinquency, school district officials say. Many children are entering school after falling behind on their immunizations during the pandemic, making it an untenable task for resource-strapped school districts to chase after parents to vaccinate their children or submit an exemption.
Meanwhile, access to vaccines, especially free and low-cost doses, have also dwindled over the last several years amid funding cuts and the politicization of vaccines.
State laws and rules don’t dictate who has to enforce vaccine compliance, although the Texas Department of State Health Services administers the law and school districts have traditionally been among the first line of enforcement.
While school districts acknowledge they are enrolling students not compliant with state vaccine requirements, district officials say they are caught in a no-win situation. Pushing vaccines too hard could lead to retaliation from groups and politicians opposed to vaccine mandates, and district officials don’t want to disenroll students — public schools have a responsibility to educate all children and so much of their funding is tied to attendance, too.
“We encourage our school nurses to advocate strongly to promote and protect public health at their campus,” Becca Harkleroad, executive director of the Texas School Nurse Organization. “But ultimately it’s up to the superintendent and the principal to decide how strictly they are going to enforce it or if they are going to enforce it.”
Statewide, the percentage of kindergarteners who were delinquent in getting the measles vaccine more than doubled to 2.68% between 2019-20 and 2024-25, the latest data available. The delinquency rate jumped to 3.1% in 2021-22, surpassing the number of students who had an exemption. Those rates have not returned to pre-pandemic levels, although the exemption rate has returned to exceeding the delinquency rate.
The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that a year ago 25,000 Texas kindergarteners were not fully vaccinated against measles. Of those, more than 16,000 had an exemption, and about 9,000 did not have an exemption and under the state’s definition, were vaccine delinquent.
The overall vaccine delinquency rates may be small, but anything that causes vaccination levels to fall means more children are vulnerable. Ideally, schools try to keep their vaccination levels at 95% to help protect those children with compromised immune systems or medical conditions that keep them from being vaccinated.
In addition to vaccine delinquency, the state also tracks the percentage of students who are vaccinated, formally exempt from vaccinations, and provisionally enrolled because of vaccination status.
Most unvaccinated students in Texas are permitted to enroll because they have an exemption form or a note from a doctor. They can also provisionally enroll without proving vaccination status if they are homeless, military dependents or in foster care and their records cannot be obtained by the start of the school year.
The Texas measles kindergarten vaccination rate of 93% is the lowest it’s been since at least 2011, ranking the state 18th nationally.
“The decrease in vaccination rates overall is certainly a concern because it leaves our population vulnerable to different infections,” said Dr. Erin Nicholson, a pediatric infection physician at Texas Children’s Hospital and an assistant professor at Baylor College of Medicine. “And we saw that front and center with the measles outbreak that recently happened.”
Schools: A first line of defense against infectious disease
By the time most children enter kindergarten, they have received two MMR vaccination doses, which will provide lifelong protection against measles, as well as mumps and rubella for most people. The MMR vaccination for kindergarteners is considered one of the most important immunization targets by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
State health officials audit school vaccination records each year for accuracy, by sampling school district records, explains Chris Van Deusen, spokesperson for the Texas Department of State Health Services. But there is nothing in state rules that requires DSHS to enforce the vaccination requirement.
As a result, the de facto enforcement has traditionally fallen to school districts.
Some of the state’s highest kindergarten measles delinquency rates were in larger school districts and charter networks: KIPP Texas Public Schools (44%), Spring ISD (30%), Austin ISD (23%), Dallas ISD (20%), and Houston ISD (7%).
The five public school systems with the highest counts made up more than half of all delinquent kindergartners in the state, despite enrolling less than 10% of the state’s public school kindergarteners.
Some district officials, including Dallas, say they try to follow state requirements by sending home students who do not have completed vaccination requirements or an exemption. But, they enroll those students, contributing to the district’s vaccine delinquency rate.
The Austin school district will also enroll the students who don’t meet vaccine requirements, but they wait to send those students home until their parents have been notified of their vaccine delinquency three times, Bejarano said. They can return once they have proof of vaccination or the exemption form.
State data doesn’t track how many vaccine-delinquent students school districts send home. It also doesn’t reflect changes to vaccine delinquency later in the year because the data is based on surveys school districts submit in the first half of the school year.
While some school districts say they try to send home students who don’t meet vaccine requirements, Houston ISD officials said they are keeping those students in the classroom. They, too, dedicate time and resources to track all students’ vaccination status and try to communicate information with parents about the need for staying up to date on the schedule.
But, they are “not excluding students from learning based on vaccine status,” according to a statement to the Tribune.
Chanthini Thomas, a school nurse who retired from her job at Houston ISD’s Bellaire High School last summer, said the conflicting messages from the district, resource reductions and the yearlong chase to get vaccine paperwork in was frustrating.
“You have little support,” she said. “Why would you say … that’s a requirement to any school for the state of Texas but then you put out a mandate from the district to say, don’t let immunizations prevent enrollment? And the reason is because they need the numbers, because the numbers were dwindling.”
Like many other urban school districts, HISD is battling declining enrollment — and the funding that comes with it — as more families move toward better job opportunities and lower housing costs in the suburbs or choose charter and private schools.
As school nurses have told the Tribune over the summer, school districts choose to enroll unvaccinated children so they can keep “butts in the seats” and the base amount of money they receive from state and local sources to educate each student — about $6,160.
“I see the school as being in a tough spot,” said Melissa Gilkey, a University of North Carolina professor who studies vaccine efforts at schools. “We work so hard to minimize absenteeism … that I do have some sympathy for that idea that it’s hard to exclude them for one health service.”
KIPP Texas Public Schools, a charter network with campuses across the state, declined an interview but insisted it was following the state immunization requirements. Its kindergarten measles vaccine delinquency rate was less than 1% in 2019 compared to 44% last year.
Spring ISD, north of Houston, reported last year that more than 30% of its kindergarteners were measles vaccine delinquent. The district informed the Tribune it also follows state rules closely but said its high MMR delinquency rate was evidence of “enrollment and access issues” and that Spring ISD was “actively working to strengthen this process.”
The Spring district cited family’s frequent moves in the area, limited access to health care and language barriers as reasons there’s a delay in getting student shot records updated in time for school.
“We are committed to improving compliance rates and ensuring our students are protected against preventable diseases,” said Shane Strubhart, the Spring ISD spokesperson.
Access to vaccines has dwindled
The pandemic disrupted preventive health care, becoming most apparent in some of the most recent kindergarten classes, filled with students born around the first COVID-19 outbreak. The COVID-19 pandemic not only interrupted home and school life, experts say, it upended regular health checkups younger children typically receive before they start school and that impact continues to be felt today.
Families “going to see the doctors got off track for everyone during the pandemic,” Austin ISD’s Bejarano said.
For low-income and immigrant families who already found health care access a challenge, more are struggling to find what Bejarano calls their “medical” home, a regular primary care doctor who can either vaccinate their children or answer concerns and perhaps direct them to the state’s exemption process if they feel strong enough to opt out.
“COVID didn’t do vaccination or education and many other things as a whole, any favors,” said Jennifer Finley, executive director of health services for Dallas ISD. The district’s kindergarten measles delinquency rate jumped to 20% last school year compared to 1% during the 2019-20 school year.
Diminished vaccine access is also a factor. Up until the early aughts, public health departments, churches and even lawmakers would hold free or low-cost immunization clinics over the summer for families.
In 2004, the Dallas school district turned away hundreds of students, who walked and drove to nearby clinics for free or low-cost vaccines, according to a Dallas Morning News article.
After the pandemic, those resources are even fewer.
“It really stopped during the pandemic,” Finley said. “Some of the folks lost their funding.”
Schools rely heavily on local public health departments to help them with vaccination clinics. Once the threat of COVID lessened, public health departments used those funds to add more staff and hold more vaccination clinics.
But two things began impacting vaccination efforts by local health departments. First, those leftover funds were clawed back early by the Trump administration this year, prompting some staff to look for other jobs, thereby causing staff shortages in public health vaccination departments. And second, public health officials suspect more immigrant families are shying away from vaccination because of stepped-up immigration efforts and deportations.
In Texas, there are an estimated 111,000 immigrant children, all of whom do not qualify for state Medicaid health insurance coverage, attending school.
“We typically have big lines and the waiting room is packed. Our whole lobby is packed,” Dr. Phil Huang, the director of the Dallas County Health and Human Services Department, told the Tribune in August. “This year it has not been that way.”
Vaccine hesitancy changing school messaging
After the pandemic, many parents watched as debates raged over the safety of the quickly-developed COVID-19 vaccine. As a result, they are asking more questions about all childhood vaccinations.
In many cases, parents are spreading MMR doses out and that, too, could be the reason for more kindergartners showing up with an incomplete vaccination status, Bejarano said.
“The main concern (among parents) is basically, ‘Am I doing the right thing for my child, that is in their best interest and help me understand what the risks are of these infectious diseases that vaccines are trying to prevent,’” Nicholson, the Texas Children’s physician, said.
Before COVID, many doctors adopted an imperial tone — “you should do this because I’m the expert,” she said. That changed after the pandemic. “We are looking at how we talk to these parents, because the last thing that we want to do is come across as condescending.”
School nurses have also worked tirelessly to try to find a winning formula to reach families of vaccine-delinquent kids. At a national school nurse conference in Austin this summer, an entire session was devoted to teaching nurses how to have tension-free conversations with parents who are skeptical of vaccine requirements.
Ultimately, school nurses just want to inform parents of their two options to stay compliant with state rules: either provide proof of vaccination or an exemption, Bejarano said.
“We’ve made these large campaigns and we are really kind when they register, letting them know what is the law, what the exemptions (are),” Bejarano said. “I just think the district in general is understanding we need to do better when it comes to public health and getting these rates up.”
The good news, she says, is that the greater efforts made by school nurses in the fall to try to help parents become vaccine compliant tends to push down the high delinquency rates by the end of the school year. Data provided to the Tribune by Austin ISD proved that out. That 23% delinquency rate for kindergartners recorded in the fall of 2024 fell drastically to 6% by May 2025 possibly due to the fear produced by the measles outbreak in the months prior.
“I do think that everybody came together in the Austin community and really did try to push for that” compliance, Bejarano said. “And I think that’s why it helped the rate last year.”
Finley points to other lesser-known reasons complicating the back-to-school vaccination picture. Among them, an influx of students came to Texas from other states, many already armed with vaccination exemptions or with incomplete vaccination histories who are having to be re-educated about Texas requirements.
Starting Sept. 1, Texas parents can more easily obtain a vaccine exemption form by downloading it off the state’s website, but how that will impact the delinquency gap won’t be seen until data is released next year.
Nicholson, Finley, Bejarano and others say they would like to see more data that clearly explains the rising delinquency rate and how many students who were once marked delinquent end up becoming fully vaccinated or obtaining an exemption by the end of the year.
“Does it mean, you know, people are just struggling with paperwork?” Nicholson said. “Or does it mean that really those vaccinations are falling?”
___
This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.
World
How Cheap Drones Are Changing Wars Like the Ones in Ukraine and Iran
A 3-D rendering of an Iranian Shahed-136 drone, a device with two triangle-shaped wings attached to a central fuselage. It has an engine the size of a small motorcycle’s and carries 110 pounds of explosives.
Engine the size of a small motorcycle’s
Carries 110 pounds of explosives
One of the biggest takeaways of the war with Iran is that it has proven itself to be a surprisingly capable adversary against the United States. In addition to its willingness to go on the offensive, Iran has forced the U.S. and its regional allies to confront the rise of cheap drones on the battlefield.
Iranian drones, made with commercial-grade technology, cost roughly $35,000 to produce. That is a fraction of the cost of the high-tech military interceptors sometimes used to shoot them down.
Cheap drones changed the war in Ukraine, and they have enabled Iranians to exploit a gap in American defense investments, which have historically prioritized accurate but expensive solutions.
Countering drones has been a major priority for the Pentagon for years, according to Michael C. Horowitz, who was a Pentagon official in the Biden administration. “But there has not been the impetus to scale a solution,” he said.
In just the first six days, the U.S. spent $11.3 billion on the war with Iran. The White House and Pentagon have not provided updated estimates, but the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative-leaning think tank, estimated in early April that the U.S. had spent approximately between $25 and $35 billion on the war, with interceptors driving much of the cost. Many missile defense experts also fear interceptor stockpiles are now running dangerously low.
Here is a breakdown of some of the ways the U.S. and its allies have countered Iran’s drones, and why it can be so costly.
Air-based strikes
In an ideal scenario, an early warning aircraft spots a drone when it is still several hundred miles out from a target, and a fighter jet, like an F-16, is dispatched from a military base. The F-16 can then use Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System (APKWS) II rockets to shoot a drone from about six miles away.
A 3-D rendering of an F-16 fighter jet firing an APKWS II rocket from under one wing. Two to three rockets are fired per drone, as per air defense protocol. Two APKWS II rockets and an hour of F-16 flight cost approximately $65,000, a little less than twice that of the Iranian Shahed-136.
Two to three interceptors fired per drone
These types of defensive air patrols are cost-efficient, but haven’t always been available because of the vast scope of the conflict. Iran has also targeted early warning aircraft that the U.S. needs to detect a drone from that distance, according to NBC News.
The other option for detecting and shooting down drones is a variety of different ground-based detection systems, but these systems are all at a disadvantage, as their ability to spot low-flying drones is limited by the curvature of the earth.
Anti-drone defense systems
One ground-based defense system the U.S. and its allies have built specifically to counter drones at a shorter range is the Coyote. It can intercept drones up to around nine miles away.
A 3-D rendering of a Coyote Block 2 interceptor, which looks like a three-foot tube with small rockets at one end. Two Coyotes cost approximately $253,000 or about seven times that of the Iranian Shahed-136.
The Coyote is significantly cheaper than many of the other ground-based defense systems available to the U.S. and its allies and historically effective at defending important assets. But despite being both effective and cost-efficient, relatively few Coyotes have been procured by the U.S. military in recent years.
When Iran-backed militias launched attacks on U.S. ground troops in the region in 2023 and 2024, there were so few Coyotes available that troops had to shuffle the systems between eight different bases in the region almost daily, according to a report from the Center for a New American Security, a Washington think tank.
Ship-based anti-missile defenses
Many of the longer-range ground-based defense systems the U.S. and its allies can use to combat drones are more expensive, as they are designed to shoot down aircraft and ballistic missiles, not drones. A Navy destroyer’s built-in radar system, for instance, can detect drones from 30 miles away and shoot it down with Standard Missile 2 (SM-2) interceptors. As in the air-based strikes, military protocol stipulates that at least two missiles be fired.
A 3-D rendering of the deck of a Navy destroyer firing an SM-2 missile from a built-in launcher, which looks like a 15-foot missile launching from a grid of openings on the ship’s surface. Two SM-2 missiles cost approximately $4.2 million, about 120 times that of the Iranian Shahed-136.
This misalignment between America’s defense systems and current warfighting tactics started after the Cold War, when the anticipated threats were fewer, faster, higher-end projectiles, not mass drone raids.
Iran often launches multiple Shahed-136 drones at a time, given their low price tag. The drones are also programmed with a destination before launch and can travel roughly 1,500 miles, putting targets all across the Middle East within reach.
“This category of lower-cost precision strike just didn’t exist at the time that most American air defenses were developed,” said Mr. Horowitz.
Ground-based anti-missile defenses
The Army’s standard air-defense system is the Patriot. Typically stationed at a military base, it can shoot down a drone from up to around 27 miles away with PAC-3 Missile Segment Enhancement interceptors. Military protocol stipulates that at least two missiles be fired.
A 3-D rendering of a Patriot launcher loaded with 17-foot PAC-3 MSE missiles, which looks like a tilted shipping container with scaffolding. Two PAC-3 MSE missiles cost approximately $8 million, about 220 times that of the Iranian Shahed-136.
Patriot missile defense system
Air defense training teaches service members to prioritize using longer-range defense systems first to “get as many bites at the apple as you can,” but those are the most expensive, said Stacie Pettyjohn, a senior fellow and director of the defense program at the Center for a New American Security.
But a costly defense can still make economic sense to protect a valuable target, especially those that are difficult to repair or replace, such as the nearly $1.1 billion radar at a military base in Qatar and the $500 million air defense sensor at a base in Jordan that were damaged early in the conflict.
Ground-based guns
Finally, there is what one might call a last resort: a ground-based gun. When a drone is about a mile away or less than a minute from hitting its target, something like the Centurion C-RAM can begin rapidly firing to take down the drone.
A 3-D rendering of a Centurion C-RAM, which looks like a gun mounted to a rotating, cylindrical stand. The gun fires 75 rounds of ammunition per second. Five seconds of firing the gun costs $30,000, slightly less than a single Iranian Shahed-136.
Centurion Counter-Rocket, Artillery and Mortar
Fires 375 rounds of ammunition in 5 seconds
Even though it is fairly cost-effective, the Centurion C-RAM is not the best option because it has such a short range.
Interceptor drones
There’s also what one might call the future of fighting drones: A.I.-powered interceptor drones. Interceptor drones like the Merops Surveyor can theoretically hunt and take down enemy projectiles from a short range.
A 3-D rendering of a Surveyor drone, which looks like a three-foot tube with wings and a tail. The Merops drone costs approximately $30,000, a little less than a single Iranian Shahed-136.
Merops system: Surveyor drone
Eric Schmidt, the former Google chief executive, founded a company to develop the Merops counter-drone system in conjunction with Ukrainian fighters, who have already been combatting Iranian drones in the war with Russia for years.
The U.S. sent thousands of Merops units to the Middle East after the conflict began, but it is unclear whether they have been deployed. The military set up training on the system in the middle of the war, as reported by Business Insider.
Other attempts to lower the cost-per-shot ratio of taking out a drone have failed.
The Pentagon invested over a billion dollars in fiscal year 2024 researching directed energy weapons, or lasers, that would cost only $3 per shot and have a range of 12 miles. Those systems have yet to be used in the field.
Despite the cost imbalance, the real fear for many in the defense community is the depleted stockpile of munitions.
“What scares me is that we will run out of these things,” said Tom Karako, the director of the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “Not that we can’t afford them, but that we’ll run out before we can replace them.”
World
Moscow-born gunman dead after Kyiv shooting rampage leaves at least 6 dead, 14 wounded: Zelenskyy
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A Russian gunman was killed by special forces Saturday in Ukraine after opening fire at a supermarket in Kyiv, killing six people and wounding 14 others — including a 12‑year‑old boy.
The 58-year-old shooter long resided in the Donetsk region and was born in Moscow, according to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko.
He took at least four hostages, killed one of them, and fatally shot four others on the street, Zelenskyy said. Another woman died at a hospital from her injuries.
Graphic video captured by witnesses showed the gunman shooting at a victim within close range on the street. Other bodies were seen lying on the pavement and in courtyards.
The gunman was seen walking with a weapon on the street. (Obtained by Will Stewart)
MANHUNT UNDERWAY AFTER GUNMEN STORM CHICK-FIL-A LEAVING 1 DEAD
Ukranian special forces stormed the convenience store after 40 minutes of failed negotiations, according to Klymenko.
At least fourteen people were wounded in the attack, though officials cautioned the number may rise as people continue to seek medical assistance.
Among the injured is a 12‑year‑old boy and a supermarket security guard, according to Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko.
The gunman was pictured dead in the convenience store. (Obtained by Will Stewart)
NINE DEAD, 13 WOUNDED IN SECOND TURKISH MASS SHOOTING IN TWO DAYS
Zelenskyy said the shooter also set fire to an apartment prior to the attack, though it is unclear if any injuries resulted from the arson.
“My condolences to the families and loved ones of the victims,” Zelenskyy wrote in an X post. “…We wish all the wounded a swift recovery.”
The gunman had previously been prosecuted for criminal offenses, but held a valid weapons permit, according to authorities. Investigators from the National Police and the Security Service of Ukraine are investigating.
The gunman was seen holding and shooting a weapon in the street. (Obtained by Will Stewart)
GUNMAN OPENS FIRE AT HIGH SCHOOL IN TURKEY, WOUNDING AT LEAST 16
Ukraine’s security service labeled the attack an act of terrorism.
“All available information about him and the motives behind his actions is being thoroughly investigated,” Zelenskyy said. “Every detail must be verified.”
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One of the shooter’s neighbors, Hanna Kulyk, 75, described him as an “educated, refined man,” who lived alone and did not socialize often.
“You’d never guess he was some kind of criminal,” Kulyk told The Associated Press.
World
Iran navy says any ship trying to pass Strait of Hormuz will be targeted
Top negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf says US naval blockade of Iran’s ports is ‘a clumsy and ignorant decision’.
Published On 18 Apr 2026
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGC) says the Strait of Hormuz is closed and that any ship that attempts to pass through the waterway will be targeted, a dramatic reversal less than 24 hours after the critical shipping lane was reopened.
In a statement carried by Iran’s Student News Agency, the IRGC navy said on Saturday the strait will be closed until the United States lifts its naval blockade on Iranian vessels and ports. It said the blockade was a violation of the ongoing ceasefire agreement in the US-Israel war on Iran.
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“We warn that no vessel of any kind should move from its anchorage in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman, and approaching the Strait of Hormuz will be considered cooperation with the enemy, and the offending vessel will be targeted,” it said.
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliament speaker and a senior negotiator in talks between Washington and Tehran on ending the war, said in a television interview that “the Strait of Hormuz is under the control of the Islamic Republic”.
“The Americans have been declaring a blockade for several days now. This is a clumsy and ignorant decision,” he added.
The reassertion of control came just hours after Iran had briefly reopened the strait, in line with a 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. Oil prices dropped on global markets after Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said on Friday that the waterway was “completely open for all commercial vessels.”
More than a dozen commercial ships passed through the waterway before the IRGC reversed course.
Iranian gunboats reportedly fired on two commercial ships on Saturday, according to United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO). India’s Ministry of External Affairs also said that two Indian-flagged ships were involved in a “shooting incident” in the strait.
Some merchant vessels in the region received radio messages from the IRGC Navy, warning that no ships were being allowed through the strait.
US President Donald Trump said Tehran could not blackmail Washington by closing the waterway and warned that he would put an end to the ceasefire if a deal before its expiry on Wednesday is not reached. Trump added that the naval blockade would “remain in full force”.
Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, meanwhile, said the navy was ready to inflict “new bitter defeats” on its enemies.
‘Two competing blockades’
Al Jazeera correspondent Zein Basravi said that Iran and the US are back where they were the previous day.
“Less than 24 hours ago, world leaders were praising what they thought was a breakthrough in this conflict, hoping Iran was signalling a confidence-building measure by opening the Strait of Hormuz, potentially leading to a ceasefire deal and a permanent end to the war,” he said.
“As disappointed as people may be, this isn’t entirely surprising. What we’re seeing now is a return to square one,” he added, saying there are now “two competing blockades in place”.
Al Jazeera’s Ali Hashem, reporting from Tehran, said Iran was using the strait to send a message.
“It’s clear that Iran is dealing with a situation in which they are not sure what’s on the table. So the Strait of Hormuz is once again the only space for engagement, even if it’s a negative engagement. And it’s the space where they are sending and conveying messages to the Americans, showing their leverage,” he said.
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