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Q&A: UN rep on opium surge in Southeast Asia’s ‘Golden Triangle’

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Q&A: UN rep on opium surge in Southeast Asia’s ‘Golden Triangle’

Bangkok, Thailand – The Golden Triangle – a area the place the jungle borders of Thailand, Laos and Myanmar meet – has lengthy been infamous because the centre of an unlawful drug commerce operated, managed and guarded by warlord-like army leaders allied with regional organised crime figures.

Artificial medicine produced within the Golden Triangle have flooded regional markets. In 2021 alone, greater than a billion methamphetamine tablets had been seized by authorities in Southeast and East Asia, in line with the United Nations.

Organised crime syndicates and armed teams had joined forces within the Golden Triangle, with their expanded drug manufacturing exploiting the dual vulnerabilities of the latest pandemic and political instability in Myanmar, the UN stated final 12 months, resulting in a medication commerce described as “staggering” in scale.

New knowledge launched final month by the UN Workplace on Medication and Crime (UNODC) additionally confirmed that opium poppy cultivation has surged by 33 % within the Golden Triangle and opium yields have the potential to burgeon by 88 %.

Final 12 months, 40,000 hectares (99,000 acres) of opium poppies had been cultivated in Myanmar, with an estimated potential opium yield of virtually 800 metric tonnes.

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Myanmar’s total illicit opiate economic system is now estimated to be price $2bn whereas the regional marketplace for heroin is valued at a staggering $10bn, in line with the UN.

The resurgence of opium manufacturing within the highlands of the Golden Triangle will reverberate all the best way all the way down to the “wider drug economic system centred across the decrease Mekong area” and much past, the UN warned.

To know the forces at play within the Golden Triangle drug commerce, Al Jazeera spoke with Jeremy Douglas, UNODC’s regional consultant for Southeast Asia and the Pacific.

Al Jazeera: On the latest launch of the UNODC report on opium poppy cultivation in Myanmar, a key theme was that the Golden Triangle is again. Are you able to please develop on that?

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Douglas: The Golden Triangle has at all times been there however what we’ve seen over latest years is a extremely stark shift from opium and heroin in the direction of methamphetamine and just lately some ketamine.

That change was extraordinarily profound and it began as we noticed a migration of main organised crime into the Golden Triangle to provide artificial medicine in late 2013.

The state of affairs that has taken maintain after February ’21 [when the military seized power in Myanmar] is that the dynamic within the Triangle has modified but once more. We’ve seen an extra scale-up of artificial medicine however we’ve additionally seen a extreme financial contraction within the nation and a return of the opposite facet of the Golden Triangle – the normal opium, [and] the heroin that follows – in a profound approach.

So we’re seeing the Golden Triangle return to its roots to some extent, and on the identical time, the artificial drug economic system stays outsized.

Al Jazeera: Why had opium manufacturing dropped off within the Golden Triangle?

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Douglas: Quite a lot of elements. There was the large provide that was popping out of Afghanistan … which was feeding world markets. After which round 2014, 2015, we began seeing an enormous surge of artificial medicine following the migration of main crime teams’ operations into the Triangle and the availability beginning to drive demand, drive the regional market, and a major improve in artificial drug use throughout the area.

On the identical time, there was one other phenomenon that came about in 2014 when Myanmar opened and overseas funding flooded in. The economic system contained in the nation profoundly modified. Lots of people who would have had no different selection however to have interaction in opium farming … had different [opportunities]. There have been different types of earnings being generated within the nation which they may profit from.

And we had been working some programmes that are actually good to assist farmers transition out of opium in the direction of crops like high-value espresso and tea.

UNODC workers gather knowledge on opium cultivation in Myanmar in 2022 [Courtesy of UNODC]

Al Jazeera: The UN notes the regional impression that the rise in opium manufacturing within the Golden Triangle could have. Are you able to converse to that?

Douglas: The rise in opium that has taken place over the previous 12 months will lead to a rise in heroin provide. A rise which is able to feed into the regional market – a all of a sudden extra numerous drug market. And this extra problem has a profound well being impression.

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Heroin is an injectable drug which brings with it well being and societal impacts. It’s going to additionally generate additional wealth for traffickers, which goes to … contain a spread of different illicit actions like cash laundering and precursor trafficking, which can be already a problem for the area to take care of.

So after we say regional impression, we imply there’s the instant well being points that I’ve touched on and the very fact is that the nations of this area are going to expertise the brunt of this, like they’re experiencing the brunt of the methamphetamine, the ketamine.

Al Jazeera: Are we going to see opium poppy cultivation proceed to extend within the Golden Triangle?

Douglas:  Proper now, we’re gathering and verifying within the discipline, however preliminary experiences from the groups are that we’re taking a look at additional improve. The query is the magnitude of it, we merely don’t know.

Al Jazeera: The state of affairs with the drug commerce in Myanmar seems to be inextricably linked to the political state of affairs in Myanmar. That one needs to be solved to resolve the opposite.

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Douglas: You can’t separate economics from politics, safety and stability in any nation. And when you’ve got a political disaster of this nature and a pre-existing illicit economic system that was sizeable – and you’ve got a contraction in the true economic system to the extent that it has occurred – after all, the illicit economic system will step in and fill the void.

Essentially, there needs to be a candid, sincere dialogue concerning the convergence of politics, economics, safety and the drug commerce within the nation – illicit economies – and it’s, the truth is, a regionalised illicit economic system. The borderlands of Thailand and Laos are profoundly impacted and they are going to be more and more impacted within the years forward.

However the impression cascades throughout East and Southeast Asia and addressing it would require political engagement by neighbouring nations, but in addition by the ASEAN group and China along with Myanmar.

Geremy Douglas, Regional Representative from UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) for Southeast Asia, delivers a speech at a ministerial meeting on anti-narcotics cooperation between Mekong sub-region countries in Hanoi on May 21, 2015. The 3-day conference gathers officials from Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime for Southeast Asia . AFP PHOTO / HOANG DINH Nam
Jeremy Douglas, Southeast Asia and the Pacific regional consultant for the United Nations Workplace on Medication and Crime [File:  Hoang Dinh Nam/AFP]

Al Jazeera: You may have stated that corruption greases the wheels of the drug commerce. How systematic and organised is the corruption across the drug commerce within the Golden Triangle?

Douglas: Corruption is inbuilt within the drug commerce. For the heroin to maneuver from the labs of northern Shan [state] to Thailand, there must be pre-arranged fee agreed. Funds would even be made when it will get to the Thai border the place the value per kg escalates. If authorities tasked with interdiction on the Thai border aren’t profitable, medicine get by means of. However, on the identical time, there’s at all times the potential for corruption on the border.

In essence, what I’m describing is the chain: from supply proper by means of to export and finish market includes corruption.

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Al Jazeera: You may have additionally talked about the function of cash laundering. Income are so huge within the drug commerce that these earnings should go someplace.

Douglas: More and more massive drug earnings have needed to transfer someplace and casinos have performed a particular function lately. As produce other cash-based companies that constructed up round them, a number of the resorts, a number of the leisure companies. They will absorb money which is then pushed by means of their books and which may find yourself in banks.

So, it will be important for the on line casino trade to be rigorously monitored and presumably labored with to assist handle the laundering. As properly, banks which can be banking on behalf of casinos within the Mekong [region] should remember that a lot or a number of the cash going by means of them is related to the drug commerce and it leads to the regional banking system.

Al Jazeera: Might you converse to your description of opium farming as an employer of final resort?

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Douglas: I’d say our understanding from the farmers – and we’ve talked to them for years and years – is that they’re prepared to surrender opium. They flip to opium after they don’t produce other choices. And as they lose choices or they don’t produce other alternatives, they return to it. So in a way, once I say final resort, I imply it’s like an employer of final resort. It’s the outdated standby in a approach … And particularly now as they’re being incentivised and helped to return into it by brokers which can be representatives of heroin producers, and with out different choices, they return to it.

Al Jazeera: Heroin producers encourage farmers to provide opium. Is there additionally a level of intimidation there as properly?

Douglas: So what we have now been knowledgeable of by individuals from throughout the opium-producing areas is that representatives that purchase opium have come into the territories, inspired farmers to return to it, offered seeds, fertilisers, and in some elements irrigation and sprinkler tools.

They finance sure prices after which come again and purchase their crop again from them and gather cash for what they helped them get began with – the beginning supplies. It’s virtually like a contract farming sort association such as you see with different crops or agricultural merchandise within the area. However I ought to say as properly that they’re not nice to take care of, is what we’re advised by the farmers. They’re being suggested to enter this. However, the strategies which can be used will be “We wish you to return and do opium farming”, if you realize what I imply.

And it’s a troublesome proposition to say no to when you’ve got somebody come to you who’s representing highly effective pursuits. How does a poor farmer or village say no to these highly effective pursuits?

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Al Jazeera: What of the function of ethnic armed organisations on this? Do they rationalise what they do behind a philosophy of incomes earnings from opium that enables them to purchase weapons to combat for his or her freedom?

Douglas: I feel there was that component of it and I feel perhaps that’s nonetheless there. However I feel we must always not romanticise the involvement in drug trafficking and the partnerships with organised crime. Traffickers are enterprise individuals. Heroin and methamphetamine traffickers are basically ruthless enterprise individuals.

They’re within the drug commerce to make some huge cash. So whereas there may be cash from the enterprise that funds teams and armed resistance, there are others together with some main traffickers that disingenuously put on a uniform as a result of it provides them a sure stage of legitimacy. However on the finish of the day, they’re traffickers, they’re organised crime figures.

An opium poppy field in flower in Myanmar's Shan State in December 2022 [Courtesy of UNODC]
An opium poppy discipline in flower in Myanmar’s Shan state, December 2022 [Courtesy of UNODC]

Al Jazeera: What’s the relationship between the Myanmar authorities and a number of the ethnic armed teams which can be cultivating opium?

Douglas: There are teams which can be underneath the umbrella of the safety companies of Myanmar and there are others which aren’t underneath that umbrella, that are impartial and advocating for his or her autonomy. Those underneath the umbrella have a formalised relationship, and so they have their territory and so they’re roughly left alone.

It’s onerous to imagine that they don’t know what’s happening in territory of the border guard or individuals’s militia forces, which we all know, and the Thais know, and everybody appears to know, are concerned. However then there’s the others, which aren’t underneath that umbrella, and lots of are producing and trafficking as properly. And so it’s an especially advanced panorama of who’s producing and who’s not.

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Al Jazeera: With a civil battle in Myanmar, armed teams and medicines, how will you be hopeful in a state of affairs like that?

Douglas: I feel there are some, occasionally, indicators of hope. Given what we’ve described, although, by way of the artificial drug economic system and now opium and heroin, the associated criminality, these are actually troublesome occasions for the nation and the area. However once more, that’s why we have now to redouble efforts, fairly frankly, and why we’re saying to the area it’s time to have a political and strategic dialogue about this.

The area can’t police its approach out of this. It’s not going to work. So whereas it isn’t an optimistic state of affairs, it’s a state of affairs that needs to be handled and we’ve acquired to get to that time, of candidly getting management to say it’s time now to do one thing totally different right here.

A police officer from the Narcotics Control Board guards bags of methamphetamine pills during a Destruction of Confiscated Narcotics ceremony in Ayutthaya province, north of Bangkok, Thailand, June 26, 2015. About 7,340 kg (16,182 lbs) of drugs, among them methamphetamine, marijuana, heroin and opium worth more than 22 billion baht ($651,000,000), were destroyed during the anti-drug campaign, according to the Public Health Ministry. REUTERS/Athit Perawongmetha
A police officer from the Workplace of the Narcotics Management Board guards baggage of methamphetamine tablets throughout a destruction ceremony in Ayutthaya province, north of Bangkok, Thailand, 2015 [File: Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters]

Al Jazeera: Drug interdiction and policing alone aren’t an answer?

Douglas: The drug coverage of this area is closely tilted in a sure route, which clearly hasn’t actually labored properly.

It’s been many years of making an attempt to grab extra medicine, and it’s extra medicine yearly. Let’s be sincere, it’s not working. And we’ve been saying it for years. Handle demand. Stop the expansion in demand, and handle the well being and societal impacts. But additionally modify regulation enforcement technique. You can’t seize your approach out of this, significantly with artificial medicine, that are infinite.

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It’s a must to transform your method. It’s a must to dismantle the enterprise mannequin of organised crime. Disrupt their banking, disrupt their chemical commerce, disrupt the facilitators of their enterprise, their attorneys, their cash launderers. They should be handled.

The issue is the area continues to chase the drug provide and make seizures and measure their success by seizures. Clearly, that’s not working.

We hope that regional leaders will begin prioritising this past policing as a result of proper now it’s nonetheless a police dialogue. So we have now to get past that and it needs to be modified at a coverage stage.

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Iraq's Kurdish Regional Security Council announces arrest of top aide of former Islamic State leader

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Iraq's Kurdish Regional Security Council announces arrest of top aide of former Islamic State leader

The Kurdish Regional Security Council announced in a statement on Friday that it captured a senior Islamic State figure, Socrates Khalil.

Khalil was known to be a confidant of the late Islamic State leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

“After spending five years in Turkey, Khalil returned to Kurdistan with a forged passport and was swiftly apprehended,” the statement said.

Khalil made bombs for the Islamic State and was entrusted by al-Baghdadi with various major operations, the statement added, saying that he was instrumental in the 2014 Islamic State takeover of Mosul, and participated in many battles against Iraqi forces and the Peshmerga forces.

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UN experts say South Sudan is close to securing a $13 billion oil-backed loan from a UAE company

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UN experts say South Sudan is close to securing a $13 billion oil-backed loan from a UAE company

U.N. experts say South Sudan is close to securing a $13 billion loan from a company in the United Arab Emirates, despite the oil-rich country’s difficulties in managing debts backed by its oil reserves.

The panel of experts said in a report to the U.N. Security Council that loan documents it has seen indicate the deal with the company, Hamad Bin Khalifa Department of Projects, would be South Sudan’s largest-ever oil-backed loan.

SOUTH SUDAN MEDIATION TALKS LAUNCHED IN KENYA WITH A HOPE OF ENDING CONFLICT

The experts, who monitor an arms embargo against South Sudan, said in the oil section of the report obtained by The Associated Press this week that “servicing this loan would likely tie up most of South Sudan’s revenue (for) many years, depending on oil prices.”

U.N. experts say South Sudan is close to securing a $13 billion loan from a company in the United Arab Emirates, despite the oil-rich country’s difficulties in managing debts backed by its oil reserves. (Photo by TIZIANA FABI/AFP via Getty Images)

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Hamad Bin Khalifa Department of Projects, registered in Dubai, has no listed phone number and its website isn’t working. An email address associated with the company bounced back. The UAE Mission to the United Nations declined to comment, saying Hamad is a private company.

South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011 following decades of civil war that cost million of lives, and oil is the backbone of the young nation’s economy.

Soon after independence, South Sudan fought its own civil war from 2013 to 2018, when rivals President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek Machar signed a power-sharing agreement and formed a coalition government. South Sudan is under pressure from the United States and other nations to more quickly implement the 2018 peace deal that ended the civil war and prepare for elections.

According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s latest update, South Sudan produced an average of about 149,000 barrels of liquid fuels per day in 2023. The landlocked country uses Sudan’s pipelines to transfer its oil to Port Sudan for shipment to global markets in an agreement with the Sudanese government, which pockets $23 per barrel as transit fees for the oil exports.

South Sudanese Information Minister Michael Makuei Lueth told reporters in February that outside factors, including the civil war still raging in Sudan, have hurt South Sudan’s oil exports. He also said oil wells, which were water-logged by heavy floods during the past rainy season, weren’t yet fully operational.

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The section on oil in the experts report said documents for the loan from the UAE company, signed between December and February by South Sudan’s minister of finance, indicate the loan is split into tranches.

According to the documents, around 70% of the loan is to be allocated to infrastructure projects, with the first payment in excess of $5 billion, the panel said. Following a three-year grace period, “the loan will be secured against the delivery of crude oil for a period of up to 17 years.”

The panel of experts raised serious questions about South Sudan’s oil-based debts.

South Sudan lost a case in the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes stemming from a $700 million loan it received from Qatar National Bank in 2012.

When the panel wrote its report, the tribunal had not reached a decision on how much the government would have to pay, but The Sudan Tribune reported Sunday that South Sudan has been ordered to pay more than $1 billion.

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The panel of experts said it has also confirmed that the government owes $151.97 million to the Eastern and Southern African Trade and Development Bank stemming from a previous oil-related deal.

South Sudan was supposed to hold elections before February 2023, but that timetable was pushed back last August to December 2024.

In early April, South Sudan’s president warned lawmakers “not to cling to power just weeks after his former rival turned deputy proposed a further postponement of elections.

The panel of experts said would be “a significant milestone” and warned that the country’s leaders are running short of time “to ensure divergent expectations do not fuel further tensions and strife.”

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The experts also noted South Sudan’s humanitarian crisis. in which an estimated 9 million of the country’s 12.5 million people need protection and humanitarian assistance, according to the U.N. The country has also seen an increase in the number of refugees fleeing the war in neighboring Sudan, further complicating humanitarian assistance to those affected by South Sudan’s internal conflict.

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India’s biggest election prize: Can the Gandhi family survive Modi?

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India’s biggest election prize: Can the Gandhi family survive Modi?

Amethi/Rae Bareli, India Irfan*, a tea stall owner, is convinced that change is afoot.

“There has not been much traffic on this road from Rae Bareli to Amethi ever since the Congress lost power in 2014,” he says, referring to two towns and a party that for decades have been synonymous with one family – the Nehru-Gandhis, or as they are more commonly known, the Gandhis.

The first family of Indian politics has ruled the country for almost half of its journey since independence in 1947, with three generations of prime ministers: Jawaharlal Nehru, his daughter Indira Gandhi, and grandson Rajiv Gandhi. And through ups and downs, when the Congress has been in power and out of it, Amethi and Rae Bareli, separated by 62km (38 miles), have for the most part stood by the family. They’ve served as safe constituencies for India’s grand old party in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, which is India’s largest electoral prize: with 80 seats out of the nation’s total of 543 in the lower house of parliament.

In 2019, that tradition received a dramatic jolt when the Congress leader Rahul Gandhi – son of Rajiv – lost Amethi by 55,000 votes to Smriti Irani, a feisty minister in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government, which has been in power nationally since 2014. Rahul’s mother and former Congress chief, Sonia Gandhi, retained Rae Bareli for the party, the only seat it won in Uttar Pradesh as the BJP swept the nation, winning 303 seats overall.

Now, five years later, the towns are a tense microcosm of the national battle between the BJP and opposition Congress; between Modi and the Gandhis. Rahul is replacing his 77-year-old mother from Rae Bareli this time. BJP’s Irani is seeking reelection from Amethi. Each of them is expected to face tough competition from the other’s party. Amethi and Rae Bareli vote on May 20 in India’s giant election.

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At stake are more than two seats: If the BJP wins Rae Bareli and retains Amethi, it will effectively have wiped out the Gandhi family and the Congress from Uttar Pradesh. Conversely, say opposition leaders, a Congress win in both seats could seed anti-BJP momentum in a state that often decides who rules nationally.

Irfan, from his vantage point of Tiloi town near Amethi and Rae Bareli, believes the political winds are blowing in the direction of the Congress. “Storm is building in both the cities, which will impact the entire state,” he says.

Yet, storms can be unpredictable – and Amethi and Rae Bareli know that.

A supporter of India’s Congress party wearing an outfit with portraits of former Indian Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi, top, and Rajiv Gandhi, waves to the camera at an election campaign rally addressed by Rahul Gandhi in Thane, on the outskirts of Mumbai, India, on March 6, 2014 [File: Rajanish Kakade/AP Photo]

Boost for the opposition?

In a video posted by the Congress party on social platforms, Rahul and his mother Sonia are seen leafing through old photos of the family visiting and contesting from Amethi and Rae Bareli, as they reflect on their family’s old association with the towns.

It is a decades-old bond. Feroze Gandhi, Indira’s husband and Rahul’s grandfather, won Rae Bareli in 1952 – independent India’s first election. Indira and Sonia won this seat subsequently, their stints interspersed by terms when their loyalists were nominated to contest from the town instead.

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Only thrice has the Congress lost Rae Bareli. In 1977, a national opposition coalition toppled Indira’s government to come to power amid a wave of anger against the Congress over its imposition of a state of national emergency in 1975, when civil liberties were suspended and thousands of its political opponents were arrested. In 1996 and 1998, when the BJP was rising nationally and first came to power, it defeated the Congress here – though the Gandhi family was not in the contest on those occasions.

In Amethi, Indira’s elder son Feroze Gandhi lost the 1977 election but won in 1980. The Congress lost only once since then, in 1998, before Irani’s upset in 2019. Sonia and Rahul have both won from Amethi.

After his loss in 2019, many pundits had wondered whether Rahul would ever contest from the family pocket boroughs – or even from Uttar Pradesh – again. He had won from Wayanad in the southern state of Kerala in 2019 and contested from there again this time.

The Congress party insiders say he was unconvinced about contesting from a second seat this time, but was eventually swayed by pressure from Sonia, who was opposed to giving up the family’s bastions without a fight. Rahul’s sister Priyanka, who is now also a leader of Congress, decided against contesting.

With Rahul contesting from Rae Bareli, a longtime family friend Kishori Lal Sharma is competing against Irani from Amethi. It’s a scenario that could work for the opposition, say some of its leaders. In the days before the Congress decided on its candidates for these seats, Ameeque Jamei, a national spokesperson for the Samajwadi Party – the Congress’s biggest ally in Uttar Pradesh – had told Al Jazeera that if Rahul or Priyanka contested, the “opposition fight against the BJP will gain greater meaning”. He predicted that the Congress-led INDIA alliance that is challenging the BJP nationally could win up to 20 of Uttar Pradesh’s 80 seats.

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That is easier said than done. Rahul faces a formidable challenger in the BJP’s Dinesh Pratap Singh, who gave Sonia a tough fight in 2019, cutting her winning margin substantially. Singh has been unsparing in his criticism of how the Gandhis treat their bloodline. The party and family rarely even mention Feroze Gandhi, Rahul’s grandfather, whose grave is 100km (60 miles) from Rae Bareli.

“A person who cannot be that of his grandfather, how can he be yours,” says Singh.

Vice President of India’s ruling Congress party Rahul Gandhi, second right, holds a handful of flower petals to throw back at supporters, with his sister Priyanka Vadra seated by his side as he arrives to file his nomination for the ongoing general elections in Amethi, in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, Saturday, April 12, 2014. Gandhi, heir to the country's Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty, is leading the struggling party's campaign in the general election. The multiphase voting across the country runs until May 12, with results for the 543-seat lower house of parliament announced May 16. (AP Photo/ Rajesh Kumar Singh)
Rahul Gandhi, right, and sister Priyanka campaigning in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh, ahead of the 2014 national election [Rajesh Kumar Singh/AP Photo]

Barbershop politics

On the ground, Rahul and Priyanka are barnstorming the otherwise sleepy cities of Rae Bareli and Amethi, in their own ways.

Recently, Rahul slipped into a local barbershop to get his beard trimmed. His videos of sitting in the barbershop went viral. Priyanka divides time between the two towns, holding road shows and corner meetings.

The Congress has also brought in other heavyweight leaders to strengthen its campaigns here with their experience and political guile. At Rae Bareli’s Shalimar Guest House, Bhupesh Baghel, the former chief minister of the central state of Chhattisgarh, is marshalling supporters. “Rahul has a lot of support in Rae Bareli. So, I don’t have to do very much,” he says.

Ashok Gehlot, the former chief minister of Rajasthan, is handling the Congress campaign in Amethi against Smriti Irani, who has doubled down on her accusations that the Gandhi family neglected the town and Rae Bareli for decades despite winning from there.

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The Congress is counting on the support of two key voting blocs. Muslims constitute 22 percent of Uttar Pradesh’s population. A Muslim leader from Amethi, Muhammad Alam, said many from his community could have considered voting for the BJP, but Modi’s recent attacks – including suggestions that the Congress would take Hindu wealth and give it to Muslims – had changed their minds.

Gautam Rane, a Dalit activist in Uttar Pradesh’s capital, Lucknow, says sections of the community, which sits at the bottom of India’s complex caste hierarchy, are also shifting towards the Congress. The community has traditionally backed the regional Bahujan Samaj Party in the state. The Congress has used stray comments by some BJP leaders to suggest that the party wants to change the constitution and take away caste-based affirmative action benefits from the Dalits – a charge that the BJP has denied.

“This is Rahul Gandhi’s elections,” Rane says. “No one [else] matters.”

* Name changed to protect identity

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