Mogadishu, Somalia – Thousands of reel-to-reel tapes sit in an air-conditioned room in the archive of Somalia’s public radio, Radio Mogadishu, stacked on steel shelves and lined up like old manuscripts beneath a thick layer of dust.

Each reel contains a small fragment of Somalia’s 20th-century history, from news bulletins to speeches, music and voices that were once beamed out across the nation’s airwaves, some dating back to the early 1950s.

Abdiqadir Geedi Robleh, an archivist at Radio Mogadishu, threads a reel onto an old tape machine, connects it to a computer, and records the contents of each tape. A tape with a love song by Mohamed Mooge Liban, a prominent singer fills the room, and Robleh is transported, he says, to his youth.

He is working with a small team to digitise and methodically order approximately 400,000 hours of broadcasts, officials here say, before the magnetic tape deteriorates beyond recovery, taking with it a crucial record of the country’s past.

“This is the world’s largest store of Somali language music, culture, dramas and everything else, and at the moment it is locked away from the public in a kind of prison,” Robleh tells Al Jazeera. “We’re working to preserve it but also open it up in future to the public.”

Founded in 1951 during the Italian colonial era, Radio Mogadishu would grow into Somalia’s largest and most important public broadcaster. It initially broadcast in Italian and Somali before introducing foreign language services, including everything from Swahili and Oromo to English and Arabic.

In its heyday, it was among the most influential and distinctive voices in East African media, reaching audiences as far afield as Tanzania, Ethiopia, and the Middle East with a style of radical pan-African broadcasting reminiscent of Radio Cairo in the Nasser years.

With the exception of a brief hiatus in the 1990s, when it fell under the control of a warlord, it has served not only as a key source of news for Somalis and audiences across the region, but also as a vital repository of the country’s collective memory.

The effort to preserve its archives has gathered new momentum this year.

In early June, Somalia’s information ministry and the UNESCO regional office for Eastern Africa – the UN’s heritage agency – brought archivists from across the country to a workshop in Mogadishu, aimed at eventually registering its contents with UNESCO’s Memory of the World programme, which catalogues archives of important historical value.

“Protecting this knowledge isn’t just relevant for Somalia, but it is relevant for everyone,” said Guilherme Canela, a senior UNESCO official who is overseeing the project.

An expert assessment carried out in April counted roughly 45,000 tapes and reels, representing an estimated 400,000 hours of material recorded since the station’s founding. More than 85 percent remain playable, but around one in 10 has deteriorated with age, and more than 5 percent has been destroyed or severely damaged, according to UNESCO.

Radio Mogadishu’s collection was recognised both for its size and because so much of what it holds exists nowhere else.

Some were damaged in an electrical fire in 2018, Robleh says, while others were lost during fighting in 1992, when US forces battled Somali militias in the streets of Mogadishu.

During the worst of the civil war, police colonel Abshir Hashi Ali risked his life to prevent the contents of the archives from being looted. When fighting engulfed Mogadishu following the 1990 collapse of the government, he said he ran back “with the aim of conveying to Somalis the wealth that is stored here”.

Abdi Jeite, the station’s director, says the digitisation drive began as early as 2012, but has been held back for years by a lack of resources. By his estimate, only approximately 10 percent of the archive has so far been converted.

“We’ve got some new tools, and more training for our archivists, but there is still a lot of support needed,” he says.

To understand why the archive matters so much, it helps to understand what radio once meant in Somali life.

“Radio Mogadishu was arguably the preeminent media institution in post-independence Somalia,” Iman Mohamed, an assistant professor at the University of Minnesota and historian of Somalia, tells Al Jazeera.

“In a society that prizes orality above the written word, radio was uniquely effective at creating a common public sphere through which ordinary people could feel bonded to one another and to a shared sense of nationhood,” Mohamed adds.

Though Somali audiences could also access BBC Somali, Radio Hargeisa, and opposition stations when the government began to deteriorate in the latter part of the 20th century, it was Radio Mogadishu that dominated the “soundscape of urban Somalia”, Mohamed said.

That dominance made Radio Mogadishu a national factory of talent. “If you were a musician, poet, playwright or producer, Radio Mogadishu was the platform you wanted to appear on,” Robleh, the archivist, said. “It made Somalia’s stars.”

Robleh, the archivist, added that many BBC Somali journalists who went on to have distinguished careers first cut their teeth at Radio Mogadishu, which became an important pipeline for Somali-language talent to the BBC.

Hassan Dahir, a former journalist at the station, was one of many Somali children who grew up dreaming of working there. For years, he recalled, Radio Mogadishu was virtually the only source of news for millions, “the eyes and ears of the community”, he told Al Jazeera.

“Its reach was so extensive that even nomadic herders followed events as far afield as the Vietnam War and the American Civil Rights Movement,” Dahir said.

Under Siad Barre, the military officer who seized power in a 1969 coup and ran Somalia for two decades under a self-styled socialist, revolutionary government, the station became an instrument of state ideology, mixing news, drama and religious programming with nationalist and anti-colonial content.

The station beamed pan-African songs Oh Africa, still asleep by Halimo Khalif Magool, which spurred the continent’s inhabitants to awaken and take charge of their own destinies. Mahamud Abdullahi Sangub’s Reject the Color of Imperialism was another popular song of the era in this same tradition of politically charged music, with lyrics like: “Africans listen to each other, reject the colour of imperialism, reject it, reject it, reject it!”

Many of those songs have been covered, sampled or repurposed since, and younger Somalis often encounter them with no idea who performed the originals, or the politics that shaped them, say Mohamed.

Its news coverage focused on anti-colonial wars in places such as Mozambique against Portugal, the struggle against apartheid in Rhodesia and South Africa and the Civil Rights Movement in the US. It covered everything from colonial battles in Guinea-Bissau to the arrest of African American political activist and author Angela Davis.

“We were telling the stories of people resisting their oppressors”, said Dahir.

The station was a “mouthpiece of the government”, cautions Mohamed, but took on a crucial role of inculcating “a patriotic and revolutionary ideological orientation in the Somali people”.

One of the most important projects the radio supported was the Somali mass literacy campaign, when the government sent students to rural Somalia in 1972 to teach the newly developed Somali script. The campaign led to a dramatic increase in literacy across the country.

It also became deeply entangled with Somalia’s regional foreign policy, as the government spent much of the 20th century at loggerheads with Ethiopia before eventually invading in 1977.

That rivalry led Radio Mogadishu to dedicate airtime to Ethiopia’s marginalised ethnic communities, as well as armed rebel movements, particularly those from Eritrea. Among its most notable initiatives were broadcasts in Oromo and Sidama.

Dahir, the former Radio Mogadishu journalist who covered Ethiopia, told Al Jazeera that these were the first-ever radio programmes in either language, both of which had been suppressed for many years in Ethiopia under policies that privileged Amharic, the language of the country’s elite.

The station itself has taken on a far smaller role in Somali life since.

The collapse of the central government in 1991 broke the state’s grip on broadcasting, opening space for private radio, television and online outlets, which have proven popular with the Somali public.

It has lost most of its foreign-language programming, and with it, much of its revolutionary edge. The Somali state also continues to be constrained by limited resources as it rebuilds after decades of conflict.

In November 2021, the al-Qaida-affiliated armed group al-Shabab, which has waged a long rebellion against Somalia’s government, assassinated the station’s then-director, Abdiaziz Mohamud Guled, in a suicide bombing in Mogadishu.

Iman Mohamed, the historian, says that with the civil war in the country, now in its third decade, preserving the archive for posterity has become more urgent.

“The destruction of archives during the civil war has left an enormous gap in Somalia’s documentary record, which means that anyone researching the country’s history is almost entirely reliant on foreign archives or oral history,” Mohamed said.

“That is especially problematic for young people,” she adds. “Recovering what we can matters for the youth who will never have known the world that Radio Mogadishu broadcast in its heyday.”

Britain’s incoming Prime Minister Andy Burnham used his first speech as Labour leader Friday to condemn the economic model established in the 1980s by Margaret Thatcher and promise greater public control of essential services, signaling a shift to the left from outgoing Prime Minister Keir Starmer. 

Burnham, who will formally become prime minister Monday, said that Britain had taken “a series of wrong turns in the 1980s,” when political power was centralized and economic power was transferred to private companies. He was unopposed to run as party leader, having been nominated by 379 Members of Parliament to lead it.

“The country surrendered control of the essentials — housing, water, energy, transport — and left people exposed to higher costs,” Burnham said during the July 17 speech in London, according to a transcript of his remarks.

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He declared that four decades of neoliberal economic policy had “not been kind” to the working-class and industrial communities that traditionally supported Labour and described his ascent as the country’s most significant political turning point in 40 years.

“The government I lead will confidently lay that path out starting next week,” Burnham said. “That is why this change today is the most significant change moment in our politics for 40 years.

Alan Mendoza, executive director of the Henry Jackson Society, said Burnham’s speech offered a clear ideological signal but little detail about how his government would carry it out. “With Burnham, there is a lot of light and heat, but not much actual substance,” he added. “We are all still waiting to see what that substance might be.”
 

Mendoza said, “If he thinks Britain has been on the wrong track for the last 40 years, what is the right track? Is it socialism of a past kind? Is it some form of statism? What does he actually intend to do?”

Burnham’s speech offered the clearest indication yet that the former Greater Manchester mayor intends to move the party away from Starmer’s more cautious economic positioning and toward greater state ownership, expanded council and social housing, giving more power to regional government and increased state involvement in essential services.

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Burnham said Labour would no longer attempt to imitate the right and far-left parties. “We won’t try to out-Green the Greens or out-Reform Reform.”

Although he did not explicitly advocate returning Britain to the 1970s or refer to the late Lady Thatcher by name, free-market critics portrayed his attack on her reforms as an effort to revive the state-dominated economic policies that preceded her government.

Britain experienced the Winter of Discontent in 1978-79, when millions of workers participated in widespread strikes over pay that disrupted daily life. The strikes left trash uncollected, reduced hospital services and affected public transportation. The unrest is widely seen as a major factor in the election of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservatives in 1979 as voters turned against the unions and the Labour government of that time.

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The Adam Smith Institute responded to his speech by publishing a lengthy defense of the Thatcher era, highlighting reductions in income and corporate tax rates, privatizations, rising homeownership and fewer days lost to labor strikes.

“Since you mentioned the 1980s, Andy Burnham, here’s a reminder of what was achieved,” the free-market think tank wrote before listing economic indicators it said improved during the period.

According to the free-market think tank, the top rate of income tax fell from 83% to 40%, the basic rate dropped from 33% to 25%, and corporation tax was reduced from 52% to 35%. It said inflation declined from a peak of 21.9% in 1980 to 2.4% in 1986, while the number of working days lost to strikes fell from 29.5 million in 1979 to 1.9 million in 1990. The institute also said homeownership rose from 55% to 67%, the number of individual shareholders increased from 3 million to 11 million, and national debt fell from 47% of gross domestic product to 28%.

Emma Schubart, a research fellow at the Henry Jackson Society who previously worked at the Adam Smith Institute, told Fox News Digital that Burnham’s speech demonstrated what she described as a fundamental misunderstanding of taxation and economic incentives.

“The biggest takeaway is that he comes across as pretty economically illiterate,” Schubart said in an interview Friday. She called Burnham’s “demonization” of Thatcher polices “strange and needless.”

Schubart argued that Burnham’s message was internally contradictory because he presented his leadership as a national renewal while proposing to dismantle reforms associated with the 1980s.

“He keeps saying he’s bringing a renewal to the U.K. and a new chapter,” she said. “But then he also says, ‘We’re going to go back to the ’70s.’ You have to pick one.”

Burnham nevertheless insisted he would be a “pro-business leader,” while calling for greater public control of essential services, new powers for regional governments and closer cooperation with private businesses.

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The ideological shift presents an immediate political gamble. Burnham must unite Labour’s competing factions, reassure financial markets and respond to Reform UK’s growing challenge — all while taking office without winning a national election. 

Mendoza warned that Burnham’s effort to appeal to the left could complicate relations with the Trump administration. “The government could most definitely clash with the United States under Burnham’s vision, because the voters he is trying to bring back into his tent include many of those who are deeply hostile to America.

“If he adopts U.S.-friendly policies, he risks alienating the voting coalition he is trying to create,” he continued. “But if he decides to pick fights with the United States, he risks damaging British national security and the alliance with America, which matters far more to the country than any electoral coalition.”

Burnham is expected to be sworn in as prime minister on Monday by King Charles III.