World
Kid Rock’s ‘All-American Halftime Show’ Goes Light on Politics, Feeling More Like an Old CMT Special Than Super Bowl Protest Event
Turning Point USA clearly saw Bad Bunny‘s Super Bowl halftime booking as an affront to the nation that needed to be met by an alternative event for conservative viewers, but the “All-American Halftime Show” opted not to offer much in the way of provocation in return. Rather than come off as a protest event, the 35-minute program offered a set of mild, largely non-political performances that could have been mistaken for a vintage CMT or Nashville Network special — even from Kid Rock, who was on his very best behavior during a quick two-song appearance.
Bad Bunny? Never mentioned, or even alluded to… which was the case for anything else that might have raised much of an eyebrow or a stir, in a show that could have aired at just about any time in the 21st century, aside from the closing montage of Charlie Kirk imagery.
Without an announcer to offer context, there was no indication of where the performances were being broadcast from, or if they were taking place in real time. According to sources, the show was pre-taped in Atlanta.
Brantley Gilbert was up first, followed by fellow country artists Gabby Barrett and Lee Brice, before Kid Rock closed things out in an enclosed setting where a crowd of what looked to be about a hundred fans stood cheering on either side of a huge thrust ramp that extended across the studio floor.
Politics were limited to Brice singing “Real American,” which extols a place where “everything’s made in the USA,” and Brice premiering a brand new song, “Country Nowadays,” in which he complains about seeing “a picture of a flag up in flames while people cheer,” along with making the statement, “little boys ain’t little girls.”
Brice said, “Charlie gave people mics so they could say what’s on their mind. This is what’s on mine.” The chorus of his new song: “Say I’m some right-wing devil ’cause I was down-south-Jesus-raised / It ain’t easy being country in this country nowadays.”
Four Black men stood on stage to introduce the main attraction — “Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome our brother, Robert Ritchie” — in a fleeting show of people of color.
Kid Rock started with some literal firepower, at least in the pyro department, as he sang an inoffensive version of his venerable rap hit “Bawitaba.” Much of the performance appeared to be pre-recorded, as he only raised the mic to his mouth for about half of the lyrics, if that, as widely noted on social media. But he seemed to be fully on-mic as he sang the closing ballad, “Till You Can’t,” a cover of a sentimental country hit from a few years back by Cody Johnson.
In his only spoken remarks, Kid Rock introduced “Till You Can’t” by saying that he was awakened one night with the Johnson song in his head and felt there was “a verse that still needed to be written for this song.” He then sang his self-penned addition, which was effectively an evangelical altar call: “There’s a book sitting in your house somewhere that could use some dusting off / There’s a man who died for all our sins hanging from the cross / You can give your life to Jesus and he’ll give you a second chance / Till you can’t.”
At song’s end, the camera moved over to big-screen photos of the late Charlie Kirk and his widow, Erika Kirk, who is now in charge of TPUSA, followed by a fade to darkness and closing credit that still did not offer many hints where the performance was taking place.
The show began with Gilbert’s guitarists offering “The Star Spangled Banner” in the tradition of Jimi Hendrix, before the singer himself emerged and led the band in a style closer to hard rock than classic country, as has been his custom. Barrett stuck closer to a Carrie Underwood style of country, starting with her breakout hit “I Hope” and following it with “One of the Good Ones.” Brice sang his hit “Drinking Class,” which includes the chorus “If you gotta label me, then label me proud / ‘Cause I belong to the drinking class,” a hit that conflates patriotic self-esteem with “rowdy” bar behavior and alcohol consumption.
A snafu arose when TPUSA announced on its X feed that the show would not be broadcast there, and viewers should turn their attention to the org’s YouTube channel. There, viewership was shown as peaking at just over 5 million when Kid Rock came on at 9:35 p.m. ET. With the third quarter of the Super Bowl having already begun after Bad Bunny’s shorter halftime performance and while Kid Rock was still on, YouTube viewers for the “All-American Halftime Show” dipped slightly to 4.4 million by the time the headliner finished.
The show was also available on other platforms and networks, like OAN, which was late to jump into the feed amid its nightly news program. There was no immediate estimate of overall viewership.
Although references to the big show in California and its lead performer were nil, Kid Rock had earlier described what he saw as the intent for the program. “We plan to play great songs for folks who love America. We’re approaching this show like David and Goliath. Competing with the pro football machine and a global pop superstar is almost impossible…or is it?” He continued, referencing Bad Bunny: “He’s said he’s having a dance party, wearing a dress, and singing in Spanish? Cool. We plan to play great songs for folks who love America.”
Detractors have noted the alternative halftime show’s inability to draw any current country hitmakers — the country performers on hand all had their runs of hits in the 2010s, except Barrett, who had her smash in 2020 — with some wondering where Jason Aldean, the most popular musician friend of President Trump, was. Aldean did at least come up for a mention, as Gilbert noted that his life was changed when Aldean recorded a song he co-wrote, the pioneering country-rap hybrid “Red Dirt Anthem,” which he then sang and rapped.
World
Unexpected birth brings hope to near-extinct Amazon tribe
Pugapia and her daughters Aiga and Babawru lived for years as the only surviving members of the Akuntsu, an Indigenous people decimated by a government-backed push to develop parts of the Amazon rainforest. As they advanced in age without a child to carry on the line, many expected the Akuntsu to vanish when the women died.
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That changed in December, when Babawru – the youngest of the three, in her 40s – gave birth to a boy. Akyp’s arrival brought hope not just for the Akuntsu line but also for efforts to protect the equally fragile rainforest.
“This child is not only a symbol of the resistance of the Akuntsu people, but also a source of hope for Indigenous peoples,” says Joenia Wapichana, president of Brazil’s Indigenous protection agency, known as Funai. “He represents how recognition, protection and the management of this land are extremely necessary.”
Protecting Indigenous territories is widely seen as one of the most effective ways to curb deforestation in the Amazon, the world’s largest rainforest and a key regulator of global climate.
Researchers warn that continued forest loss could accelerate global warming. A 2022 analysis by MapBiomas, a network of nongovernmental groups tracking land use, found Indigenous territories in Brazil had lost just 1 per cent of native vegetation over three decades, compared with 20 per cent on private land nationwide.
In Rondonia state, where the Akuntsu dwell, about 40 per cent of native forest has been cleared, and what remains untouched is largely within conservation and Indigenous areas. The Akuntsu’s land stands out in satellite images as an island of forest surrounded by cattle pasture as well as soy and corn fields.
In the 1980s, an agriculture push sparked attacks in Rondonia
Rondonia’s deforestation traces back to a government-backed push to occupy the rainforest during Brazil’s military regime in the 1970s. Around the same time, an infrastructure program financed in part by the World Bank promoted domestic migration to the Amazon, including the paving of a highway across the state.
In the 1980s, Rondonia’s population more than doubled, according to census data. Settlers were promised land titles if they cleared the forest for agriculture and risked losing claims if Indigenous people were present, fuelling violent attacks by hired gunmen on Indigenous groups such as the Akuntsu.
Funai made first contact with the Akuntsu in 1995, finding seven survivors. Experts believe they had numbered about 20 a decade earlier, when they were attacked by ranchers seeking to occupy the area. Funai agents found evidence of the assault, and when they contacted the Akuntsu, the survivors recounted what happened. Some still bore gunshot wounds.
The last Akuntsu man died in 2017. Since then, Babawru lived with her mother, Pugapia, and Aiga, her sister. The women, whose ages aren’t known for certain, have chosen to remain isolated from the non-Indigenous world, showing little interest in it.
In 2006, Funai granted territorial protection to the Akuntsu, establishing the Rio Omere Indigenous Land, which they have since shared with the Kanoe people. The two groups, once enemies, began maintaining contact, usually mediated by officials. The relationship is complex, with cooperation but also cultural differences and language barriers.
The Associated Press requested a facilitated interview with the women through Funai, but the agency didn’t respond.
Amanda Villa, an anthropologist with the Observatory of Isolated Peoples, says Akuntsu women depend on Kanoe men for tasks considered masculine, such as hunting and clearing fields. The two groups have also exchanged spiritual knowledge – the current Kanoe spiritual leader, for example, learned from the late Akuntsu patriarch.
But the most consequential development for the future of the Akuntsu may have occurred last year, when Babawru became pregnant by a Kanoe man.
Linguist Carolina Aragon is the only outsider able to communicate with the three women after years studying and documenting their language. She works closely with Funai, translating conversations almost daily through video calls. Aragon also supported Babawru remotely during her labour and was with her during an ultrasound exam that confirmed the pregnancy.
Aragon said Babawru was stunned by the news. “She said, ‘How can I be pregnant?’” Aragon recalled. Babawru had always taken precautions to avoid becoming pregnant.
Social collapse shaped the Akuntsu’s choices
The surviving Akuntsu women had decided they would not become mothers. The decision was driven not only by the absence of other men in their community, but also by the belief that their world was disorganised – conditions they felt were not suitable for raising a child.
“You can trace this decision directly to the violent context they lived through,” says Villa, the anthropologist. “They have this somewhat catastrophic understanding.”
The Akuntsu believed they could not bring new life into a world without Akuntsu men who could not only perform but also teach tasks the group considers male responsibilities, such as hunting and shamanism.
“A breakdown of social relations that followed the genocide shaped their lives and deepened over the years. That does lead people to think – and rethink – the future,” Aragon says. “But the future can surprise everyone. A baby boy was born.”
Aragon says the women were embarking on a “new chapter”, choosing to welcome the child and adapt their traditions with support from the Kanoe and Funai. Villa says the fact that the newborn is a boy creates the possibility of restoring male roles like hunter.
Researchers and officials who have long worked with the three women understood that protecting the territory depended on the Akuntsu’s survival as a people. They sought to avoid a repeat of what happened to Tanaru, an Indigenous man who was discovered after living alone and without contact for decades.
After the discovery, authorities struggled to protect Tanaru’s territory. After he died in 2022, non-Indigenous groups began disputing the land. Late last year, the federal government finally secured the area, turning it into a protected conservation unit.
Funai’s Wapichana says Babawru’s child “is a hope that this next generation will indeed include an Indigenous person, an Akuntsu, ensuring the continuity of this people.”
Through years of careful work, Funai secured territorial protection for the Akuntsu and helped foster ties with the Kanoe. The agency also arranged spiritual support from an allied shaman, allowing the women to feel safe bringing new life into the world after decades of fear and loss.
The Akuntsu form emotional bonds with the forest and with the birds. Now, they are strengthening those bonds with a new human life in their world.
“What kind of relationship will this boy have with his own territory?” Aragon says. “I hope it will be the best possible, because he has everything he needs there.”
World
A look at some of the contenders to be Iran’s supreme leader after the killing of Khamenei
Iran’s leaders are scrambling to replace Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who ruled the country for 37 years before he was killed in the surprise U.S. and Israeli bombardment.
It’s only the second time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution that a new supreme leader is being chosen. Potential candidates range from hard-liners committed to confrontation with the West to reformists who seek diplomatic engagement.
The supreme leader has the final say on all major decisions, including war, peace and the country’s disputed nuclear program.
In the meantime, a provisional governing council composed of President Masoud Pezeshkian, hard-line judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei and senior Shiite cleric Ayatollah Ali Reza Arafi is guiding the country through its biggest crisis in decades. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Sunday that a new supreme leader would be chosen early this week.
The supreme leader is appointed by an 88-member panel called the Assembly of Experts, who by law are supposed to quickly name a successor. The panel consists of Shiite clerics who are popularly elected after their candidacies are approved by the Guardian Council, Iran’s constitutional watchdog.
Khamenei had major influence over both clerical bodies, making it unlikely the next leader will mark a radical departure.
Here are the top contenders.
Mojtaba Khamenei
The son of Khamenei, a mid-level Shiite cleric, is widely considered a potential successor. He has strong ties to Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard but has never held office. His selection could prove awkward, as the Islamic Republic has long criticized hereditary rule and cast itself as a more just alternative.
Ayatollah Ali Reza Arafi
Arafi is a member of the provisional government council. The senior Shiite cleric was handpicked by Khamenei to be a member of the Guardian Council in 2019, and three years later he was elected to the Assembly of Experts. He leads a network of seminaries.
Hassan Rouhani
Rouhani, a relative moderate, was president of Iran from 2013 to 2021 and reached the landmark nuclear agreement with the Obama administration that U.S. President Donald Trump scrapped during his first term. Rouhani served on the Assembly of Experts until 2024, when he said he was disqualified from running for reelection. Rouhani criticized it as an infringement on Iranians’ political participation.
Hassan Khomeini
Khomeini is the most prominent grandson of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. He is also seen as a relative moderate, but has never held government office. He currently works at his grandfather’s mausoleum in Tehran.
Ayatollah Mohammed Mehdi Mirbagheri
Mirbagheri is a senior cleric popular with hard-liners who serves on the Assembly of Experts.
He was close to the late Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a fellow hard-liner who wrote that Iran should not deprive itself of the right to produce “special weapons,” a veiled reference to nuclear arms.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Mirbagheri denounced the closure of schools as a “conspiracy.”
He is currently the head of the Islamic Cultural Center in Qom, the main center for Islamic teaching in Iran.
World
US cleared to use British bases for limited strikes on Iranian missile capabilities
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The U.S. has been cleared to use British bases for limited strikes on Iran’s missile capabilities after Prime Minister Keir Starmer signed off on the plan, and while U.K. Defense Secretary John Healey stated on Sunday Britain had “stepped up alongside the Americans.”
“The only way to stop the threat is to destroy the missiles at source, in their storage depots or the launchers which are used to fire the missiles,” Starmer confirmed in a recorded statement to the nation.
“The U.S. has requested permission to use British bases for that specific and limited defensive purpose,” he said. “We have taken the decision to accept this request.”
The decision came amid escalation across the Middle East in the wake of U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and Tehran’s retaliatory missile and drone attacks, raising fears of a broader regional conflict.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer signed off on a plan to use British bases for limited strikes on Iranian missile capabilities. (Kin Cheung / POOL / AFP via Getty Images)
On Feb. 28, in the wake of Operation Epic Fury, Starmer confirmed British planes “are in the sky today” across the Middle East “as part of coordinated regional defensive operations to protect our people, our interests and our allies.”
Healey went on to disclose Sunday that two Iranian missiles were fired in the direction of Cyprus, where Britain maintains key sovereign base areas.
The Royal Air Force confirmed that Typhoon jets operating from Qatar as part of the joint U.K.-Qatar Typhoon Squadron successfully intercepted an Iranian drone heading toward Qatar.
About 300 British personnel are stationed at a naval facility in Bahrain, where Iranian missiles and drones struck nearby areas.
“We’re taking down the drones that are menacing either our bases, our people or our allies,” Healey told “Sunday Morning with Trevor Phillips” on Sky. “We’ve stepped up alongside the Americans. We’ve stepped up our defensive forces in the Middle East. We’re flying those sorties.”
ISRAEL’S LARGEST EVER MILITARY FLYOVER HAMMERS IRANIAN MILITARY TARGETS
British Defense Secretary John Healey stressed that the U.K. had “no part” in the American-Israeli strikes on Iran. (Peter Nicholls/Pool via Reuters)
Healey also made sure to stress that the U.K. had “no part” in the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and insisted all British actions were defensive. “All our actions are about defending U.K. interests and defending U.K. allies,” he said.
When asked if the U.K. would join the U.S. in offensive action, Healey said, “I’m not going to speculate,” according to Sky News.
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Downing Street also confirmed Feb. 28 that Starmer and President Donald Trump had spoken by phone about the “situation in the Middle East,” the BBC reported.
Fox News Digital has reached out to Downing Street for comment.
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