Keira Knightley and Andrew Buchan in “Black Doves”
Courtesy of Netflix
World
Keira Knightley Hopes Helen Can Finish Off Dani in ‘Black Doves’ Season 2: ‘I Don’t Think It’s OK That She Tried to F— My Husband and Kill Me on Christmas Eve’
SPOILER ALERT: This article contains major spoilers from “Black Doves” Season 1, now streaming on Netflix.
“Black Doves,” Keira Knightley’s first television series in more than two decades, has already proved a massive success for Netflix, which, knowing it had a hit, had ordered a second season from Knightley and creator/showrunner Joe Barton before the show even premiered.
Over the course of six episodes, viewers have been entranced by Helen (Knightley) as she balances her competing roles: elegant wife of Wallace (Andrew Buchan), the Minister of Defence, doting mother of twins, supportive friend to semi-alcoholic assassin Sam (Ben Whishaw), passionate affair partner to her lover Jason (Andrew Koji) and ruthless spy for a mercenary organization called the Black Doves.
After Jason is mysteriously murdered, Helen is hellbent on revenge before realizing she has stumbled into a global conspiracy that could possibly result in World War III, and pits her against the Black Doves and its brusque, cold-blooded leader, Mrs. Reed (Sarah Lancashire). As well as fighting off both U.S. and Chinese assassins, plus some murderous U.K. gangsters, she also goes to head to head with fellow Black Doves member Dani (Agnes O’Casey) who has designs on Wallace and is keen to see Helen out of the picture. (We won’t even mention the London-based crime organization the Clarks, who also want Helen dead.)
Following her Golden Globe nomination this week, Knightley sat down with Variety to talk about how much she knows of Helen’s murky past, hopes for Season 2 and whether she’s swapped corsets for guns permanently.
Firstly, congratulations on the Critics Choice and Golden Globe nominations! Were you expecting it?
They’ve both been a total surprise. And what a lovely thing. Because you make it for people to enjoy. Quite often they don’t; a lot of times it goes wrong. It’s really nice when you get one where you’re like, “Oh, look, we intended to do that, and people are liking it, and that’s just great.”
You’re being called the new Queen of Christmas, since this is your fourth yuletide project after “Love, Actually,” “Silent Night” and “The Nutcracker and the Four Realms.” Are you ready to take Mariah Carey’s crown?
Yeah, 100% I’m ready. As long as nobody expects me to hit those notes in that song. Apart from that, I’m totally ready.
Given you’re so closely associated with “Love, Actually,” did you hesitate when you saw “Black Doves” was also set at Christmas?
No, because I didn’t really think about the Christmas of it. It’s funny, you don’t think about the Christmas of it in the script until you’re actually watching it, and you’re like, “There’s Christmas lights all over it.” And we were very much living in Christmas for six months, because that’s how long we were shooting it. But no, I didn’t quite realize it was as Christmassy as it was. I mean, it wouldn’t have been a turn off for me, but it wasn’t intentional.
Joe Barton told me when I interviewed him recently that he was a bit Christmassed out by the end.
I feel like we were all a little Christmassed out. I mean, six months of Christmas baubles was quite intense. I think if he chooses to go back to Christmas [for Season 2], we could just about do it again. Who knows?
Joe seemed to think it wouldn’t be Christmas, but he’s open to Easter.
I mean, sure. We could have some big bunnies running around it, it’ll be great.
He also mentioned that you were specifically looking for a contemporary project, rather than something period, when he sent over the pilot for “Black Doves.” Have you hung up your corset for good?
I haven’t hung up my corset for good. I’ve never got a plan outside exactly what I’m looking for at that precise moment. I wanted something contemporary. I wanted something that was entertaining. I was quite interested in violence, and I wanted it to be set in London, because I didn’t want to have to take the kids out of school. So it was quite a specific group of things, and I didn’t really think I was going to find anything. And then my managers from America phoned up and were like, “Do you know Joe Barton?” and I’d literally just watched “Giri/Haji.” I was like “Yes!” [They said] “He’s just handed in this pilot, and it’s violent and it’s set in London and it’s contemporary and it’s Joe Barton.” And I was like, “Oh my God.” It’s’ been one of my favorite jobs to do. It was just wonderful. And I think partly because of the silliness of it. I mean, the ridiculousness of it is what made it so fun.
Were you conscious of treading the line between that melodramatic silliness and grounding it in reality?
Yes, but I think that’s what Joe’s work does so beautifully. Because when you watch “Giri/Haji” or you watch “Lazarus,” it’s a tightrope that he walks. Very few people can do it, and you recognize it as soon as you read it. Because the dialogue is so delicious, but the whole setup of it is like, “This is wild.”
I’m always thinking, “OK, what’s the reality?” So with the fight scenes, I was like, “How does somebody my size beat somebody that size?” [In Episode 2, during a knife fight between Helen and Elmore Fitch, played by Paapa Essiedu], as soon as they said knives, I said, “OK, so like a butcher. So I’d learn where the tendons were, and I’d slice the tendons and as long as I got that then they’d be debilitated and they’d bleed out and that’s fine.” And Joe was like, “But that’s horrible?” And I went, “Well, yeah.” And he was like, “No! You just hit him with a dish towel, and he gives up.” So he’s very good at balancing it, going, “Yeah, I get that that’s real. But actually, we don’t need to go that far.” I will always offer up slicing tendons, and they can reject it. That’s fine as well.
Paapa Essiedu in “Black Doves”
Courtesy of Netflix
How much did you know about Helen’s backstory when you started shooting? And are we going to see more about what happened with her stepfather and her sister in Season 2?
I mean, I’m assuming so, but I don’t know. The backstory was growing and changing as we went, which was quite interesting. My big question was always, did I kill the stepfather? Because that’s quite a big character point. He went “Absolutely not. You didn’t kill the stepfather.” And then at some point we did shoot a scene where I say I killed the stepfather. I’m like, “Wait a minute…” And then he was like, “Oh no, actually, I’m taking it out again.” So it was up in the air. I suspect I probably did.
What would you like to see Helen do in Season 2?
I want to kill Dani. I don’t think it’s OK that she tried to fuck my husband and kill me on Christmas Eve. So [Joe and I] are having a very funny text line at the moment where I’m basically saying, “Let me kill Dani.” And he’s like “Errr.” I’m going murderous, and he’s like, “No, wait a minute!”
To be fair, those are good reasons for Helen to kill Dani.
She’d definitely kill Dani! It’s not OK to fuck her husband, or try to fuck her husband. I mean, I get to have affairs, but he does not, obviously.
Do you think Helen loves Wallace?
I think everything for her is real. I think she does love her husband. I think she does love her children. I think there is a world where she is a very good wife and a very good mother. She’s just also a horrific wife and a horrific mother, and she is betraying him at all times. So that relationship I find really interesting.
We went through a lot of discussions of exactly what this relationship would be, and I think what we came up with was, I think it is [love]. I think she stayed for a reason — because she could have gone — and so the reason that she doesn’t go is fascinating, and again, something that I think we can dig more into.
Courtesy of Netflix
Aside from the fact she’s a spy and her husband is the Minister for Defence, it’s a very relatable concept: “Do you ever really know the other person in a relationship?”
I think that’s what’s lovely about the whole thing. Yes, it’s in the ridiculous, large world of spies and all the rest of it. But ultimately, it’s about the different faces that we all wear, and that you are never known fully. The fascinating thing about this one is the only person that knows her whole self is Sam. So it’s this platonic relationship in the center, which is the only place for both of them where they can be entirely themselves.
[Helen and Sam] are desperate for that love, but they’re never going to get it, because they’ve got this side of themselves which cannot be known to the person who they’re in love with. So the melancholy of that and the loneliness of that — within this silly world of explosions and all the rest of it — is actually what gives [the show] a heart at its center, which is what I loved about it.
The scene in which Helen gives up her plan to run away in order to come and help Sam is really touching. What was it like wielding both a baby bump and a gun?
I had a prosthetic belly and prosthetic boobs and all incredibly heavy and enormous. But it was quite amazing shooting the scene, because people were really shocked by the image of it. Actually that scene came in quite a long way after we started filming. There were whispers of it, but we hadn’t quite seen how it was going to work. I think it was between [director] Alex Gabassi and Joe going, “She’s got to be pregnant.” And I think they were completely right, just judging from the set and everybody’s faces going, like “What the hell is that?” It was a good kind of shocking thing.
In literature, pregnancy is sometimes treated as the ultimate expression of femininity — and here it’s juxtaposed with you murdering assassins. Did you think about that dichotomy while shooting the scene?
It did go through my head. I’ve just never found pregnancy to be a “soft” thing. I got sciatica in my second pregnancy — I was so angry at the end of it. I was in so much physical pain, and I was so angry that I remember being in a swimming pool — the only time that I was not in pain was if I was floating in a swimming pool — and for some reason, I had to get out. And I just remember really shouting at my husband. I was like this angry hippopotamus full of rage at this whole thing. And I think that’s actually more what was in my head. I understood the rage, the discomfort of needing to piss every five seconds, having your sciatica being completely blown to pieces. I think I’m much more interested in that reality of pregnancy, and therefore that kind of violence that she’s experiencing. I could connect to that in a way that isn’t the soft, fuzzy version of pregnancy that you’re used to seeing in popular culture.
Courtesy of Stefania Rosini/Netflix
Given the potential repercussions of Sam killing Trent in the season finale, could Season 2 see Sam and Helen set against each other?
Yes! I mean, this is just fun for me and Ben — this is not me saying that this is what’s going to happen in Season 2, because I actually don’t know. But we were constantly going, “Is there a price that they’d turn on each other?” Because they are fundamentally capitalist extremists. There is no morality. So there is a price for everything. And there is nothing higher than their own ego and their own selves. They’re mercenaries. So is there a world where they turn on each other? Joe, when we talked about it, said “Absolutely not. They’re completely best friends.” But you plant a seed with Joe, and then he goes away, and he’s like “Hmmm.”
This interview has been edited and condensed.
World
Europe Day: 40 years of ties between Spain and the European Union
The Spain that knocked on Europe’s door 40 years ago was a country that had only just emerged from 40 years of dictatorship.
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Spain’s democratic transition, still fragile in some respects, found in European integration an institutional anchor, a guarantee that the freedoms it had won would not be reversed.
Felipe González, who had applied for membership in 1977 as leader of the Socialist opposition and was now governing as prime minister, saw it clearly: joining Europe was not just about economics. It was a statement of political identity. Spain was rejoining the community of democratic nations from which Francoism had excluded it.
The figures for that Spain of 1986 show how far back the starting point was: per capita income was around 7,300 euros, life expectancy was 76 and the population had yet to reach 38 million.
Exports accounted for barely 4.9% of GDP and infrastructure lagged decades behind European standards. Forty years on, per capita income is above 31,000 euros, life expectancy has reached 84 and exports have climbed to 34% of GDP.
None of these transformations can be separated from EU membership.
The early years: opening up and the shock
The initial stages of integration were not easy. Spain had to face the abrupt opening of its market to European competition, which triggered tensions across whole sectors of the economy, especially in industry and agriculture.
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) profoundly reshaped the Spanish countryside, forcing through painful reconversions but also opening up new markets for Mediterranean products. Olive oil, fruit, wine: Spanish agriculture found in Europe a stage for expansion that had been unthinkable until then.
At the same time, European structural funds began to flow into a country that was in desperate need of them. The motorways that now link the Peninsula, the trains that criss-cross the country, the modernised ports, the telecommunications systems: all of this was built to a large extent with financial backing from Brussels.
In four decades, Spain has received more than 185 billion euros in European funds for infrastructure, employment, innovation and regional development. Without that injection, modernisation would have taken generations longer.
An unexpected symbol of those early years was the Erasmus programme, launched by the European Community in 1987. What began as a modest university exchange initiative gradually became the defining experience of a generation.
Spain became the country that receives the most Erasmus students in all of Europe, and more than 1.6 million Spaniards have taken part in the programme over these four decades. For many young people, Erasmus was not just a semester abroad: it was the first time they truly felt European.
Maastricht and the dream of the single currency
The year 1992 marked a turning point for all of Europe, and Spain was fully aware of its significance. The signing of the Treaty on European Union in Maastricht transformed the European Economic Community into the European Union proper and opened the way to the single currency.
For Spain, Maastricht also meant taking on economic convergence commitments that required deep reforms: deficit control, keeping inflation in check, budgetary discipline. It was the price of having a seat at the top table.
In parallel, 1995 brought another of the great achievements of the European project: the entry into force of the Schengen Agreement in Spain, alongside Germany, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Portugal.
For the first time in modern history, citizens could cross Europe’s internal borders without showing their passport. The Schengen area was not just a convenience for tourists; it was the physical embodiment of an idea: that in Europe, people’s freedom of movement was a right, not a privilege.
And then the euro arrived. On 1 January 1999, Spain became one of the eleven founding countries of the eurozone, adopting the single currency for financial and commercial transactions.
On 1 January 2002, notes and coins reached citizens’ pockets and the peseta disappeared for good. It was a moment full of emotion and also tinged with a certain melancholy: the peseta was being abandoned, a currency with centuries of history, but something bigger was being gained, the feeling of sharing an economic destiny with hundreds of millions of Europeans.
Fittingly, it was at a summit held in Madrid in December 1995 that European leaders finally agreed on the name of the new currency: the euro.
Institutional leadership on five occasions
Over these 40 years, Spain has not limited itself to benefiting from the European project: it has also helped to build it. Since 1986, the country has held the Presidency of the Council of the European Union on five occasions, the most recent in the second half of 2023, under the motto “Europe, closer”, making it one of the member states most committed to driving the Union forward institutionally.
Three presidents of the European Parliament and nine European commissioners have been Spaniards over these four decades, a presence that reflects Spain’s growing weight in Europe’s political architecture.
Spain has also helped design some of the EU’s most important policies. It played a leading role in developing cohesion policy and in boosting the EU’s social dimension.
It was instrumental in including in the Amsterdam Treaty a sanctions mechanism for states that breached the Union’s fundamental values. And for decades it has played a distinctive role as a bridge between Europe and Ibero-America, drawing on its historical, cultural and linguistic ties with Latin America to enhance the EU’s external projection.
The great crisis and test of the euro
The years of the Great Recession brutally tested the strength of the European project and Spain’s resilience. The 2008 financial crisis triggered a devastating recession in the country: unemployment climbed above 26% in 2013, the construction sector collapsed and the financial system had to be partially bailed out with European funds.
The austerity policies imposed from Brussels fuelled deep social discontent and fed European scepticism among parts of the population that had borne the brunt of the cuts.
Even so, Spain did not abandon the euro or the European project. It opted for reform and recovery within the EU framework, and from 2014 it entered a growth cycle that was among the strongest in the eurozone. Painful as it was, the crisis also ended up showing that EU membership offered a safety net that would have been unimaginable alone.
The banking rescue coordinated by the European institutions, the financial solidarity mechanisms, access to capital markets underpinned by the European Central Bank: without Europe, the fallout could have been much more severe.
The pandemic and the NextGenerationEU funds
If the 2008 crisis was a test of endurance, the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 was something different: a demonstration that European solidarity could evolve into new, more ambitious forms.
For the first time in the history of European integration, the Union took on joint debt to finance the recovery of its member states. The NextGenerationEU funds made more than 140 billion euros in grants and loans available to Spain, the largest injection of European resources in the country’s history.
The pandemic was also a reminder that, when it works, European solidarity is an extraordinary asset. The coordination in vaccine purchasing, the European COVID certificate that made it possible to restore mobility, the joint response to an unprecedented threat: all this showed European citizens, Spaniards included, that the EU project was not just a market but also a community of shared destiny.
Forty years of transformation
The numbers tell a powerful story. Spanish exports of goods rose from 12.6 billion euros in 1986 to 141.5 billion in 2024. Real GDP has grown by more than 100% since accession. Life expectancy has increased by eight years over the past four decades.
The population has grown by more than 10 million people, largely thanks to immigration made possible by European prosperity. And more than 1.4 million young Spaniards have benefited from the European Youth Guarantee scheme to get into work.
The Spanish prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, has marked the day on his x.com account, stressing that the European Union is Spaniards’ home and future, as well as their privilege and their responsibility.
The challenges of the next 40 years
The anniversary is not only a time for celebration. It is also a moment for honest reflection on what still remains to be built. Territorial inequalities between the autonomous communities remain significant.
The green transition, population ageing, digital transformation and migration flows pose challenges that no country can face alone. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reshaped Europe’s security map and forces Spain to rethink its contribution to common defence, as we have also seen with the US–Iran conflict and threats against European bases.
The new generations, who have grown up knowing no reality other than the European one, expect the Union to respond more effectively to these challenges. For them, Europe is not a historic achievement to be defended, but a starting point to be improved. That demand, far from being a threat to the project, is perhaps its best guarantee for the future.
Forty years on from that January night in 1986, European membership is now so taken for granted that it is hard to imagine Spain outside it.
World
Peter Magyar Prepares to Take Over as Hungary’s Leader From Viktor Orban
Peter Magyar, the former opposition leader, prepared to be sworn in as prime minister of Hungary on Saturday, after winning an uphill election campaign to unseat Viktor Orban, whose 16 years in power made him a global icon of nationalist right-wing politics.
Mr. Magyar, a 45-year-old lawyer, has vowed to reverse the democratic backsliding and embedded corruption that ultimately turned huge numbers of voters away from Mr. Orban’s Fidesz party and handed the opposition Tisza movement a landslide victory less than a month ago.
In April, Tisza, which Mr. Magyar took over in 2024 after souring on Fidesz and breaking from it, secured an overwhelming 141 seats in the national assembly. Fidesz managed to keep control of only 52 seats, despite extensive gerrymandering, near-total control of the news media and a full-throated endorsement from President Trump and his top officials.
The scale of Mr. Magyar’s victory has left Fidesz in pell-mell retreat, and has the potential to give him a powerful hand as he faces the monumental task of dismantling what Mr. Orban called “illiberal democracy” and reviving Hungary’s anemic economy.
But Mr. Magyar will have to prove his ability to lead the country. Many in his parliamentary faction are political novices; so is most of his cabinet.
His job could be harder if Fidesz-appointed dignitaries, including the president, the chief prosecutor, and heads of various judicial, regulatory, and oversight authorities remain at their post. Mr. Magyar instructed them to resign by the end of May
Many former Fidesz loyalists are already distancing themselves from the losing party.
Mr. Magyar has also pledged to hold corrupt businessmen and politicians accountable and to recover stolen funds for the state. That could, at least temporarily, help stabilize the economy.
A key test will be if he can reclaim E.U. funding withheld from the previous government, more than $12 billion of which is set to expire in August.
Voters have faith in him, according to a new poll by Median, an independent pollster that predicted the election result accurately. Seventy-two percent of Hungarians now think Mr. Magyar is suitable to lead the country.
Endre Hann, Median’s founder and managing director, said belief in Mr. Magyar helped overturn the rule of Mr. Orban, as “society gradually came to realize that Fidesz could be defeated.”
This belief persisted after the election. According to the same poll, nearly two-thirds of Hungarians think the country is headed in the right direction, twice the level recorded in November. But the Tisza government will have to “take many concrete steps to meet the high expectations,” Mr. Hann added.
Mr. Magyar will have to tread carefully. He won by pitching himself as a conservative to win over disaffected Fidesz voters. Liberal and left-wing voters disliked many of his views on immigration and L.G.B.T.Q. issues but supported him because he offered the first viable alternative to Mr. Orban in years.
Some expectations for a real change of direction for Hungary, both within the country and abroad, may prove overblown.
Mr. Magyar pledged to maintain border security, even in the face of E.U. asylum policies, while preserving good relations with the bloc. He said he would not veto the $106 billion loan package for Ukraine, though he plans to opt out of the financing.
Progressives hope he will abide by a recent ruling by the European Court of Justice and repeal a 2021 “child protection law” that connected homosexuality with pedophilia and restricted gay rights.
But doing so would risk alienating his right-wing voters, playing into Fidesz narratives that he is a closet liberal and a puppet of the European Union.
Civil organizations, for now, simply hope that Mr. Magyar will see them as partners, said Emese Pasztor, a lawyer and project manager at Budapest-based human rights organization Tasz. She said Tisza’s election victory felt like a “breath of fresh air.”
Ms. Pasztor hoped the new administration would be more receptive to criticism and willing to engage in discussion. “If governance would be transparent, and the public had better access to information,” that alone would be a success, she added.
Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karacsony, who was vilified by the Fidesz government, is hoping that the relationship between the capital and the state will improve.
For years, the mayor accused Mr. Orban’s government, which drew most of its support from outside the relatively liberal capital, of withholding funding and weaponizing the tax system against the city.
“We’ve lost the last six years locked in a constant financial and political battle with the government,” Mr. Karacsony said in an interview. A lot of the city’s development and investment in infrastructure, which said were in very poor condition, had been put on hold.
“We want to honor 16 years of struggle and usher in a new era in Hungary,” Mr. Karacsony said. “We want to remember the sins of the Orban government to make sure that this kind of exclusionary, hate-driven political culture never takes root again.”
World
Three hikers killed after climbing restricted Indonesian volcano to create online content, police say
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Three people are dead and five others were injured Friday when Mount Dukono erupted on a remote Indonesian island, where the hikers were in a restricted area, authorities said.
About 20 climbers set out Thursday to climb the nearly 1,355-meter (4,445-foot) volcano in Halmahera, Indonesia, despite safety restrictions, North Halmahera police chief Erlichson Pasaribu said.
“They were aware that climbing was prohibited as the mountain is a restricted zone due to its high alert status, but insisted on going ahead,” Pasaribu said.
Despite warnings on social media and signs at the site, “many people remain determined to climb, driven by the desire to create online content,” Pasaribu said.
‘RECKLESS’ TOURISTS ON ISLAND HOT SPOT COULD BE SLAPPED WITH FINES FOR EMERGENCY SERVICES USE
In this photo released by the Badan Geologi, the geological agency of Indonesia’s Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, Mount Dukono releases volcanic materials during an eruption in North Halmahera, Indonesia, Friday, May 8, 2026. (Badan Geologi via AP)
Pasaribu said that three people, including one local resident and two Singaporeans, were killed in the eruption. The Indonesian victim was from Ternate, which is in the same province as Mount Dukono.
The three victims’ bodies remain on the volcano, with ongoing eruptions and difficult terrain preventing them from being evacuated by rescue teams, Pasaribu said.
The group became stranded when the volcano erupted at 7:41 a.m. local time, sending a column of ash over six miles into the sky.
STUNNING PHOTOS CAPTURE MOMENT ONE OF INDONESIA’S MOST ACTIVE VOLCANOES ERUPTS
Rescue teams were deployed after receiving an emergency signal from the mountain area.
Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)
As of Friday afternoon, 17 climbers had been safely evacuated, including seven Singaporean nationals and two Indonesians who joined the rescue operation and provided information on climbing routes of the victims before the eruption, National Disaster Management Agency spokesperson Abdul Muhari said.
Five of those evacuated were reported injured.
MORE THAN 20 ‘ILL-PREPARED’ HYPOTHERMIC HIKERS RESCUED FROM SNOWY CONDITIONS ON NEW ENGLAND’S HIGHEST PEAK
Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Photo by Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images) (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Pasaribu said that police will question those who joined the hikers up the mountain. Fox News Digital has reached out to the Indonesian National Police for additional information.
According to the Smithsonian Institution’s Global Volcanism Program, Mount Dukono has been continuously erupting since 1933.
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“Friday’s eruption was among the strongest during this period,” said Lana Saria, who heads Indonesia’s Geology Agency at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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