Keira Knightley and Andrew Buchan in “Black Doves”
Courtesy of Netflix
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Keira Knightley Hopes Helen Can Finish Off Dani in ‘Black Doves’ Season 2: ‘I Don’t Think It’s OK That She Tried to F— My Husband and Kill Me on Christmas Eve’
SPOILER ALERT: This article contains major spoilers from “Black Doves” Season 1, now streaming on Netflix.
“Black Doves,” Keira Knightley’s first television series in more than two decades, has already proved a massive success for Netflix, which, knowing it had a hit, had ordered a second season from Knightley and creator/showrunner Joe Barton before the show even premiered.
Over the course of six episodes, viewers have been entranced by Helen (Knightley) as she balances her competing roles: elegant wife of Wallace (Andrew Buchan), the Minister of Defence, doting mother of twins, supportive friend to semi-alcoholic assassin Sam (Ben Whishaw), passionate affair partner to her lover Jason (Andrew Koji) and ruthless spy for a mercenary organization called the Black Doves.
After Jason is mysteriously murdered, Helen is hellbent on revenge before realizing she has stumbled into a global conspiracy that could possibly result in World War III, and pits her against the Black Doves and its brusque, cold-blooded leader, Mrs. Reed (Sarah Lancashire). As well as fighting off both U.S. and Chinese assassins, plus some murderous U.K. gangsters, she also goes to head to head with fellow Black Doves member Dani (Agnes O’Casey) who has designs on Wallace and is keen to see Helen out of the picture. (We won’t even mention the London-based crime organization the Clarks, who also want Helen dead.)
Following her Golden Globe nomination this week, Knightley sat down with Variety to talk about how much she knows of Helen’s murky past, hopes for Season 2 and whether she’s swapped corsets for guns permanently.
Firstly, congratulations on the Critics Choice and Golden Globe nominations! Were you expecting it?
They’ve both been a total surprise. And what a lovely thing. Because you make it for people to enjoy. Quite often they don’t; a lot of times it goes wrong. It’s really nice when you get one where you’re like, “Oh, look, we intended to do that, and people are liking it, and that’s just great.”
You’re being called the new Queen of Christmas, since this is your fourth yuletide project after “Love, Actually,” “Silent Night” and “The Nutcracker and the Four Realms.” Are you ready to take Mariah Carey’s crown?
Yeah, 100% I’m ready. As long as nobody expects me to hit those notes in that song. Apart from that, I’m totally ready.
Given you’re so closely associated with “Love, Actually,” did you hesitate when you saw “Black Doves” was also set at Christmas?
No, because I didn’t really think about the Christmas of it. It’s funny, you don’t think about the Christmas of it in the script until you’re actually watching it, and you’re like, “There’s Christmas lights all over it.” And we were very much living in Christmas for six months, because that’s how long we were shooting it. But no, I didn’t quite realize it was as Christmassy as it was. I mean, it wouldn’t have been a turn off for me, but it wasn’t intentional.
Joe Barton told me when I interviewed him recently that he was a bit Christmassed out by the end.
I feel like we were all a little Christmassed out. I mean, six months of Christmas baubles was quite intense. I think if he chooses to go back to Christmas [for Season 2], we could just about do it again. Who knows?
Joe seemed to think it wouldn’t be Christmas, but he’s open to Easter.
I mean, sure. We could have some big bunnies running around it, it’ll be great.
He also mentioned that you were specifically looking for a contemporary project, rather than something period, when he sent over the pilot for “Black Doves.” Have you hung up your corset for good?
I haven’t hung up my corset for good. I’ve never got a plan outside exactly what I’m looking for at that precise moment. I wanted something contemporary. I wanted something that was entertaining. I was quite interested in violence, and I wanted it to be set in London, because I didn’t want to have to take the kids out of school. So it was quite a specific group of things, and I didn’t really think I was going to find anything. And then my managers from America phoned up and were like, “Do you know Joe Barton?” and I’d literally just watched “Giri/Haji.” I was like “Yes!” [They said] “He’s just handed in this pilot, and it’s violent and it’s set in London and it’s contemporary and it’s Joe Barton.” And I was like, “Oh my God.” It’s’ been one of my favorite jobs to do. It was just wonderful. And I think partly because of the silliness of it. I mean, the ridiculousness of it is what made it so fun.
Were you conscious of treading the line between that melodramatic silliness and grounding it in reality?
Yes, but I think that’s what Joe’s work does so beautifully. Because when you watch “Giri/Haji” or you watch “Lazarus,” it’s a tightrope that he walks. Very few people can do it, and you recognize it as soon as you read it. Because the dialogue is so delicious, but the whole setup of it is like, “This is wild.”
I’m always thinking, “OK, what’s the reality?” So with the fight scenes, I was like, “How does somebody my size beat somebody that size?” [In Episode 2, during a knife fight between Helen and Elmore Fitch, played by Paapa Essiedu], as soon as they said knives, I said, “OK, so like a butcher. So I’d learn where the tendons were, and I’d slice the tendons and as long as I got that then they’d be debilitated and they’d bleed out and that’s fine.” And Joe was like, “But that’s horrible?” And I went, “Well, yeah.” And he was like, “No! You just hit him with a dish towel, and he gives up.” So he’s very good at balancing it, going, “Yeah, I get that that’s real. But actually, we don’t need to go that far.” I will always offer up slicing tendons, and they can reject it. That’s fine as well.
Paapa Essiedu in “Black Doves”
Courtesy of Netflix
How much did you know about Helen’s backstory when you started shooting? And are we going to see more about what happened with her stepfather and her sister in Season 2?
I mean, I’m assuming so, but I don’t know. The backstory was growing and changing as we went, which was quite interesting. My big question was always, did I kill the stepfather? Because that’s quite a big character point. He went “Absolutely not. You didn’t kill the stepfather.” And then at some point we did shoot a scene where I say I killed the stepfather. I’m like, “Wait a minute…” And then he was like, “Oh no, actually, I’m taking it out again.” So it was up in the air. I suspect I probably did.
What would you like to see Helen do in Season 2?
I want to kill Dani. I don’t think it’s OK that she tried to fuck my husband and kill me on Christmas Eve. So [Joe and I] are having a very funny text line at the moment where I’m basically saying, “Let me kill Dani.” And he’s like “Errr.” I’m going murderous, and he’s like, “No, wait a minute!”
To be fair, those are good reasons for Helen to kill Dani.
She’d definitely kill Dani! It’s not OK to fuck her husband, or try to fuck her husband. I mean, I get to have affairs, but he does not, obviously.
Do you think Helen loves Wallace?
I think everything for her is real. I think she does love her husband. I think she does love her children. I think there is a world where she is a very good wife and a very good mother. She’s just also a horrific wife and a horrific mother, and she is betraying him at all times. So that relationship I find really interesting.
We went through a lot of discussions of exactly what this relationship would be, and I think what we came up with was, I think it is [love]. I think she stayed for a reason — because she could have gone — and so the reason that she doesn’t go is fascinating, and again, something that I think we can dig more into.
Courtesy of Netflix
Aside from the fact she’s a spy and her husband is the Minister for Defence, it’s a very relatable concept: “Do you ever really know the other person in a relationship?”
I think that’s what’s lovely about the whole thing. Yes, it’s in the ridiculous, large world of spies and all the rest of it. But ultimately, it’s about the different faces that we all wear, and that you are never known fully. The fascinating thing about this one is the only person that knows her whole self is Sam. So it’s this platonic relationship in the center, which is the only place for both of them where they can be entirely themselves.
[Helen and Sam] are desperate for that love, but they’re never going to get it, because they’ve got this side of themselves which cannot be known to the person who they’re in love with. So the melancholy of that and the loneliness of that — within this silly world of explosions and all the rest of it — is actually what gives [the show] a heart at its center, which is what I loved about it.
The scene in which Helen gives up her plan to run away in order to come and help Sam is really touching. What was it like wielding both a baby bump and a gun?
I had a prosthetic belly and prosthetic boobs and all incredibly heavy and enormous. But it was quite amazing shooting the scene, because people were really shocked by the image of it. Actually that scene came in quite a long way after we started filming. There were whispers of it, but we hadn’t quite seen how it was going to work. I think it was between [director] Alex Gabassi and Joe going, “She’s got to be pregnant.” And I think they were completely right, just judging from the set and everybody’s faces going, like “What the hell is that?” It was a good kind of shocking thing.
In literature, pregnancy is sometimes treated as the ultimate expression of femininity — and here it’s juxtaposed with you murdering assassins. Did you think about that dichotomy while shooting the scene?
It did go through my head. I’ve just never found pregnancy to be a “soft” thing. I got sciatica in my second pregnancy — I was so angry at the end of it. I was in so much physical pain, and I was so angry that I remember being in a swimming pool — the only time that I was not in pain was if I was floating in a swimming pool — and for some reason, I had to get out. And I just remember really shouting at my husband. I was like this angry hippopotamus full of rage at this whole thing. And I think that’s actually more what was in my head. I understood the rage, the discomfort of needing to piss every five seconds, having your sciatica being completely blown to pieces. I think I’m much more interested in that reality of pregnancy, and therefore that kind of violence that she’s experiencing. I could connect to that in a way that isn’t the soft, fuzzy version of pregnancy that you’re used to seeing in popular culture.
Courtesy of Stefania Rosini/Netflix
Given the potential repercussions of Sam killing Trent in the season finale, could Season 2 see Sam and Helen set against each other?
Yes! I mean, this is just fun for me and Ben — this is not me saying that this is what’s going to happen in Season 2, because I actually don’t know. But we were constantly going, “Is there a price that they’d turn on each other?” Because they are fundamentally capitalist extremists. There is no morality. So there is a price for everything. And there is nothing higher than their own ego and their own selves. They’re mercenaries. So is there a world where they turn on each other? Joe, when we talked about it, said “Absolutely not. They’re completely best friends.” But you plant a seed with Joe, and then he goes away, and he’s like “Hmmm.”
This interview has been edited and condensed.
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Trump says ‘Iran lies and cheats’ as IRGC emerges as dominant force in negotiations with US
Trump threatens more strikes on Iran at NATO summit
Fox News senior strategic analyst retired Gen. Jack Keane analyzes the latest U.S. strikes on Iran, the Strait of Hormuz’s strategic importance and breaks down Ukraine’s request for more aid on ‘America’s Newsroom.’
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As President Donald Trump voiced growing frustration Wednesday with Iranian negotiators, accusing them of lying and cheating, the latest escalation has exposed an even more fundamental problem for Washington: whether the officials at the negotiating table have the power to deliver an agreement — or whether anyone in Tehran does.
“I don’t know if we’re going to have a deal. We may just do it without a deal,” Trump said at the NATO summit in Ankara. “These people, they lie and they cheat.”
But Trump’s frustration with Iran’s negotiators is only part of the problem. Since the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, it has become increasingly unclear who in Tehran has the authority to make — and enforce — an agreement.
TRUMP SAYS IRAN CEASEFIRE IS ‘OVER’ AFTER IRANIAN ATTACKS TRIGGER MASSIVE US RESPONSE
Tehran has deployed a new front on social media including an influence campaign to sway Americans and undermine President Donald Trump’s push for a nuclear deal. (Hamed Malekpour / Middle East Images / AFP via Getty Images)
Mojtaba Khamenei succeeded his father as supreme leader after the elder Khamenei was killed in the opening U.S.-Israeli attacks on Feb. 28. But Mojtaba has not appeared publicly since the attack, and U.S. assessments cited by Reuters have described authority as dispersed among senior Revolutionary Guard commanders and powerful civilian officials.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former IRGC commander who led Iran’s negotiating delegation, has emerged as one of the country’s most powerful surviving political figures.
Banafsheh Zand, an Iranian-American journalist and editor of the Iran So Far Away Substack, said power inside the Islamic Republic has fractured since the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, leaving the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as the country’s dominant force.
“The person who is negotiating with the U.S. is not necessarily someone who is endorsed by the others,” Zand told Fox News Digital.
She described Ghalibaf as one power center competing with figures including IRGC commander-in-chief Ahmad Vahidi, Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani and former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.
Vahidi controls the IRGC’s overall military structure, while Qaani oversees its external operations and relationships with Iran-aligned armed groups across the region. Zarif, by contrast, remains closely identified with the more accommodationist political camp that previously championed negotiations and sanctions relief.
“The hardliners, in terms of their political presence, have also been pushed aside,” Zand said. “So really, it’s the IRGC. And within the IRGC, whoever signs the deal is not necessarily signing on behalf of everybody else. They’re signing on behalf of themselves.”
Her assessment reflects a central problem facing Washington: Iran’s negotiators, political institutions and military commanders may not share the same interpretation of what was agreed — or the same willingness to implement it.
US CLAWS BACK KEY CONCESSION TO IRAN AFTER FRESH ATTACKS ON COMMERCIAL SHIPS IN STRAIT OF HORMUZ
Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi were greeted by Pakistan Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and Army Chief Field Marshal Gen. Asim Munir upon their arrival at Nur Khan airbase in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, on April 11, 2026. (Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs/AP)
Yet Trump’s declaration does not necessarily mean diplomacy has been permanently abandoned.
Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that the clearest evidence would be the restoration of the U.S. blockade, the introduction of additional military forces or a new round of major economic sanctions.
Otherwise, he said, Trump may continue operating in the “gray zone” between negotiations and open war while keeping his options available.
The more difficult question is why Tehran would jeopardize sanctions relief and risk overwhelming American firepower when its military has already been severely degraded.
Ben Taleblu said Iran’s leaders appear to believe escalation is essential to the survival of the Islamic Republic.
“This is a regime that is weaker, but lethal, and less capable, but more confident,” he said. Iran’s leadership believes its adversaries have vulnerable economic and military interests throughout the Gulf, he added, while the regime itself is more willing to accept destruction.
People hold placards with an image of Iran’s new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei with late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, during a gathering to support Mojtaba Khamenei, amid the U.S.-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, March 9, 2026. (Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) Via Reuters)
“Their survival and their military success and their political success runs through more, not less, escalation,” he said.
Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and the editor-in-chief of The Foreign Desk, agrees the escalation is deliberate, aimed at turning regional instability into leverage.
“By targeting commercial shipping and Arab states, the regime is signaling that it can hold global energy flows and America’s regional partners hostage to extract leverage, distract from its domestic crisis, and test U.S. red lines,” Daftari told Fox News Digital.
She said Tehran is betting that Washington and its Arab partners will be unwilling to sustain another war and will ultimately back down first.
“The regime’s core weapon is time,” Daftari said. “By escalating in the Persian Gulf and attacking ships and Arab states, they are creating rolling crises that raise the cost of confronting them while they consolidate power at home.”
Daftari argued that the strategy reflects the Islamic Republic’s longstanding character rather than a temporary response to pressure.
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Firefighters work in the aftermath of Iranian drone attacks, at a location given as Bahrain (Reuters)
“This regime was never designed to be reformed or softened,” she said. “What they are showing us now is exactly who they intend to remain: a hardline, revolutionary regime determined to stay in power.”
But determining how that strategy is translated into action is more complicated. Authority in Tehran appears divided, raising questions about who is directing the escalation and whether the officials negotiating with Washington can commit the broader security establishment.
That division is already visible in the dispute over the Strait of Hormuz.
A Middle Eastern source familiar with the issue told Fox News Digital that Tehran and Washington are operating from fundamentally different readings of Clause five of the memorandum. The publicly released text says Iran will use its “best efforts” to arrange safe commercial passage through the strait without charge for 60 days, while removing military and technical obstacles and conducting demining operations. It does not expressly state that foreign vessels must obtain Iran’s approval or use routes designated by Tehran.
According to the source, Iran interprets that language as giving it responsibility — and therefore authority — to coordinate shipping and determine the routes vessels use during the interim period. Washington’s interpretation is that Iran agreed to lift its maritime blockade and fully reopen the international waterway.
When the two sides have different interpretations of a single page, how do they intend to write a treaty, the source said.
Iran views control over passage through the Strait of Hormuz as one of its last major sources of leverage over the United States, Gulf governments and the global economy, the source said, “That is the heart of the matter.”
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The truck carrying the coffins of the slain Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and members of his family makes its way through mourners during the funeral procession toward Azadi Tower in Tehran, Iran, on Monday, July 6, 2026. (Vahid Salemi/AP)
Taken together, the experts’ assessments suggest Tehran is unlikely to face a simple choice between surrendering to Trump’s pressure and returning to negotiations. Ben Taleblu said the regime believes its survival depends on “more, not less, escalation,” while Daftari said it is deliberately “playing out the clock” by creating repeated regional crises. That raises the prospect that, even if Iranian officials return to the table, the IRGC could continue targeting commercial shipping, U.S. interests and American allies to preserve its leverage and strengthen its position inside Iran.
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