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Harris is more popular than Trump among AAPI voters, a new APIA Vote/AAPI Data survey finds

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Harris is more popular than Trump among AAPI voters, a new APIA Vote/AAPI Data survey finds

WASHINGTON (AP) — Vice President Kamala Harris is viewed more favorably by Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander registered voters than former President Donald Trump, according to a new poll. AAPI voters are also more likely to believe that she is the candidate who better represents their background and policy views.

The new survey from AAPI Data and APIAVote finds that around 6 in 10 AAPI voters have a very or somewhat favorable opinion of Harris, while about one-third have a somewhat or very unfavorable view. In comparison, 3 in 10 AAPI voters have a positive view of Trump and around two-thirds view him negatively.

That’s an increase in favorability for Harris since October 2023, when an AP-NORC/AAPI Data poll found that about half of AAPI adults had a somewhat or very favorable view of her. Opinions of Trump among this group have remained stable.

Harris is both Black and South Asian American, and has worked to rally AAPI voters in swing states like Georgia where their numbers are growing. But while the poll indicates that AAPI voters are much more likely to see their own cultural identity reflected in her than in Trump — about half of AAPI voters say Harris better represents their background and culture, while only about 1 in 10 say this about Trump — it’s not clear how much this is influencing their perspectives on the candidates.

Only about 3 in 10 AAPI voters say that Harris’ Asian Indian identity is extremely or very important to them, although some AAPI Americans may be more connected to her background than others. About 7 in 10 Asian Indian adults see Harris as the candidate who better represents their background and culture, which is higher than AAPI adults overall.

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Ping Hackl, a 27-year-old Chinese American independent in Tulsa, Oklahoma, is planning to vote for Harris, but not because of the Democratic candidate’s race or gender.

“I don’t really care. She can be anybody,” said Hackl.

Hackl says she worries about the preservation of democracy and divisiveness that could lead to political violence. Thus, she feels Trump “is very dangerous to the country.”

In fact, the poll indicates that Harris’ gender may be more salient to AAPI voters than her racial background. While the Harris campaign has avoided emphasizing that she could be the first female president, about half of AAPI women voters say her identity as a woman is extremely or very important to them.

AAPI women are also more likely than AAPI men to say their own background as Asian or Asian American is at least “very” important to how they think of themselves, and they’re also more likely to say this about their identity as a person of color. And younger AAPI voters, between the ages of 18 and 34, are especially likely to care about Harris’ identity as a woman.

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“We’ve seen so much organizing from young people as well as AAPI women who are really leading the different ethnic specific affinity groups like the South Asians for women, South Asians for Harris, Korean Americans for Harris, Chinese Americans for Harris,” said Christine Chen, executive director of APIAVote.

And the survey suggests that AAPI voters may be hearing more from Democratic organizers. About 4 in 10 AAPI voters said they have been contacted by the Democratic Party “a great deal” or “some” in the last year, while about 3 in 10 said the same about the Republican Party.

What to know about the 2024 Election

Trump and Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance have also recently echoed old stereotypes about Asian Americans and food by amplifying false rumors that Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio, are eating pets, and the poll found that the issue of racism is broadly important for this group. About 7 in 10 AAPI voters say they “could not ever” vote for a candidate who does not share their view on racism or discrimination, making it a bigger “dealbreaker” issue than the economy.

Not all AAPI voters have a negative view of Trump, though. Jihua Ma, a 45-year-old naturalized citizen from China who lives in Boston, leans Republican and voted for Trump in 2020. Ma feels Trump is still the most effective leader.

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“I recognize that he’s mean, and he sometimes posts mean pictures,” Ma said. “I’m electing someone to really run this country, not someone to be a friend, a nice person.”

Ma wants someone who will get inflation and the border under control, and he’s unsatisfied with Harris’ proposals on those issues. “I don’t see her policy has a solid platform,” Ma said, adding that he couldn’t think of any accomplishments Harris has made as vice president or as a senator from California.

And it’s still possible that Trump could make inroads with AAPI voters, although the gap in popularity between the candidates leaves a lot of ground to make up. “An issue where the Republican Party could chip away AAPI support is on the economy and on crime,” said Karthick Ramakrishnan, founder and executive director of AAPI Data. “And I think this is where, you know, Harris has tried to blunt some of those critiques by offering some proposals.”

___

Tang reported from Phoenix.

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Peter Magyar Prepares to Take Over as Hungary’s Leader From Viktor Orban

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Peter Magyar Prepares to Take Over as Hungary’s Leader From Viktor Orban

Peter Magyar, the former opposition leader, prepared to be sworn in as prime minister of Hungary on Saturday, after winning an uphill election campaign to unseat Viktor Orban, whose 16 years in power made him a global icon of nationalist right-wing politics.

Mr. Magyar, a 45-year-old lawyer, has vowed to reverse the democratic backsliding and embedded corruption that ultimately turned huge numbers of voters away from Mr. Orban’s Fidesz party and handed the opposition Tisza movement a landslide victory less than a month ago.

In April, Tisza, which Mr. Magyar took over in 2024 after souring on Fidesz and breaking from it, secured an overwhelming 141 seats in the national assembly. Fidesz managed to keep control of only 52 seats, despite extensive gerrymandering, near-total control of the news media and a full-throated endorsement from President Trump and his top officials.

The scale of Mr. Magyar’s victory has left Fidesz in pell-mell retreat, and has the potential to give him a powerful hand as he faces the monumental task of dismantling what Mr. Orban called “illiberal democracy” and reviving Hungary’s anemic economy.

But Mr. Magyar will have to prove his ability to lead the country. Many in his parliamentary faction are political novices; so is most of his cabinet.

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His job could be harder if Fidesz-appointed dignitaries, including the president, the chief prosecutor, and heads of various judicial, regulatory, and oversight authorities remain at their post. Mr. Magyar instructed them to resign by the end of May

Many former Fidesz loyalists are already distancing themselves from the losing party.

Mr. Magyar has also pledged to hold corrupt businessmen and politicians accountable and to recover stolen funds for the state. That could, at least temporarily, help stabilize the economy.

A key test will be if he can reclaim E.U. funding withheld from the previous government, more than $12 billion of which is set to expire in August.

Voters have faith in him, according to a new poll by Median, an independent pollster that predicted the election result accurately. Seventy-two percent of Hungarians now think Mr. Magyar is suitable to lead the country.

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Endre Hann, Median’s founder and managing director, said belief in Mr. Magyar helped overturn the rule of Mr. Orban, as “society gradually came to realize that Fidesz could be defeated.”

This belief persisted after the election. According to the same poll, nearly two-thirds of Hungarians think the country is headed in the right direction, twice the level recorded in November. But the Tisza government will have to “take many concrete steps to meet the high expectations,” Mr. Hann added.

Mr. Magyar will have to tread carefully. He won by pitching himself as a conservative to win over disaffected Fidesz voters. Liberal and left-wing voters disliked many of his views on immigration and L.G.B.T.Q. issues but supported him because he offered the first viable alternative to Mr. Orban in years.

Some expectations for a real change of direction for Hungary, both within the country and abroad, may prove overblown.

Mr. Magyar pledged to maintain border security, even in the face of E.U. asylum policies, while preserving good relations with the bloc. He said he would not veto the $106 billion loan package for Ukraine, though he plans to opt out of the financing.

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Progressives hope he will abide by a recent ruling by the European Court of Justice and repeal a 2021 “child protection law” that connected homosexuality with pedophilia and restricted gay rights.

But doing so would risk alienating his right-wing voters, playing into Fidesz narratives that he is a closet liberal and a puppet of the European Union.

Civil organizations, for now, simply hope that Mr. Magyar will see them as partners, said Emese Pasztor, a lawyer and project manager at Budapest-based human rights organization Tasz. She said Tisza’s election victory felt like a “breath of fresh air.”

Ms. Pasztor hoped the new administration would be more receptive to criticism and willing to engage in discussion. “If governance would be transparent, and the public had better access to information,” that alone would be a success, she added.

Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karacsony, who was vilified by the Fidesz government, is hoping that the relationship between the capital and the state will improve.

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For years, the mayor accused Mr. Orban’s government, which drew most of its support from outside the relatively liberal capital, of withholding funding and weaponizing the tax system against the city.

“We’ve lost the last six years locked in a constant financial and political battle with the government,” Mr. Karacsony said in an interview. A lot of the city’s development and investment in infrastructure, which said were in very poor condition, had been put on hold.

“We want to honor 16 years of struggle and usher in a new era in Hungary,” Mr. Karacsony said. “We want to remember the sins of the Orban government to make sure that this kind of exclusionary, hate-driven political culture never takes root again.”

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Three hikers killed after climbing restricted Indonesian volcano to create online content, police say

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Three hikers killed after climbing restricted Indonesian volcano to create online content, police say

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Three people are dead and five others were injured Friday when Mount Dukono erupted on a remote Indonesian island, where the hikers were in a restricted area, authorities said.

About 20 climbers set out Thursday to climb the nearly 1,355-meter (4,445-foot) volcano in Halmahera, Indonesia, despite safety restrictions, North Halmahera police chief Erlichson Pasaribu said.

“They were aware that climbing was prohibited as the mountain is a restricted zone due to its high alert status, but insisted on going ahead,” Pasaribu said.

Despite warnings on social media and signs at the site, “many people remain determined to climb, driven by the desire to create online content,” Pasaribu said.

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‘RECKLESS’ TOURISTS ON ISLAND HOT SPOT COULD BE SLAPPED WITH FINES FOR EMERGENCY SERVICES USE

In this photo released by the Badan Geologi, the geological agency of Indonesia’s Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, Mount Dukono releases volcanic materials during an eruption in North Halmahera, Indonesia, Friday, May 8, 2026. (Badan Geologi via AP)

Pasaribu said that three people, including one local resident and two Singaporeans, were killed in the eruption. The Indonesian victim was from Ternate, which is in the same province as Mount Dukono.

The three victims’ bodies remain on the volcano, with ongoing eruptions and difficult terrain preventing them from being evacuated by rescue teams, Pasaribu said.

The group became stranded when the volcano erupted at 7:41 a.m. local time, sending a column of ash over six miles into the sky.

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STUNNING PHOTOS CAPTURE MOMENT ONE OF INDONESIA’S MOST ACTIVE VOLCANOES ERUPTS

Rescue teams were deployed after receiving an emergency signal from the mountain area.

Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)

As of Friday afternoon, 17 climbers had been safely evacuated, including seven Singaporean nationals and two Indonesians who joined the rescue operation and provided information on climbing routes of the victims before the eruption, National Disaster Management Agency spokesperson Abdul Muhari said.

Five of those evacuated were reported injured.

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MORE THAN 20 ‘ILL-PREPARED’ HYPOTHERMIC HIKERS RESCUED FROM SNOWY CONDITIONS ON NEW ENGLAND’S HIGHEST PEAK

Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Photo by Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images) (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Pasaribu said that police will question those who joined the hikers up the mountain. Fox News Digital has reached out to the Indonesian National Police for additional information.

According to the Smithsonian Institution’s Global Volcanism Program, Mount Dukono has been continuously erupting since 1933.

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“Friday’s eruption was among the strongest during this period,” said Lana Saria, who heads Indonesia’s Geology Agency at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Cambodians struggle with displaced lives amid tense ceasefire with Thailand

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Cambodians struggle with displaced lives amid tense ceasefire with Thailand

Preah Vihear/Siem Reap provinces – When asked how she spends her day, 11-year-old Sokna rattled off a list of chores.

She first fetches water, then washes dishes and sweeps the leaves and dust from around the blue tarpaulin tent her family now calls home, in the grounds of a Buddhist pagoda in northwestern Cambodia.

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Sokna and her sister have stopped attending school, their mother Puth Reen said, since moving to this camp for people displaced by the recent rounds of fighting between Thailand and Cambodia.

The two sisters are among more than 34,440 people who remain in displacement camps in Cambodia – 11,355 of whom are children – as of this month, according to the country’s Ministry of Interior.

“I tried to tell them to go to school, but they don’t go,” Puth Reen told Al Jazeera, explaining how precarious life had become since returning to live in Cambodia after fleeing neighbouring Thailand, where she had worked for many years, as the fighting started.

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Like Puth Reen and her family, the future looks murky for the tens of thousands of Cambodians – including many schoolchildren – who are still in displacement camps, and their lives remain disrupted months after the last outbreak of fighting between Thailand and Cambodia.

Forced to flee their homes in areas where local troops are now stationed and on high alert, or in areas occupied by opposing Thai forces, Cambodia’s internally displaced say they are surviving off aid donations, while those more fortunate are transitioning from emergency tents into wooden stilted houses provided by the Cambodian government.

But with tension still evident between the leadership in Bangkok and Phnom Penh, the tenuous ceasefire along the Thai-Cambodia border means life cannot yet return to normality.

Some areas on the Cambodian border, such as the villages of Chouk Chey and Prey Chan in Banteay Meanchey province, have become rallying points for nationalists who post on social media about the Thai occupation of Cambodian territory. Their anger is directed at the large shipping containers and barbed wire that Thai forces have used to block access to villages once inhabited by Cambodians and occupied during fighting.

The Thai military-installed containers now form a sort of new frontier between the two countries.

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The Cambodian military has also prevented people, such as local farmer Sun Reth, 67, from returning to their homes in front-line areas, which are still highly militarised zones, with troops ready at any moment for a new round of fighting.

“Now the Cambodian military base is just next to [my house],” Sun Reth said, adding that she was not allowed by authorities to sleep in her modest home or pick cashew nuts from her farm to sell for a little income.

Cambodian children more focused on ‘rumours’ of war

The long-held border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia erupted into two rounds of conflict last year, over five days in July and almost three weeks in December.

Dozens were reported killed on both sides, and hundreds of thousands of civilians fled their homes as both countries’ armed forces fired artillery, rockets, and, in the case of Thailand, conducted air strikes deep into Cambodian territory. Thailand has a modern air force, a military capability not possessed by its smaller neighbour.

Cambodian and Thai officials reached a ceasefire on December 27, but the situation remains tense five months on.

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For families who fled the fighting, school continues for most children in the displacement camps, but parents say education is fragmented while their lives are still so unsettled.

Mothers at the Wat Bak Kam camp for the displaced in Preah Vihear province told Al Jazeera that primary school students can join classes at a local school, but high school students need to travel daily to the provincial capital, about 15km (9 miles) away.

Families living temporarily at the Wat Bak Kam internal displacement camp sit outside their tents, supplied by Chinese government aid [Roun Ry/Al Jazeera]

Now the rising cost of petrol, due to the US-Israel war on Iran, has made it even harder for teenaged students, who have access to motorcycles, to make the journey to school.

Kinmai Phum, technical lead for WorldVision’s education programme, which is providing support to the camps, said school dropout rates and children skipping classes have increased substantially among students from the displaced border regions.

Kinmai Phum said the situation is a perfect storm of problems: Displaced families have been forced to move around for shelters, schools and temporary learning spaces lack facilities, and some students have psychological trauma due to the conflict.

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“Local authorities [are] concerned that many children may not return to school at all if displacement and economic hardship persist,” Kinmai Phum said.

(Danielle Keeton-Olsen/Al Jazeera)
Puth Reen, left, and her three daughters sit inside their tent in a camp for the displaced at Wat Chroy Neang Ngourn in Siem Reap province [Roun Ry/Al Jazeera]

Yuon Phally, a mother of two, said she had noticed the impact of the war on her daughter and son, who are in their first and third years in primary school.

When they return from school, Yuon Phally said, they tell her about rumours they had heard about Cambodia and Thailand resuming fighting.

“Their feeling is not fully focused on school; they focus more on these rumours,” she said.

Her children’s world was more impacted by the conflict because their father is a soldier stationed in the Mom Bei area of the border.

During the fighting in December, Yuon Phally said she could not convince her children to go to school because they all waited to see if their father would call on a mobile phone from the front line.

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“I couldn’t hold back my tears, and that added more pressure onto my kids,” she said.

“They would ask about their dad and how he is doing now. Then they told me to eat rice. They understood my feelings.”

She said her children’s focus on their studies only improved after their father returned from fighting to the camp where they are staying, to rest and recover from sickness and injuries sustained in battle.

(Danielle Keeton-Olsen/Al Jazeera)
Two construction workers transport corrugated metal sheeting between the newly constructed resettlement houses for displaced Cambodians in Preah Vihear province [Roun Ry/Al Jazeera]

‘Who doesn’t want to have peace?’

Soeum Sokhem, a deputy village chief, told Al Jazeera how his home is located in the militarised “danger zone” along the border, but he feels compelled to return every few days to check on his house, tend crops, sleep an occasional night, and check in with other neighbours doing the same.

“I can’t just stay here”, he said of camp life.

“I have to go back.”

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When asked how he felt about the border war, Soeum Sokhem said he had experienced so much war in Cambodia that he did not know how to describe his “inner feeling like I really want to”.

He then listed off all the conflicts he had lived through in Cambodia since the 1960s: The spill over into Cambodia from the US war in neighbouring Vietnam; the US bombing campaign in Cambodia; the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, and the civil war that followed after Vietnam’s intervention to topple the regime’s leader Pol Pot in 1979, and which lasted until the mid-1990s.

Then in the 2000s, sporadic border fights with Thailand began, he said.

(Danielle Keeton-Olsen/Al Jazeera)
Soeum Sokhem at the internal displacement camp at Wat Bak Kam [Roun Ry/Al Jazeera]

Cambodia’s contemporary history has been anything but peaceful, a fact which might explain why the current Cambodian government so often speaks of peace. Government buildings and billboards proclaim the government’s unofficial motto: “Thanks for peace.”

“But who doesn’t want to have peace?” Soeum Sokhem said, after charting his life and the many conflicts he had lived through.

Now the 67-year-old said he once again hears gunfire occasionally when he returns to check on his home on the front line.

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“Before, when I walked there, it was normal,” he said.

“But nowadays, I walk with fear when going back there.”

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