Wyoming
Forest Service’s rural schools payout includes $4.5M for Wyoming
The federal government owns nearly half the land in Wyoming. That gives Wyomingites easy access to national forest and Bureau of Land Management (BLM) lands, but it also means they miss out on the property taxes that would be paid by private landowners.
The federal Secure Rural Schools (SRS) program aims to rectify that.
Under the program, the U.S. Forest Service will be giving Wyoming $4.5 million this year to support rural schools and roads. That’s the state’s cut of this year’s $248 million total payout.
Wyoming Congresswoman Harriet Hageman touted the program on the House floor in December.
“With such a large percentage of Wyoming’s resources historically locked up in federal lands, including national forests, communities across my state have long weathered challenges associated with reduced flexibility and a decreased tax base,” she said. “Since [the program’s] creation, Wyoming communities have received vital funding to support infrastructure projects, public education, search and rescue operations and other critical emergency services.”
The program has been repeatedly reauthorized for decades with only a few lapses. A bill resuming the payments after its most recent lapse in 2024 advanced through Congress and was signed by Pres. Trump in December.
In April, the U.S. Forest Service announced that this year’s payout, which is determined by a complex calculation, would be $248 million across the country.
“Secure Rural Schools payments reflect our strong partnership with the counties and communities that surround national forests,” Forest Service Chief Tom Schultz said in a news release. “These funds support critical infrastructure, while advancing active forest management and restoration that keep forests resilient and communities safer. We remain committed to deliver this support directly to rural communities that depend on these resources.”
The payments will be distributed to 19 of Wyoming’s 23 counties in roughly the following amounts:
- Albany: $328,000
- Big Horn: $320,000
- Carbon: $331,000
- Converse: $19,000
- Crook: $136,000
- Fremont: $715,000
- Hot Springs: $31,000
- Johnson: $179,000
- Lincoln: $370,000
- Natrona: $3,000
- Park: $664,000
- Platte: $1,000
- Sheridan: $166,000
- Sublette: $571,000
- Sweetwater: $69,000
- Teton: $550,000
- Uinta: $46,000
- Washakie: $29,000
- Weston: $5,000
The payments to Converse, Crook, Teton, and Weston Counties do not technically stem from the Secure Rural Schools program, though they are included in the forest service’s $248 million total and Wyoming’s $4.5 million.
For these four Wyoming counties, the payments are authorized by an older program, a 1908 act of Congress that gives counties 25% of the revenue generated on federal lands within their boundaries. Individual counties may choose to receive this revenue share instead of the SRS payment, and often do when the share is higher than their SRS payment would be.
For most counties in Wyoming, the SRS payment is more generous.
From timber sales to federal compensation
Legislation passed more than a century ago saw the federal government pay states some of the revenue it generated from logging activities in national forests. That was great for counties with federal forests in their backyards, but less so for counties with other less monetizable federal lands.
In 1976, the federal government started making Payments in Lieu of Taxes (PILT) to these counties to address this disparity. A 2025 congressional overview of that program states:
“PILT was enacted in response to a shift in federal policy from one that prioritized disposal of federal lands — in which federal ownership was considered to be temporary — to one that prioritized retention of federal lands, in perpetuity, for public benefit … Along with this shift came the understanding that, because these lands were exempt from state and local taxation and were no longer likely to return to the tax base in the foreseeable future, some compensation should be provided to the impacted local governments.”
Logging revenue declined in the 1990s, so Congress stepped in with the Secure Rural Schools and Community Self-Determination Act of 2000. It provided for six years of payments to the counties that had historically shared in the federal government’s logging revenue.
“It was intended to be temporary,” said Mark Haggerty, a senior fellow with the Center for American Progress, a liberal think tank. “The payments actually declined over those six years, and then they sunset. And the idea was that those counties would transition [so] they’re not going to be reliant on timber anymore. But they’ll become a recreation county, or they’ll become a remote work county, or they’ll be a retirement [county], like they’ll find another way to pay for their budgets.”
But “a lot of these rural counties have not transitioned,” Haggerty said. So the temporary program has become a semi-permanent one, with repeated reauthorizations throughout the years, often driven by the states with the most to lose if the funding went away completely.
“Wyoming is a classic case,” Haggerty said. “Wyoming pays for things with oil and gas money. It’s hard to develop a diversified tax structure around recreation in Wyoming, because you don’t have the taxes to pay for it, right? You don’t have an income tax. You have low sales taxes because you pay for things other ways.”
As the program has been renewed, its formula has been tweaked. Its overall payouts have fallen from a peak of more than $500 million when it was first reauthorized in 2008.
But some of the formula changes have benefited certain counties more than others. Now, in addition to a county’s historic timber sales, the SRS payout also takes into consideration federal land acreage and relative income levels.
“For some poor counties that have a lot of federal land but didn’t used to get a lot of timber receipts, all of a sudden their payments went up through the roof because those other formula factors really benefited them,” Haggerty said.
In Wyoming, that included Park County, which never saw Oregon-levels of logging but does have a lot of federal land.
Center for American Progress
Those same formula factors disadvantaged richer communities like Teton County, which left the program in 2008 when those changes took effect.
Center for American Progress
Today, all of these forces, as well as recent moves by the Trump administration, might be driving a wedge into the coalition of states that historically backed the SRS program.
A bipartisan coalition fractures
In the summer of 2025, SRS funding was removed from the One Big Beautiful Bill before the legislation’s passage. The Center for American Progress published an interactive map showing how the end of that funding would affect rural counties.
Each county has the option of receiving its SRS payment or taking its share of logging or other federal land revenues under the program that’s been going since 1908. When Teton County left the SRS program in 2008, it reverted to accepting revenue shares.
For many years, especially in the early years of the SRS program, it made more sense for counties to take SRS payments instead of the 1908 shares. That meant the SRS program usually had just enough support to be reauthorized. Haggerty said support came from Congress members of both parties, but only from those representing the states that benefited.
“It’s just really difficult politically,” he said. “It’s not a partisan issue, because both Republicans and Democrats in the states that get it support it. It’s a geographic problem. They just don’t have enough places that need it.”
Today, with SRS payments falling and a presidential administration pushing for more logging on national forests, Haggerty said some counties that once benefited from the SRS payments are eying a return to revenue-sharing.
“Either they think they can get more out of revenue-sharing than what a Secure Rural Schools payment might be, or they think by tying their budgets to activities on public lands, they can force the politics to open the public lands up again to more extraction,” Haggerty said. “That’s fragmented the coalition that already wasn’t big enough to consistently get it authorized. And so the future of Secure Rural Schools, I think, is probably less secure now than it has been in the past.”
The payments lapsed in 2016, and again in 2024, when Congress did not reauthorize them. The latest reauthorization also includes retroactive payments for 2024.
Wyoming
Proposed Seminoe pumped storage project draws criticisms at Wednesday public meeting
CASPER, Wyo. — A proposed pumped storage hydroelectric facility at Seminoe Reservoir drew strong criticism Wednesday at a public meeting in Casper that featured dozens of community members, conservationists and elected officials. The event was hosted by a number of organizations, including Friends of the North Platte, Trout Unlimited, the Wyoming Wildlife Federation and the Wyoming Wild Sheep Foundation.
In an April presentation to the Natrona County Board of County Commissioners, representatives from rPlus Hydro — the company behind the proposed project — said the facility would generate 970 megawatts of power. The planned system would pump water from Seminoe Reservoir to a new 120-acre upper reservoir during periods of surplus energy, releasing it back down through turbines when demand peaks to provide up to 12 hours of full-output energy storage. The project requires the construction of an access bridge, an underground powerhouse, a main access tunnel and a 29-mile transmission line to the Aeolus substation.
However, community members at the meeting voiced a wide range of concerns about possible drawbacks to the project.
Trout Unlimited representative Jim Hissong said the project could have serious impacts on the fish populations of Miracle Mile, a 5.5-mile tailwater stretch of the North Platte River located about 50 miles southwest of Casper, where the project is planned to be built.
Hissong said the impact on fish and insects will be twofold. First, he said the facility is expected to raise water temperatures, which would endanger the fish.
“Trout, when it’s about 68–70 degrees — when you hook them, the stress on the fish will be so great that it’ll kill them,” he said. “That’s why Game and Fish puts on the restrictions where once it hits a certain temperature, you pick up your rods and go home.”
Hissong added that the expected increase of sediment in the water could kill insects like mayflies and stoneflies, as well as suffocate trout eggs.
However, the project could impact more than just the aquatic species in the area, Wyoming Wild Sheep Foundation Executive Director Katie Cheesbrough said. According to Cheesbrough, the area’s bighorn sheep population — which she said is the biggest in the state and critical for the species’ health in the region — could also be harmed.
“For those of you who don’t know, you have a very special bighorn sheep herd above and around the Miracle Mile,” she told attendees at the meeting. “It’s a huge success for bighorn sheep conservation. This is a reintroduced herd and it went from 13 sheep maybe in 2003 to close to 400 sheep now. That effort came with a lot of partnerships, funding and work. Currently, it’s the healthiest bighorn sheep herd in the state. … This is the only bighorn sheep herd that we can use to reintroduce sheep to their native range in other parts of Wyoming or other parts of the country.”
But it wouldn’t be the impacts to the water that would pose the largest threat to the sheep. Instead, Cheesbrough said, the sheep would likely be driven away by blasting that is expected to take place over several years as the project gets underway.
When the sheep are driven out, Cheesbrough said they will migrate east to the Pedro Mountains in Carbon County, though they are not allowed to live there and will be subsequently removed. From there, she said, the animals will likely die.
“Removal is killing,” she said.
With impacts to the animals and environment expected, Trout Unlimited Wyoming Government Relations Director Patrick Harrington said impacts to outdoor recreation and tourism would follow. Citing a draft environmental impact study, Harrington said the area is projected to see roughly 117,000 lost recreation visits during the five-year construction period. Once completed, he said, the disturbance to the water, wildlife and landscape would likely continue to affect recreational visits.
“I think we’ll see a decline in the fishery, first initially in construction, when we may see large fish kills from large plumes of sediment going downstream. But over time, through consistent operation, we’ll see what was once a world-class fishery decline into just an average fishery,” Harrington said.
Sen. Larry Hicks, who represents Wyoming’s 11th district, said that the electricity generated by the project likely won’t be used by Wyomingites.
“This is going to go out of state, folks. We don’t need this electricity in Wyoming,” Hicks said, adding that 75% of the energy consumed in Wyoming is generated by oil and coal. “Let’s just make that clear: We’re a net exporter right now.”
“It isn’t going to be the people in Las Vegas or southern California or Phoenix that suffer the impact — it’s you and your family. Sometimes you just have to know what’s not for sale,” Hicks added, drawing applause from attendees.
On Thursday, the Travel, Recreation, Wildlife & Cultural Resources Committee of the Wyoming Legislature will meet at 8:35 a.m. at the Thyra Thomson State Office Building, 444 W. Collins Drive, to discuss the project.
Harrington urged those in attendance to attend the Thursday morning meeting, and said he was encouraged by the turnout at Wednesday’s event.
“This is a community that cares about their river and their wildlife, and it was awesome to see so many turn out to support it,” he said.
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Wyoming
Horses, hats and political propaganda as Wyoming prepares to vote – WyoFile
If your mailbox is anything like mine, it’s starting to fill up with gaudy campaign mailers from politicians who are trying their damnedest to channel Chris LeDoux (and we’ll tip our Stetsons when that name is mentioned) and failing miserably. It’s comical to watch these dudes and dudettes try to cowboy up just to get the voters’ attention!
I don’t own a television, but I’ll bet a dollar to a donut the same stuff is assaulting your eyeballs from the boob tube screen.
Their mailers and ads show politicians standing nervously next to a photogenic horse, forcing smiles through their fear. That’s because there isn’t enough money in the campaign budget to convince them to climb aboard a critter as big and scary as a horse. They wear a sombrero that looks like it was purchased under the stands at Frontier Days, and a brand new pearlsnap shirt with the price tag still attached.
Or they pose in front of a buck n’ rail fence in some rustic Wyoming meadow, clutching a gun with their trigger fingers outside the guard, as the director instructed. You can almost hear the photographer’s voice off-camera suggesting, “Now, try to look tough.”
What we are seeing in our mailboxes and on our screens is the classic Madison Avenue ploy of manufacturing opinion through an appeal, not to the consumer’s logic or reason, but to emotion and attachment to symbols. The American cowboy is one of the most powerful symbols in the propaganda professional’s toolbox, and he gets trotted out to work his magic every election season.
Decades ago, I worked on several Marlboro commercials as a wrangler and background model. The producer, from Leo Burnett advertising company of Chicago, told me that the image of the Marlboro Man was worth several billion dollars a year to the tobacco company, because the cowboy symbol sold cigarettes to folks in countries like Libya and North Korea who hated America but loved cowboys.
Think about that for a moment. One simple image is powerful enough to sell a carcinogenic American product to millions of people who hate America but identify with cowboys. That is the psychological power of advertising symbols.
Edward Bernays, Sigmund Freud’s nephew, is widely regarded as the godfather of modern advertising, public relations and propaganda. Bernays understood, in the early 20th century, how symbolic images and slogans could bypass critical thinking and implant a message directly into the subconscious reptilian part of the human brain, where instinct and emotion rule. When that part of our brain is stimulated, we act instead of think. We just say “ditto!”
That is precisely how political media manipulation works on us.
The political advertisements, resplendent with drugstore cowboy politicians, that bombard us every election are the direct lineal result of Bernays and the public relations/advertising/propaganda machine he created, and it has made vast fortunes and influenced our society for over a century.
The irony is that these mailers and videos never show politicians doing real cowboy stuff — like indulging in a three-fingered dip of Copenhagen, drinking Wild Turkey 101 straight from the bottle or getting bucked off into cactus and rattlesnakes. Images like that aren’t very mythological and won’t gather many votes.
But I digress. Every election season, we become lab rats in an ongoing experiment in politics and psychological manipulation, and the laboratory is our own brains. We are inundated with evocative pictures and slogans intended to short-circuit our intellects and engage our emotions. We are force-fed politicians who wrap themselves in appealing images and focus group-approved slogans that are intended to make us switch off our brains.
We confront Edward Bernays’ ditto-ism machine whenever we open our mailboxes or look at our screens. With every political advertisement, we are invited to suspend our intellects and just go along with the crowd.
A real cowboy would call bullshit on that nonsense.
So, it is critically important that we understand how and why political advertisers try so hard to make us act without thinking. Knowing the forces at work during a political campaign, and how they try to worm their message into our noggins, builds a healthy immune system that can resist manipulation by seductive but meaningless symbols.
A healthy skepticism toward political messaging is a necessary component in a functioning bullshit detector. Here endeth the lesson.
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