Washington
The Kurds’ Washington Dilemma
The Kurds are once again confronting a dilemma in their relationship with the United States. This time it is in Iran. Reports indicate that Washington may be exploring ways to train and support Iranian Kurdish forces for a potential ground offensive inside Iran, as U.S. and Israeli strikes continue to target the regime’s military and security infrastructure from the air. President Donald Trump even said it would be “wonderful” if the Kurds launch such an offensive.
For the Kurds, the situation revives a long-standing calculation: Aligning with Washington offers opportunities but carries the risk of abandonment, but refusing cooperation may prove even more costly in a volatile region.
The Kurds, who make up roughly 10 percent in a country of 92 million, long have been among the most marginalized communities in Iran.
It may seem natural for Iranian Kurds to align with Washington as the clerical regime in Tehran crumbles. After all, the Kurds, who make up roughly 10 percent in a country of 92 million, long have been among the most marginalized communities in Iran. Their cultural rights are restricted, political representation nonexistent, and Kurdish regions neglected economically. The regime treats even modest efforts to promote Kurdish language and culture have as security threats, with activists and teachers facing arrest and imprisonment. This systematic repression has turned the Kurds into a cohesive bloc of opposition to the Iranian regime.
Moreover, the Kurds in Iran, like in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, are largely secular and pro-American. Their willingness to work with Washington is not merely an act of opportunism aimed at benefiting from a superpower. Rather, many Kurdish political movements view partnership with the United States as aligned with their broader aspiration for democratic governance and a secular political order. Ordinary Kurds generally hold a strong affinity for America.
Repressive policies across the region have contributed to the emergence of a survival mechanism among the Kurds, most evident in their highly disciplined and organized military mindset. It is mainly for this reason that Washington has often relied on Kurdish forces to undertake some of the most difficult tasks that even conventional militaries sometimes struggle to accomplish. It has created a unique partnership to which American commanders working with Kurds, particularly in Syria, can readily attest.
Yet both distant and recent episodes of Kurdish partnership with the United States send mixed signals to the Kurds, especially now in Iran, about whether a military alignment with Washington would serve their long-term strategic interests.
The losses suffered by Kurds and the status they enjoy in Iraq, and to a lesser extent in Syria, are in large part the result of American intervention and protection.
This is a paradox. American policies have shaped both the major gains and setbacks experienced by the Kurds at different historical stages. The losses suffered by Kurds and the status they enjoy in Iraq, and to a lesser extent in Syria, are in large part the result of American intervention and protection. The U.S.-Kurdish partnership, therefore, is far from black and white; it is complex and unfolds across multiple national borders.
Part of this asymmetrical partnership with the United States is the Kurds’ lack of sovereignty. Without a state of their own, the Kurds remain not only subject to the shifting priorities of different U.S. administrations, but also lack the institutional tools needed to formalize and sustain a long-term partnership with Washington.
But Washington has the tools to recalibrate its relationship with Kurds across the region. It remains the primary power shaping developments the Middle East. And as a new regional order seems to be emerging, it is critical for the United States to maintain more partners who are aligned with its vision. Particularly in Iran, if the current war leads to regime change, having a reliable partner such as Kurds could offer Washington important strategic leverage to shape the country’s future governance.
Washington
Bengals 2026 Opponent Preview: Washington Commanders
Over the course of the next few weeks, we will be taking an in-depth look at the Bengals’ 2026 opponents. The Bengals play in Washington on Monday Night Football in Week 11 against the Commanders.
2025
The Commanders went 5-12 last season, finishing third in the NFC East a year after making a run to the NFC Championship Game. QB Jayden Daniels played in just seven games due to injury after winning NFC Offensive Rookie of the Year in 2024. Veteran Marcus Mariota started eight games, going 2-6, while now-Bengal Josh Johnson logged two starts under center.
Washington’s offense averaged 20.9 points per game last season, ranking 22nd in the league. Without their second overall pick quarterback, the Commanders struggled to pass the ball, averaging 184.1 passing yards per game, good for 24th in the league. The team’s top receiver Terry McLaurin played in 10 games as he too struggled with injuries. As a result, former San Francisco 49er Deebo Samuel led Washington with 72 receptions for 727 yards and five touchdowns.
The Commanders were more effective on the ground, ranking fourth in yards per carry (4.7) and yards per game (134.7). Washington primarily featured two backs: rookie Jacory Croskey-Merritt and Chris Rodriguez. Croskey-Merritt paced the team in attempts (175), yards (805) and touchdowns (eight) while Rodriguez added 112 carries for 500 yards and six scores.
On the other side of the ball, the Commanders allowed 26.5 points per game, the sixth most in the NFL, and 384.3 yards per game, the most in the league. Washington allowed the third-most rushing yards per game (141.8) and fifth-most yards per carry (4.8). The defense allowed 242.5 yards per game through the air, the fifth most. The unit struggled to force turnovers as well, notching the second-fewest takeaways in the NFL with 10.
Offseason Changes
Head coach Dan Quinn had to replace both coordinators this offseason, as the team decided to mutually part ways with former offensive coordinator Kliff Kingsbury and let go of defensive coordinator Joe Whitt Jr. The Commanders hired two first-time coordinators in David Blough (OC) and Daronte Jones (DC).
Washington overhauled its defense this offseason, starting with the defensive line. The Commanders signed former Ravens and Chargers DE Odafe Oweh to a four-year deal, former Texans DT Tim Settle Jr. to a three-year deal and former Jaguars and Patriots DE K’Lavon Chaisson to a one-year deal. They also drafted DE Joshua Josephs from Tennessee in the third round of the 2026 NFL Draft.
The team added LB Leo Chenal from the Chiefs in free agency and spent the seventh overall pick in the draft on LB Sonny Styles Jr. from Ohio State. On the back end, Washington signed S Nick Cross and CB Amik Robertson.
On the offensive side of the ball, Washington let Rodriguez walk in free agency and signed former Browns RB Jerome Ford and former Buccaneers RB Rachaad White instead. It added depth to the receiver room with one-year deals for Dyami Brown and Van Jefferson and used a second-round pick on Clemson WR Antonio Williams. The Commanders also signed TE Chig Okonkwo to a three-year contract from the Titans.
Washington
Trump’s proposed 250ft Washington arch clears key planning hurdle
Donald Trump’s plans to build a skyline-altering arch in the nation’s capital won initial approval Thursday from a key federal commission, but its members put off a decision on whether a federal law that limits building heights should be applied to this project.
Despite overwhelming public opposition, the National Capital Planning Commission voted to approve preliminary site and building plans for the 250ft (76m) arch the Republican president wants to build on a traffic circle at the Virginia end of the Memorial Bridge from Washington.
The project, one of several being pursued by Trump in his quest to reshape parts of the nation’s capital to his liking, moved a step closer to reality with the vote.
Staff had recommended in its report on the project that the commission grant such approval and request a series of changes so the arch would comply with the Height of Buildings Act. The suggested changes included redistributing the heights among the main structure of the arch, the habitable roof, where an observation deck is planned, and the statues that would top it.
But commissioners, led by chair Will Scharf, voted to continue deliberations on whether the law indeed applies.
The staff report said the commission has long applied the law in its approval process. Scharf said the applicant, which is the interior department, had, as requested, provided a legal analysis that he said makes a “compelling argument” that the law “is not binding on the federal government”.
The interior department oversees the federal land where the arch would be built.
Eight of the 12 commissioners, including Scharf and two others appointed by Trump, voted for preliminary approval. One was against, and the remaining three commissioners voted present.
“This is a complex project,” Scharf said before the vote. He said a vote on final approval could come at the agency’s next meeting, in September.
All 12 commissioners listened to a summary of the staff report and its recommendations, and heard from several dozen people who had signed up to testify about the project.
As the commissioners met, construction continued at the White House on a $400m ballroom Trump is building there and crews draped tarps over the stone columns at the north entrance to the mansion, where work is being done to scrape off layers of paint.
Some of those who testified against Trump’s project opposed building a celebratory arch so close to Arlington national cemetery. Others suggested it would be more appropriate for a neighborhood near the Capitol and sporting venues.
Opponents say the arch is too big and would disrupt the carefully designed view between the Lincoln Memorial and Arlington national cemetery that was meant to symbolize the reunification of the north and the south after the civil war.
The arch would be more than twice as tall as the Lincoln Memorial, which is 99ft (30m) tall, and close to half the height of the Washington Monument, at about 555ft (169m) tall.
Concerns about vehicular traffic and pedestrian safety also were expressed on Thursday. Others insisted that Congress must approve the arch – a position Trump disagrees with.
The US Commission of Fine Arts, a separate federal agency, approved the design for the arch in May. The National Capital Planning Commission oversees construction on federal land in the city and began reviewing the arch plan in June.
Trump had said last year that the arch could be paid for with unused funds from the hundreds of millions of dollars he said he has raised from corporations, donors and other wealthy people to pay to build a new $400m ballroom at the White House.
But, as it turns out, some public money will be used for the ballroom project, as well as the arch. The White House has not released a cost estimate for the arch.
Washington
Washington Commanders are retiring Hall of Famer John Riggins’ No. 44
The Washington Commanders are retiring John Riggins’ No. 44 during the upcoming NFL season, the team announced Thursday.
The Hall of Fame running back will be honored in a ceremony at halftime of the team’s game against the Los Angeles Rams on Nov. 8.
“There are certain players whose impact goes far beyond statistics, championships and accolades: They become woven into the identity of a franchise,” controlling owner Josh Harris said in a statement. “John Riggins is one of those players. …Our fans not only admired him, they identified with him. He is authentic, unapologetically himself and deeply connected to the people around him. John has meant so much to this franchise, our fans and the game of football.”
Riggins is the organization’s all-time leading rusher with 7,472 yards and 79 touchdowns on 1,988 carries and helped the team win the Super Bowl in the 1982 season.
The fan favorite nicknamed “Riggo” was the MVP of that Super Bowl for his performance best known for his memorable 43-yard TD run in the fourth quarter that put Washington ahead of the Miami Dolphins. He was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1992.
Riggins is the seventh player to have his number retired by the team, joining Sammy Baugh, Bobby Mitchell, Sean Taylor, Sonny Jurgensen, Darrell Green and Art Monk. Green, Monk and Riggins have all happened since Harris’ group took over from longtime owner Dan Snyder.
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