Is JD Vance’s working-class conservatism the future of the GOP? Utah's youngest lawmaker hopes the answer is 'yes'

Utah’s youngest state lawmaker brought his working-class roots to Washington, D.C., this month as part of a movement trying to change the course of the Republican Party.

Rep. Tyler Clancy, R-Provo, age 27, spoke on July 9 at the fourth “National Conservatism” convention, comprised of political leaders, professors and policy wonks hoping to steer the GOP away from corporate influence and toward a blue-collar populism to advance an “America First” agenda.

“As elected officials, we have more accountability to the people of America rather than companies that try to run this country,” Clancy said during his speech. Republicans are tasked with being a “check on the centralization of power by a few,” Clancy said, whether that be in the federal government or the marketplace.

Concluding the three-day-long event was an address from Ohio Sen. JD Vance, featuring a more culturally aggressive, less economically laissez-faire approach to GOP governance. Less than a week later, Vance was chosen by former President Donald Trump as his vice presidential pick in the 2024 general election and declared, by some, as the new face of the Republican Party.

While Clancy considers himself a limited-government conservative, the up-and-coming state lawmaker believes Vance is representative of an emerging crop of Republican leaders who view policy areas like more family benefits, bringing manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. and regulating “big pharma” as just as essential to conserving the American Dream as pushing for lower taxes on businesses.

“I definitely think you’ll see a shift with the younger generation,” Clancy said in an interview with the Deseret News. “We want to stand up for the working class, we want to make sure that people who are in this country and work hard and play by the rules can feed their families, make sure one medical emergency doesn’t put them into bankruptcy and make sure that we’re balancing all interests, not putting some over others, i.e., Wall Street and massive multi-national corporations.”

An evolving Republican Party

Nearly one hundred years ago, the Republican Party redefined itself in opposition to the New Deal’s tax-and-spend welfare state.

As the de facto party of smaller government, the GOP developed a “strong pro-business constituency” who benefited from lower taxes, fewer regulations and limited government intervention in the economy, said Damon Cann, chair of the political science department at Utah State University and former mayor of North Logan from 2018-2021.

But, according to Cann, Trump’s 2016 ascendancy, propelled by shift in support from white-collar to working class voters, is not without precedent in the Grand Old Party.

“There have been elements of these attitudes and beliefs lying just below the surface in the Republican Party, and I think it’s more that Trump capitalized on them than he created them,” Cann said.

The Great Recession of 2008, the collapsing trust in institutions and the influence of globalization set the stage for a GOP base that was more willing to reject elite economic opinion and international trade agreements in favor of preserving entitlement programs and subsidizing American industries, Cann said.

An example of this change in tone can be seen in Mitt Romney’s prescription in 2008 to encourage the market’s creative destruction by “letting Detroit go bankrupt”, compared to what Cann said was Trump’s message: “I’m going to fight for the lower and middle class workers who are falling as victims of globalization, whose jobs are being outsourced from United States.”

Trump’s new running-mate Vance has stated his support for the former president’s proposed agenda of “broad-based tariffs, especially on goods coming in from China” to “protect American industries from all of the competition.” Vance has introduced new railway safety regulations and has praised the Biden-appointed Federal Trade Commission Chair Lina Khan, known for her aggressive antitrust stance against large tech companies, as “doing a pretty good job.”

Maybe the biggest indicator yet of the GOP’s increasing openness to populist economic policies was the invitation for Sean O’Brien, the president of Teamsters, one of the nation’s largest private sector unions, to speak at the Republican National Convention last week.

Clancy, who has the endorsement of the Teamsters’ local chapter and the operating engineers union in Utah, said he was excited to see organized labor “start to play a role again in Republican politics.”

“Unions are a puzzle piece of our economy and help workers bargain for better wages, better worker safety, health insurance, pensions, etc.,” Clancy said.

Can the GOP be pro-business and pro-worker?

The GOP is unlikely to lose its business constituency even if Republicans continue to flirt with pro-union figures, or feature proposals to increase regulations on “big tech” or revoke China’s favored trading status, because “where else will they go?” Cann said.

“At least at present, the Democratic Party isn’t offering an attractive alternative to Republicans,” Cann said.

But it’s not the change in rhetoric that worries Derek Miller, the president and CEO of Salt Lake Chamber. It’s the prospect of a Republican Party that ceases to prioritize the principles that promote job growth and prevent economic stagnation — the principles, Miller said, that have allowed Utah to build “the most robust and prosperous economy” in the nation by “unleashing the power of free enterprise.”

“We talk about economy, we talk about business, but at the end of the day what we’re really talking about is people,” said Miller, who previously served as chief of staff to former Gov. Gary Herbert. “It’s people who start businesses. It’s people who run businesses. It’s people who make businesses successful. So to that the extent the Republican Party wants to be more focused on people I think that’s a welcome thing.”

As a former staffer in Washington, D.C., and then as the director of Utah’s Department of Commerce and the Governor’s Office of Economic Development, Miller said he has seen how tried and true Republican instincts to get government out of business lead to positive impacts for Americans.

Miller said regulations are critical to “protecting the public” and “creating a level playing field for businesses.” But, he added, “I can’t think of a single thing that would jumpstart our national economy more” than getting rid of excessive regulation.

For Clancy, the shift he most wants to see within his party isn’t necessarily toward, or away from, specific free market policies. It’s a shift toward addressing the needs of working families who haven’t traditionally had much access to political representation and bringing “hope to this part of America that’s been left behind.”

“As public servants, we shouldn’t limit ourselves to a religious-type orthodoxy of political leaders in the past,” Clancy said. “It’s more of a call for leaders to really dig in, learn the needs of our community and apply those conservative principles to 21st century problems.”