Denver, CO
Anti-Wage-Theft Laws Are Kryptonite to Dishonest Bosses
In January 2023, Denver passed a sweeping anti-wage-theft law to help workers reclaim stolen wages. In the fight to pass Resolution 22-1614, commonly known as the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance, local unions and labor advocacy groups squared off against the Denver Chamber of Commerce and business interests, who cynically claimed the bill’s “unintended consequences” would hurt workers as well as “minority- and women-owned businesses.” However, a recent report from the Labor Division of the Denver Auditor’s Office examining the impact of the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance disproves these claims and highlights the benefit of anti-wage-theft legislation to the working class.
According to Denver’s 2023 Annual Wage Theft Report, last year was the “most impactful in the Denver Labor Office’s history.” Between November 1, 2022, and October 21, 2023, the office helped over thirty-five hundred workers recoup $2 million in unpaid wages, an 85 percent increase from the year prior. What’s more, as this reporting period started before the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance was passed, it does not reflect the full potential of a full year’s worth of wage restitution. The report attributes this success to four ways in which the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance empowered the Denver Labor Office:
Armed with the authority and staffing necessary to help Denver-area workers recover their stolen wages, the Denver Labor Office sees its recent results as only the beginning. “The numbers speak for themselves,” Matthew Fritz-Mauer, executive director of the Denver Labor Office, told Jacobin. “In 2023, we helped about 1,500 more workers and collected almost $1 million more in restitution than in 2022. We understand that this is just a fraction of all the wage theft out there, so we’ll continue to hire, refine our practices, and make it clear that in Denver, workers’ rights matter.”
Not only does this report show the benefit the Civil Wage Ordinance has brought to workers in the Mile High City, but it also offers strong evidence labor groups can use to bolster similar efforts in other states and cities, with the ultimate goal of achieving federal anti-wage-theft legislation.
The Economic Policy Institute estimates that employers steal up to $50 billion in wages from American workers every year, exceeding violent theft and auto robberies combined. When the Department of Labor (DOL) studied wage theft in New York and California, it discovered that stolen wages reduced affected families’ incomes by 37 to 49 percent. This theft pushed fifteen thousand families below the poverty line and another hundred thousand families deeper beneath it.
Unfortunately, the DOL only recouped $3.24 billion in workers’ wages between 2017 and 2022, a pitiful 1.62 percent of the estimated $200 billion stolen over those four years. While many factors contribute to this low restitution rate, the predominant one is that the DOL is restricted from pursuing wage theft under the inadequate avenues offered under the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA). The FLSA limits workers to recovering only the federal minimum wage ($7.25 an hour) as opposed to their contracted wage, does not require employers to provide accurate paystubs, and has low penalties for violating employers that do not discourage repeat offenses. According to the DOL, federal wage theft penalties are so weak that over one-third of offending companies return to wage theft practices. Alternatively, companies hit with civil suites are much more likely to stop stealing wages, as are nearby employers, regardless of their industry. Denver’s Civil Wage Theft Ordinance allows workers to pursue civil suits against thieving employers, a provision other municipalities would be wise to replicate.
National lawmakers have recognized the wage theft problem and tried to remedy it, though their efforts have stalled. In 2019, Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) introduced the Wage Theft Prevention and Wage Recovery Act, which identifies and addresses issues with federal enforcement. Murray’s act emphasizes the need for stricter penalties, calling the current remedies “hollow threats” that fail to deter businesses from stealing wages. Unfortunately, the bill has been dormant for half a decade.
While instituting a powerful anti-wage-theft bill at the federal level is the ultimate goal, the current state of national politics poses serious obstacles to its passage. In the meantime, leftist groups and labor unions can focus their efforts on state and local efforts like Denver’s. Approximately 88 percent of all jobs are located in metropolitan statistical areas, i.e., cities.
Not only would city-level laws help workers reclaim lost wages for large numbers of workers at a time, but they could also create a positive ripple effect. Unpaid wages are untaxed, meaning money that should go to local programs and Social Security remains tucked away in employers’ bank accounts. According to a study on wage theft in Washington between 2009 and 2013, wage theft cost the state upward of $64 million in untaxed revenue.
Delivering material gains to the working class is also crucial to building a base of support for pro-labor politics, which is necessary to achieve federal anti-wage-theft legislation. At a time when the American Left is called to urgently offer alternatives to the neoliberal politics of centrist Democrats while stopping workers from drifting towards reactionary Republicans, a national push to bring anti-wage-theft legislation to every city in America is a valiant, actionable, and constructive goal.
When Denver Central Market opened at 2669 Larimer Street 10 years ago, the food hall was a harbinger of RINo’s revitalization, serving as an anchor destination for residents and visitors alike.
Today, the space looks to be in the midst of a seismic transition. Over the past week, three of the vendors occupying prime real estate in the 12,000 square-foot facility have exited, leaving behind empty shelves, empty counters and, in some cases, hard feelings.
The Curio bar is now temporarily closed. Shelves once full of spirits and mixers sit as empty as a frat house liquor cabinet after rush week; the long tables and stools have no drinkers to fill them. Directly across from the bar are the empty glass cases of the Butchers at RiNo, which once stored large cuts of beef, pork and chicken that customers could either order sandwiches made from on-site or take home to cook themselves.
And the long counter at High Point Creamery, occupying the space connecting the Crema coffee shop to Izzio Bakery, now lies bare, with exposed wires and broken drywall as the only evidence of its former occupant.
While there’s still plenty of activity at the other food stalls that call Denver Central Market home, all this begs the question: What the hell is going on? The food-hall’s management says it’s just part of the natural cycle of concepts entering and exiting as leases expire. Vendors, however, say they’re being pushed out.
“Changes in tenants are pretty typical for a Market/Food Hall and we’ve had very little over the past ten years,” reads a statement from Denver Central Market, delivered through a spokesperson, who notes that the exiting businesses were on 10-year leases that had expired. “But we are excited for what’s to come. News to follow.”
Vendors, however, tell a different story, accusing Denver Central Market owner Ken Wolf of pushing them out and generally making them feel unwelcome during their time at the space.
“After a decade of building High Point Creamery at Denver Central Market, we weren’t given a meaningful opportunity to continue operating there,” says High Point Creamery founder and CEO Erika Thomas. “Ken Wolf chose not to renew our lease and instead gave the space to Etai Barron of Izzio.”
Neither Denver Central Market nor representatives of Izzio have confirmed that Etai Barron is taking the space. But Thomas isn’t the only vendor to complain.
“I’d like to thank all my customers, employees, vendors, friends and family for helping Butchers at RiNo operate and almost flourish,” writes Butchers at RiNo owner and general manager Brent Ratliff. “I put a lot of blood, sweat and tears into this business that hopefully brought immense joy. It’s unfortunate property management didn’t make us feel welcome when we began, nor when we closed. Best of luck to everyone.”
Among the various allegations of heavy-handed management are instances of DCM ownership dictating the name and branding of new businesses entering the space, and even pushing back on products they chose to sell. Tenants have also cited confusing and expensive facility fees that all vendors must pay in addition to rent for shared services, such as table busing, security and maintenance services that they claim proved inadequate. Saying they fear legal action, some of the vendors who share these complaints request anonymity.
They have more specific concerns, too. On May 29, for instance, the building was temporarily closed to address an issue with the water, which vendors say was regularly not hot enough to pass health inspections, or was too low in pressure to be useful. According to city records, three in-progress Denver Department of Public Health & Environment complaints were filed against the facility May 28-29, but it is unclear if those are directly related to water problems.
According to sources, fingerpointing between DCM owner Wolf and the building’s owner, Eden Ventures, has turned this and other facility issues into a game of endless hot potato, leaving problems unresolved.
Wolf and chef Jeff Osaka — who operated the Sushi-Rama franchise in Denver, among other concepts — opened DCM in 2016 to great fanfare and customer traffic, filling a void in the then-nascent RiNo neighborhood. In 2019, Wolf sold the building occupied by Denver Central Market, along with other properties along the block, to Eden Ventures for a reported $55 million. Soon after the sale, the relationship between Wolf and Eden Ventures soured, with Wolf suing the new owners over lease-extension terms and, at one point posting signs at the food hall forbidding Eden employees from entering.
While Eden Ventures owns the building, Wolf still leases the space, and in turn leases the individual food and retail stalls to vendors. Of the 11 original vendors from a decade ago, only three are left: Izzio, Crema and Green Seed Market. Most of the concepts that have entered DCM since — including Tammen’s Fish Market, Lunchboxx, Vero, and Temper Chocolates and Confections — are companies in which Wolf has an ownership stake.
DCM management is rumored to be taking over the Curio bar space, which could reopen as soon as next week, and the Butcher in RiNo space also reportedly has an interested buyer. And whether or not Izzio replaces High Point Creamery, the owner of that venture is relieved to move on.
“Fortunately, High Point was never defined by a single location,” says Thomas. “Today we operate five locations, including our newest shop at McGregor Square. We’ve found fantastic partners who value what we bring to the table, and we’re excited about what’s ahead.”
Denver Central Market is located at 2669 Larimer Street and is open from 8 a.m. to 9 p.m. Sunday through Thursday and 8 a.m. to 11 p.m. Friday and Saturday. For more information, visit denvercentralmarket.com.
Denver, CO
Defensive lineman Jordan Miller has a tough battle to make the Broncos’ final 53-man roster
As the Denver Broncos prepare for the 2026 season, they have a lot of positives going for the franchise. One of them would be their defensive line. Once a position group with a lot of questions marks, it has ascended to one of the best units in the National Football League over the past few seasons.
The departure of John Franklin-Myers in free agency may have an impact on the group’s performance for the upcoming gridiron campaign. Though the Broncos are hoping a combination of young players they have drafted over the past several seasons can offset the loss of Franklin-Myers.
One player hoping to make the squad is defensive lineman Jordan Miller. At the conclusion of the 2024 NFL Draft, the Broncos signed Southern Methodist standout and gave him one of the biggest signing bonuses from that cycle. For the past two seasons, Miller has been a practice squad player for the Broncos. After two years learning the ropes, is Miller finally ready to earn a spot on Denver’s final 53-man roster? Let’s discuss.
Age: 26 | Experience: 2 | College: SMU (via Miami) | Height: 6’3” | Weight: 307 pounds
Arm Length: 33-3/8” | Bench: 27 reps | 40-Yard Dash: 5.18 seconds
Jordan Miller’s 2026 outlook with the Broncos
Several years ago, I highlighted Miller’s strengths in our 2024 roster review series. His strength and size at the point of attack are enticing. Additionally, he boasts a tremendous wingspan on the interior which routinely gave opposing offensive linemen in his collegiate career fits.
The physical traits Miller has are certainly promising. However, entering his third year with the Broncos, he faces steep competition in order to make the final 53-man roster. That’s no fault of his own—it’s just the reality of the situation—Denver’s defensive line is stacked.
I believe the franchise will keep six defensive lineman in the rotation once again this season. Having six players in their trenches will help keep the rotation fresh and give them a shot to be at their best. Zach Allen, Sai’vion Jones, Tyler Onyedim, D.J. Jones, Malcolm Roach, and Eyioma Uwazurike appear to be the favorites set to make the squad. With that in mind, it is hard to see a viable path for Miller to make the squad.
Given the aforementioned, it seems like Miller will once again be a practice squad candidate for the Broncos. In the event that something were to happen to Jones or Roach, I could see Miller getting called up to the active roster to help handle spot duty reps on the interior of Defensive Coordinator Vance Joseph’s defensive front.
DENVER — A lieutenant with Berthoud Fire who was injured after he was struck head-on by a wrong-way driver in Denver last month is making progress, according to a Tuesday update.
The wrong-way driver, identified as 25-year-old Kevem Dos Santos, was killed in the May 17 crash inside the barrier-separated HOV lanes on Interstate 25.
Ken Bradley, the Berthoud Fire lieutenant, was traveling to work when the crash occurred. He was transported to the hospital with serious injuries.
The crash left Bradley with multiple fractures in both legs, fractures to his left arm, a dislocated right shoulder, several broken ribs, and a collapsed lung.
Bradley’s family said he is now able to get in and out of his wheelchair on his own. But he faces additional surgeries this week to reconstruct his ankles and feet.
His family thanked the more than 800 donors who have contributed $85,000 to his GoFundMe and said he remains in good spirits.
Police have not said how Dos Santos managed to access the gate-controlled HOV lanes, leaving many questions unanswered.
Coloradans making a difference | Denver7 featured videos
Denver7 is committed to making a difference in our community by standing up for what’s right, listening, lending a helping hand and following through on promises. See that work in action, in the videos above.
-
Los Angeles, Ca1 hour agoPolice investigate deadly stabbing in Tarzana; suspect in custody
-
Detroit, MI1 hour agoDetroit Tigers sweep Tampa Bay Rays in win as Dillon Dingler stays hot
-
San Francisco, CA2 hours agoRetired San Francisco firefighter dies from lung cancer after Blue Shield denies treatment claims
-
Dallas, TX2 hours agoTrackdown: Dallas 7-Eleven robbery suspect wanted
-
Miami, FL2 hours agoThis new Italian restaurant in Brickell only has 10 items on the menu
-
Boston, MA2 hours agoVisiting Boston this summer? Here are 8 navigation tips you need to know.
-
Denver, CO2 hours agoDenver-ish Central Market? RiNo food hall vendors claim they’ve been pushed out
-
Seattle, WA2 hours agoNew Ben & Jerry’s location opening at Seattle waterfront’s Pier 54
