Colorado
Colorado’s 3rd District prepares for epic, costly election battle — even without Lauren Boebert
Since U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert opted to change her address to one clear across the state late last year, the race for Colorado’s 3rd Congressional District has fallen out of the media glare that seemingly shines on the controversial Republican congresswoman wherever she goes.
But Colorado’s largest district by land mass — taking in Grand Junction, Gunnison, Durango and Pueblo — may prove a critical contest in a closely divided Congress where the major parties are always hungry to flip a seat. That’s true, a political observer said, even if a Democrat hasn’t represented the district since John Salazar lost the 2010 election to Scott Tipton.
One big reason: Adam Frisch.
The Democrat who came within 546 votes of unseating Boebert two years ago on the Western Slope now possesses solid name recognition, including outside Colorado, and “a massive advantage in campaign finance,” said Kyle Saunders, a political science professor at Colorado State University.
Even since Boebert announced her decision to switch to the open race in the 4th Congressional District on the Eastern Plains, Frisch — who’s unopposed in the June 25 primary — has outraised every other congressional candidate in the state.
“With the margin of control of the House of Representatives being so very close, every competitive seat should — and no doubt will — be contested vigorously,” Saunders said. “While CD3 is not the most competitive seat on that list, I still expect both sides to fully engage in fighting hard for it.”
In the generally L-shaped district, which stretches from lonely Kleins Hill in the northwest corner of the state to the tiny town of Kim in Las Animas County, southeast of Pueblo, the district’s biggest voter group — at nearly 230,000-strong — are those affiliated with no party.
But with the polarizing Boebert out, it’s possible the political dynamics will revert closer to normal. That would mean, Saunders said, that “a generic Republican beats a generic Democrat by seven points” in the 3rd District, which boasts 35,000 or so more active GOP voters than Democrats.
In November, Frisch, 56, a former Aspen city councilman, will face one of a half dozen candidates seeking the Republican nomination in June — including attorney Jeff Hurd, Colorado Board of Education member Stephen Varela and ultra-conservative former state lawmaker Ron Hanks.
The other GOP contenders are Russ Andrews, a Carbondale financial adviser; Curtis McCrackin, a Delta County businessman; and Lew Webb, a former car dealership owner who lives in Durango.
Frisch’s performance in 2022 revealed the second-term congresswoman’s vulnerability among voters who had grown tired of her antics and penchant for generating unflattering headlines.
“Frisch has an experienced organization now,” Saunders said.
His financial advantage adds up to nearly $6 million on hand as of the end of March. It’s money Frisch can use to run ads and blanket the district with his name and face on yard signs. It’s more than what the six Republican candidates battling it out in the primary have in their war chests — combined.
For his part, the Democratic candidate knows he likely has a tough fight ahead without Boebert as a powerful foil.
“I am confident that the 50,000 miles driven and speaking in front of Democrats, independents and Republicans, I’ve earned the trust of a lot of people,” Frish said in an interview. “But it’s going to be a close race, without a doubt.”
He has laid out positions on border security, energy and other issues that set him apart from many in his party — though the Republicans vying to run against him question whether he could escape the larger philosophical grip of the Democratic Party.
“Adam’s running like he’s Ronald Reagan incarnated, but his party doesn’t tolerate dissent,” Andrews said. “He’s not going to be able to be nearly as conservative in Congress as he is on the campaign trail.”
Will Trump be a factor?
Widely considered the GOP frontrunner by way of his fundraising and endorsements — at least so far — is Hurd, a Mesa County native and attorney who represents electric associations. The mild-mannnered political novice entered the race last summer as an alternative to Boebert on the Republican ticket.

“I’m viewed as the guy who has the target on his back a little bit,” he said.
Hurd, 44, has raised appreciably more money than his Republican opponents and has picked up some high-profile endorsements from the likes of former Gov. Bill Owens and John Suthers, the former Colorado attorney general and Colorado Springs mayor. But he needs to do better in the money game versus Frisch, and he knows it.
Frisch took in $1.4 million in the first three months of 2024 compared to Hurd’s $241,000.
“We’re going to have a formidable and well-funded candidate to face. As Republicans, we need to take it seriously,” Hurd said. “I’m motivated to raising more money in the next quarter.”
He lists the flow of immigrants across the southern U.S. border in recent years as a “massive political failure” at the top of the issues page of his campaign website. Energy extraction, important in the 27-county 3rd District, is also a priority for Hurd. Those two issues form a nexus between Hurd and former President Donald Trump, who will be the Republican presidential nominee at the top of November’s ballot.
“His top two issues are my top two issues — securing the border and energy independence,” Hurd said.
Beyond that, Hurd is tight-lipped about the former president, declining to say even whether he voted for him in the last two elections — “I’m not focused on 2016 and 2020,” he said — or whether he will vote for Trump this fall.
“I don’t talk about who I vote for,” Hurd said.
Trump could be a volatile factor for the district’s Republican nominee, Saunders said. Colorado voters gave President Biden a more-than-13-percentage-point edge over Trump in 2020.
“So, how close can Hurd get to Trump without cost is an interesting question in this cycle,” Saunders said. “Likewise, will Frisch try to tie the Republican nominee as closely as possible to Trump in order to alienate those unaffiliated voters again?”
On the other hand, the party standard bearer at the top of the ticket could mobilize the GOP base in the 3rd Congressional District. After all, Trump won the district by more than 8 percentage points over Biden four years ago, according to calculations by the progressive political site Daily Kos that take redistricting into account.
“The problem Frisch faces is just one of numbers,” Saunders said. “He can absolutely win, but it remains an uphill climb when there are so many more Rs than Ds in the district, even with this name recognition and big-money advantage.”
Andrews said that could open a more conservative path for him.
“I fill that lane that people want,” said Andrews, who proudly declares himself the owner of 19 firearms and a strong defender of gun rights.
The 66-year-old father of three takes a hardline position on immigration, calling for finishing the border wall, implementing “national security tariffs” on goods and services from China and Mexico, changing the nation’s asylum laws so that applicants must apply from outside the country and deporting all migrants who entered the U.S. illegally since Biden’s “first day in office.”
He calls Hurd a “nice guy” but part of the Republican “old guard.”
“I’m on Team CD3”
Frisch, who has spent a dozen years in the homebuilding business and another dozen in international finance, has a mantra he likes to repeat: “I’m not on Team Blue, I’m not on Team Red — I’m on Team CD3.”
“They want to hammer that I’ll be beholden to the (Democratic) party,” he said of his political opponents. “I’m going to say what I believe and that frustrates a lot of people. I’m called a DINO (Democrat In Name Only) all the time. But my message is not changing, my work ethic is not changing, my independence is not changing.”
The border, he said, is “out of control.”
“We need to figure out how to secure the border and reduce the number of people coming here illegally,” Frisch said. “We’re a nation of immigrants but we’re also a nation of laws.”
He’s also a critic of efforts by some in his party to restrain domestic fossil fuel energy production.

But on abortion, Frisch is firmly in favor of protecting access, an issue that has hampered Republican successes at the ballot box since the U.S. Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision overturning Roe v. Wade.
“It will be an important part of the conversation,” Frisch promised for the fall.
Varela, who will get top-line billing on the Republican primary ballot in June because of his dominant performance at this month’s GOP assembly, said he is a former Democrat and against abortion. Voters, he said, respect a candidate for staying true to a position even if it’s controversial.
“They don’t want the wishy-washiness,” he said.
In February, The Denver Post reported that Varela faces a federal investigation into his past management of a government employees union in southern Colorado, including improper spending; Varela called the allegations baseless.
Though Varela, 39, has only $23,000 cash on hand as of the end of March, his Latino roots and military combat experience in Iraq should resonate with voters, he said.
“People in CD3 aren’t for sale,” he said. “They want to know you’re going to represent them.”
Stay up-to-date with Colorado Politics by signing up for our weekly newsletter, The Spot.
Colorado
Saturday Night Showdown | Colorado Avalanche
Leading the Way
Nate the Great
MacKinnon is tied for fifth in the NHL in points (10), while ranking tied for seventh in goals (4) and tied for ninth in assists (6).
All Hail Cale
Cale Makar is tied for first in goals (4) among NHL defensemen,
Toewser Laser
Among NHL blueliners, Devon Toews is tied for third in points (7) while ranking tied for fifth in assists (5) and tied for sixth in goals (2).
Series History
The Avalanche and Wild have met in the playoffs on three previous occasions, all in the Round One, with Minnesota winning in 2003 and 2014 in seven games while Colorado was victorious in six contests in 2008.
Making Plays Against Minnesota
MacKinnon has posted 16 points (4g/12a) in nine playoff games against the Wild, in addition to 70 points (27g/43a) in 55 regular-season contests.
Makar has registered three points (2g/1a) in two playoff contests against Minnesota, along with 26 points (6g/20a) in 29 regular-season games.
Necas has recorded five points (1g/4a) in two playoff games against the Wild, in addition to nine points (5g/4a) in 15 regular-season games.
Scoring in the Twin Cities
Quinn Hughes is tied for the Wild lead in points (11) and assists (8) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Kaprizov is tied for first on the Wild in assists (8) and points (11) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Matt Boldy leads the Wild in goals (6) while ranking third in points (10) and tied for fourth in assists (4).
A Numbers Game
4.50
Colorado’s 4.50 goals per game on the road in the playoffs are tied for the most in the NHL.
39
MacKinnon’s 39 playoff goals since 2020-21 are the second most in the NHL.
2.17
The Avalanche’s 2.17 goals against per game in the playoffs are the second fewest in the NHL.
Quote That Left a Mark
“It should definitely get you up and excited. It’s gonna be a good test. [It’s a] great building and [it’s] against a desperate team. It’s gonna be great.”
— Gabriel Landeskog on playing in Minnesota
Colorado
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs state budget, with Medicaid taking brunt of cuts to close $1.5 billion gap
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis on Friday, May 8, signed into law a $46.8 billion state budget that cuts healthcare spending but preserves funding for K-12 education.
The budget applies to the 2026-27 fiscal year, which begins on July 1, and caps months of work by lawmakers, who wrestled with how to close a roughly $1.5 billion gap that ultimately forced reductions to Medicaid funding and other programs.
“This year was incredibly difficult and challenged each of us in a myriad of ways that put our values to the test,” said Rep. Emily Sirtota, a Denver Democrat and chair of the bipartisan Joint Budget Committee, which crafts the state’s spending plan before it is voted on by the full legislature. “It’s a zero-sum game. A dollar here means a dollar less over here.”
The state’s spending gap was the result of several factors.
The legislature is limited in how it can spend under the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR, an amendment to the state constitution approved by voters in 1992 that limits government revenue growth to the rate of population growth plus inflation.
Lawmakers are also dealing with the consequences of increased spending on programs they created or expanded in recent years, some of which have seen their costs balloon beyond their original estimates. Costs for Medicaid services, in particular, have surged, driven by inflation, expanded benefits and greater demand for expensive, long-term care services due to Colorado’s aging population.
Medicaid cuts
Medicaid recently eclipsed K-12 education as the single-largest chunk of the state’s general fund and now accounts for roughly one-third of all spending from that fund.
Lawmakers, who are required by the state constitution to pass a deficit-free budget, said they had no choice but to cut Medicaid funding as a result.
That includes a 2% reduction to the state’s reimbursement rate for most Medicaid providers. The budget also institutes a $3,000 cap on adult dental benefits, limits billable hours for at-home caregivers of family members with severe disabilities to 56 hours per week and phases out, by Jan. 1, automatic enrollment for children with disabilities to receive 24/7 care as adults.
The budget also cuts benefits and places new limits on Cover All Coloradans, a program created by the legislature in 2022 that provides identical coverage as Medicaid to low-income immigrant children and pregnant women, regardless of their immigration status.
That includes an end to long-term care services for new enrollees, a $1,100 limit on dental benefits, and an annual enrollment cap of 25,000 for children 18 or younger. The cuts come as spending on the program has grown more than 600% beyond its original estimate, going from roughly $14.7 million to an estimated $104.5 million for the 2025-26 fiscal year.
While the budget still represents an overall increase in Medicaid spending compared to this year, funding is roughly half of what it would have been had lawmakers not made any changes to benefits and provider rates, which total about $270 million in savings for the state.
Healthcare leaders say the cuts will exacerbate an already challenging environment for providers, who are bracing for less federal support after Congress last year passed sweeping Medicaid cuts and declined to renew enhanced subsidies for the Affordable Care Act.
For rural hospitals in particular, Medicaid is one of their key funding drivers.
“While a 2% (Medicaid reimbursement rate cut) doesn’t sound like a whole lot, when we already have close to 50% of our rural hospitals statewide operating in the red and 70% with unsustainable margins, facing another 2% (cut) on top of that is just devastating,” said Michelle Mills, CEO for the Colorado Rural Health Center, which represents rural hospitals on the Western Slope and Eastern Plains.
If the state provides less reimbursement for Medicaid services, Mills said it will lead to fewer providers accepting Medicaid plans. That in turn will mean fewer care options for people, particularly in Colorado’s rural counties, where healthcare services are already more limited.
“I feel like all of the decisions and cuts that they’re making are hitting everyone,” she said.
Rep. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican and budget committee member, said cuts to healthcare led to “a lot of tears.”

“This was a tough budget, and nobody won in this budget, but we did what we had to do by way of the (state) constitution,” he said.
While Medicaid saw some of the biggest cuts, lawmakers also trimmed spending from a suite of other programs, including financial aid for adoptive parents and grants providing mental health support for law enforcement.
Preserving K-12 education
One of the brighter spots for Polis and lawmakers in the budget is K-12 education.
After years of chronically underfunding the state’s schools, lawmakers in 2024 rolled out a revamped funding formula and abolished what was known as the budget stabilization factor, a Great Recession-era mechanism that had allowed the state to skirt its constitutional funding obligation to schools for more than a decade.
The new funding formula went into effect this school year, and the state is set to continue delivering higher levels of K-12 funding in the 2026-27 fiscal year budget. The budget allocates roughly $10.19 billion in K-12 funding, an increase of roughly $194.8 million, though the specifics of that spending are still being worked out in a separate bill, the 2026 School Finance Act, which has yet to pass the legislature.
The finance act guides how state and local funds are allocated to Colorado’s 178 school districts on a per-pupil basis. As it stands now, the bill is on track to increase per-pupil funding by $440 per student for the 2026-27 fiscal year, for a total of $12,314 per student.
“We are not returning to the days of underfunding our schools and a budget stabilization factor,” Polis said.

Still, there are challenges on the horizon for some districts.
Combined with a proposed three-year averaging model for student counts instead of the current four-year averaging, recent dips in student enrollment across the state will weigh more heavily on how much funding is allocated to each district. The shift to three-year averaging advances the state’s plan to gradually phase in the new school finance formula by 2030-31.
With several districts seeing decreased year-over-year enrollment and rising operational expenses like healthcare, some Western Slope school districts are poised to see less funding compared to this year, while others are seeing their increases eaten up by inflation.
A note on wolves
The topic of Colorado’s spending on gray wolf reintroduction hasn’t gone away, and while Medicaid headlined much of the budget discussions, lawmakers also used the spending plan to send a message on the future of the wolf program.
While the budget allocates $2.1 from the general fund to Colorado Parks and Wildlife to spend on wolf reintroduction, it also contains a footnote from lawmakers asking the agency not to use the money to acquire new wolves.
Footnotes are not legally binding, but rather serve as a direction or guidance from lawmakers to agencies on how they want certain funds spent.
Under the footnote, the wildlife agency could still use gifts, grants, donations and non-license revenue from its wildlife cash fund to bring additional wolves to Colorado. Most of the agency’s wolf funding goes toward personnel, followed by operating costs, compensation for ranchers and conflict minimization programs and tools.
Education reporter Andrea Teres-Martinez and wildlife and environmental reporter Ali Longwell contributed to this story.
Colorado
Canvas outage leaves thousands of Colorado students scrambling amid nationwide cyberattack
A widespread cyberattack targeting the learning platform Canvas is disrupting thousands of schools across the country, including in Colorado. It’s hitting students at one of the worst possible times: finals week.
Cybercriminal group ShinyHunters claimed credit for the attack, breaching systems tied to Instructure, the company that runs Canvas. Canvas is used by 41% of higher education institutions across the country to deliver courses. Millions of K-12 students rely on the platform as well.
In Colorado, more than 20 schools, including Colorado School of Mines, Metropolitan State University of Denver, the University of Denver, the University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado State University, and the University of Northern Colorado, have been affected by the cybersecurity attack.
The group is attempting to extort the company, threatening to release massive amounts of student data if demands are not met.
For students like Flannery Headley, a political science major at MSU Denver, the disruption is more than an inconvenience — it’s a major source of stress.
“The moment I tried to click on something, it gave me this maintenance down page,” she said. “I started Googling things, and I saw this whole thing about the hack.”
Headley says she was working on assignments when Canvas suddenly stopped functioning.
MSU sent out guidance telling students not to log into Canvas and to wait for updates from professors.
Like many students, Headley is now left in limbo, unsure how finals will be submitted or graded.
“This final I’ve spent the last week working on might not matter,” she said. “At least one of my grades is hinging on another final, whether I’m going to pass or fail.”
The attackers claim to have stolen large amounts of data, including names, student ID numbers, email addresses, and academic records.
Experts say the real risk may not just be disruption, but what happens next.
“The worst they could do is release it,” said MSU Denver computer science professor Steve Beaty. “There’s been minor leaks and breaches and these sorts of things from time to time, but nothing on the scale of this.”
Beatty says the group claims to have terabytes of student data, which could include personally identifiable information protected under federal privacy laws. If released, that information could be used for scams, identity theft, or further cyberattacks.
Canvas is a cloud-based system used by thousands of institutions, meaning a single attack can have massive ripple effects.
“They took the entire Canvas infrastructure down,” Beatty said. “That affects about 9,000 schools, tens of thousands of people in Colorado alone.”
Right now, schools are scrambling to find workarounds, from email submissions to alternative testing methods.
There is no current timeline for resolution. The hacker group has set a May 12 deadline for the company to respond before potentially releasing the data.
Until then, students like Headley are left waiting, hoping their work doesn’t disappear.
“I’m going to keep working on my finals,” she said, “but I’m not sure what that’s going to look like.”
-
Health52 seconds agoHantavirus Vaccines and Treatments Are in the Pipeline
-
Culture13 minutes agoBook Review: ‘Selling Opportunity,’ by Mary Lisa Gavenas
-
Lifestyle19 minutes agoHunting For Lexapro Clocks, Viagra Neckties and Other Vintage Pharmaceutical Merch
-
Technology31 minutes agoDyson’s powerful 360 Vis Nav robovac is down to $279.99 for a limited time
-
World37 minutes agoAs Trump forces NATO to pay up, alliance races to close military gap with US
-
Politics43 minutes agoInside the US military playbook to cripple Iran if nuclear talks collapse
-
Health49 minutes agoFitness expert visits gyms nationwide, shouts out 4 clubs for ‘getting it right’
-
Sports55 minutes ago2026 INDYCAR Odds: Alex Palou Clear Favorite for Sonsio Grand Prix at IMS
