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Colorado’s 3rd District prepares for epic, costly election battle — even without Lauren Boebert

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Colorado’s 3rd District prepares for epic, costly election battle — even without Lauren Boebert


Since U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert opted to change her address to one clear across the state late last year, the race for Colorado’s 3rd Congressional District has fallen out of the media glare that seemingly shines on the controversial Republican congresswoman wherever she goes.

But Colorado’s largest district by land mass — taking in Grand Junction, Gunnison, Durango and Pueblo — may prove a critical contest in a closely divided Congress where the major parties are always hungry to flip a seat. That’s true, a political observer said, even if a Democrat hasn’t represented the district since John Salazar lost the 2010 election to Scott Tipton.

One big reason: Adam Frisch.

The Democrat who came within 546 votes of unseating Boebert two years ago on the Western Slope now possesses solid name recognition, including outside Colorado, and “a massive advantage in campaign finance,” said Kyle Saunders, a political science professor at Colorado State University.

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Even since Boebert announced her decision to switch to the open race in the 4th Congressional District on the Eastern Plains, Frisch — who’s unopposed in the June 25 primary — has outraised every other congressional candidate in the state.

“With the margin of control of the House of Representatives being so very close, every competitive seat should — and no doubt will — be contested vigorously,” Saunders said. “While CD3 is not the most competitive seat on that list, I still expect both sides to fully engage in fighting hard for it.”

In the generally L-shaped district, which stretches from lonely Kleins Hill in the northwest corner of the state to the tiny town of Kim in Las Animas County, southeast of Pueblo, the district’s biggest voter group — at nearly 230,000-strong — are those affiliated with no party.

But with the polarizing Boebert out, it’s possible the political dynamics will revert closer to normal. That would mean, Saunders said, that “a generic Republican beats a generic Democrat by seven points” in the 3rd District, which boasts 35,000 or so more active GOP voters than Democrats.

In November, Frisch, 56, a former Aspen city councilman, will face one of a half dozen candidates seeking the Republican nomination in June — including attorney Jeff Hurd, Colorado Board of Education member Stephen Varela and ultra-conservative former state lawmaker Ron Hanks.

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The other GOP contenders are Russ Andrews, a Carbondale financial adviser; Curtis McCrackin, a Delta County businessman; and Lew Webb, a former car dealership owner who lives in Durango.

Frisch’s performance in 2022 revealed the second-term congresswoman’s vulnerability among voters who had grown tired of her antics and penchant for generating unflattering headlines.

“Frisch has an experienced organization now,” Saunders said.

His financial advantage adds up to nearly $6 million on hand as of the end of March. It’s money Frisch can use to run ads and blanket the district with his name and face on yard signs. It’s more than what the six Republican candidates battling it out in the primary have in their war chests — combined.

A shipping container in a field outside a trucking business in Pueblo has a message of support for Lauren Boebert’s 2024 re-election bid on Nov. 1, 2023, about a month before she exited the race to run in a different Colorado congressional district. It’s unclear if Republicans will support a standard-bearer like her — or opt for a new direction. (Photo by RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post)

For his part, the Democratic candidate knows he likely has a tough fight ahead without Boebert as a powerful foil.

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“I am confident that the 50,000 miles driven and speaking in front of Democrats, independents and Republicans, I’ve earned the trust of a lot of people,” Frish said in an interview. “But it’s going to be a close race, without a doubt.”

He has laid out positions on border security, energy and other issues that set him apart from many in his party — though the Republicans vying to run against him question whether he could escape the larger philosophical grip of the Democratic Party.

“Adam’s running like he’s Ronald Reagan incarnated, but his party doesn’t tolerate dissent,” Andrews said. “He’s not going to be able to be nearly as conservative in Congress as he is on the campaign trail.”

Will Trump be a factor?

Widely considered the GOP frontrunner by way of his fundraising and endorsements — at least so far — is Hurd, a Mesa County native and attorney who represents electric associations. The mild-mannnered political novice entered the race last summer as an alternative to Boebert on the Republican ticket.

Jeff Hurd, an attorney on Colorado's Western Slope, is running in the Republican primary in the 3rd Congressional District in 2024. (Photo provided by Ireland Stapleton)
Jeff Hurd, an attorney on Colorado’s Western Slope, is running in the Republican primary in the 3rd Congressional District in 2024. (Photo provided by Ireland Stapleton)

“I’m viewed as the guy who has the target on his back a little bit,” he said.

Hurd, 44, has raised appreciably more money than his Republican opponents and has picked up some high-profile endorsements from the likes of former Gov. Bill Owens and John Suthers, the former Colorado attorney general and Colorado Springs mayor. But he needs to do better in the money game versus Frisch, and he knows it.

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Frisch took in $1.4 million in the first three months of 2024 compared to Hurd’s $241,000.

“We’re going to have a formidable and well-funded candidate to face. As Republicans, we need to take it seriously,” Hurd said. “I’m motivated to raising more money in the next quarter.”

He lists the flow of immigrants across the southern U.S. border in recent years as a “massive political failure” at the top of the issues page of his campaign website. Energy extraction, important in the 27-county 3rd District, is also a priority for Hurd. Those two issues form a nexus between Hurd and former President Donald Trump, who will be the Republican presidential nominee at the top of November’s ballot.

“His top two issues are my top two issues — securing the border and energy independence,” Hurd said.

Beyond that, Hurd is tight-lipped about the former president, declining to say even whether he voted for him in the last two elections — “I’m not focused on 2016 and 2020,” he said — or whether he will vote for Trump this fall.

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“I don’t talk about who I vote for,” Hurd said.

Trump could be a volatile factor for the district’s Republican nominee, Saunders said. Colorado voters gave President Biden a more-than-13-percentage-point edge over Trump in 2020.

“So, how close can Hurd get to Trump without cost is an interesting question in this cycle,” Saunders said. “Likewise, will Frisch try to tie the Republican nominee as closely as possible to Trump in order to alienate those unaffiliated voters again?”

On the other hand, the party standard bearer at the top of the ticket could mobilize the GOP base in the 3rd Congressional District. After all, Trump won the district by more than 8 percentage points over Biden four years ago, according to calculations by the progressive political site Daily Kos that take redistricting into account.

“The problem Frisch faces is just one of numbers,” Saunders said. “He can absolutely win, but it remains an uphill climb when there are so many more Rs than Ds in the district, even with this name recognition and big-money advantage.”

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Andrews said that could open a more conservative path for him.

“I fill that lane that people want,” said Andrews, who proudly declares himself the owner of 19 firearms and a strong defender of gun rights.

The 66-year-old father of three takes a hardline position on immigration, calling for finishing the border wall, implementing “national security tariffs” on goods and services from China and Mexico, changing the nation’s asylum laws so that applicants must apply from outside the country and deporting all migrants who entered the U.S. illegally since Biden’s “first day in office.”

He calls Hurd a “nice guy” but part of the Republican “old guard.”

“I’m on Team CD3”

Frisch, who has spent a dozen years in the homebuilding business and another dozen in international finance, has a mantra he likes to repeat: “I’m not on Team Blue, I’m not on Team Red — I’m on Team CD3.”

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“They want to hammer that I’ll be beholden to the (Democratic) party,” he said of his political opponents. “I’m going to say what I believe and that frustrates a lot of people. I’m called a DINO (Democrat In Name Only) all the time. But my message is not changing, my work ethic is not changing, my independence is not changing.”

The border, he said, is “out of control.”

“We need to figure out how to secure the border and reduce the number of people coming here illegally,” Frisch said. “We’re a nation of immigrants but we’re also a nation of laws.”

He’s also a critic of efforts by some in his party to restrain domestic fossil fuel energy production.

Then-Colorado state Senate candidate Stephen Varela, a Republican, addresses the crowd during a campaign rally in Pueblo on Thursday, Oct. 20, 2022. (Photo by Zachary Allen/Pueblo Chieftain via AP)
Then-Colorado state Senate candidate Stephen Varela, a Republican, addresses the crowd during a campaign rally in Pueblo on Thursday, Oct. 20, 2022. (Photo by Zachary Allen/Pueblo Chieftain via AP)

But on abortion, Frisch is firmly in favor of protecting access, an issue that has hampered Republican successes at the ballot box since the U.S. Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision overturning Roe v. Wade.

“It will be an important part of the conversation,” Frisch promised for the fall.

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Varela, who will get top-line billing on the Republican primary ballot in June because of his dominant performance at this month’s GOP assembly, said he is a former Democrat and against abortion. Voters, he said, respect a candidate for staying true to a position even if it’s controversial.

“They don’t want the wishy-washiness,” he said.

In February, The Denver Post reported that Varela faces a federal investigation into his past management of a government employees union in southern Colorado, including improper spending; Varela called the allegations baseless.

Though Varela, 39, has only $23,000 cash on hand as of the end of March, his Latino roots and military combat experience in Iraq should resonate with voters, he said.

“People in CD3 aren’t for sale,” he said. “They want to know you’re going to represent them.”

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‘We couldn’t do this in another place’: Horror film looks to make Southern Colorado the next Hollywood

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‘We couldn’t do this in another place’: Horror film looks to make Southern Colorado the next Hollywood


COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. (KKTV) – It’s commonly understood that many of the best blockbusters are made in Southern California but a group of local filmmakers wants to prove Southern Colorado can be a destination for both aspiring and established auteurs.

Shooting began in Fountain this spring on ‘Devil In The Trunk’, a new horror film set in Colorado’s eastern plains.

“Devil In The Trunk is about a small-town woman who encounters a mysterious traveler driving this car right here who claims to have the actual devil trapped in the trunk of her car,” executive producer Leon Kelly said. “As you can imagine, when the devil comes to your small town, terrible and dangerous things can happen.”

Director, writer, and producer Evan Alderson said they wanted to make the film as Colorado as possible.

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“We ended up finding a local Colorado writer, and we ended up collaborating to come up with this idea that could act as a love letter to Colorado,” he said.

While Colorado may be most famous for its soaring mountain peaks, Kelly said the plains were a much more fitting setting.

“It’s both beautiful and dangerous at the same time,” he said. “One of the underlying themes is the desolation and the loneliness and how vulnerable some folks can be in small towns and out in rural areas.”

Kelly said not only is the film meant to showcase Colorado’s natural beauty, but also to showcase the talent of the people who live there.

“It’s a proof of concept, to show that we have not only the talented people but the infrastructure that can support really high-quality, independent films,” he said. “We know we’ve got great filmmakers here, we know we have really talented craftspeople here, but they don’t necessarily have the opportunities to work on something like this on this scale that’s a narrative film.”

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With the Sundance Film Festival set to make its debut in Boulder in 2027, Kelly said people are asking new questions about what Colorado can do for those looking to tell stories on the big screen.

“Can Colorado become a hub? Can that be a place, a destination where others come? Can that be a place where our own filmmakers can come into their own?” he said.

Alderson said once the film is finished they will put it out on the film festival circuit, and even look for distribution.

“That will look like a theatrical release, potentially, in an ideal world, or it will be straight to streaming services like Amazon, Hulu, that type of stuff,” he said.

Copyright 2026 KKTV. All rights reserved.

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Victim shot in the face takes the stand in second day of Colorado trial for Brent Metz

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Victim shot in the face takes the stand in second day of Colorado trial for Brent Metz


The now 19-year-old victim, who Brent Metz is accused of shooting in the face, took the stand in Metz’s trial Thursday. Metz, a former town of Mountain View councilman, was in the second day of his trial hearings.

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The teenager, who has recovered well physically from the shooting back in September of 2024, told the story of what led up to the shooting, then said he blacked out for a period after he was shot.

The young man, Jack (CBS Colorado is not sharing the victim’s last name) said he and his younger friend went to ask for permission to take pictures at a scenic home near Conifer. At first, they parked outside the gated driveway and tried to figure out how to contact someone there. They then hopped a low fence and went up to the house. 

Jack said he had difficulty locating a front door on the home, but the large property also had a garage and barn. They heard music coming from the barn, which is a common practice for people with animals to leave music playing to calm animals while away.

“We decided to knock on the barn door and then after a couple a minutes we decided to go back down the driveway,” Jack said in court. 

The two friends went back over the fence and moved the car to a spot not blocking the driveway along the right-of-way at the road. Minutes later, Brent Metz drove up in his black GMC pickup truck, blocking their car in. Metz got out. Jack testified that he raised his hands at some point, a claim the defense questioned in cross examination. He related that he was getting out to try to greet the person getting out of the truck.

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“I just (got) the door open I kind of turned to open my door and then turned to get out, and I saw someone get out, and then it was black,” Jack said. 

The victim soon awoke bleeding and injured. “I looked down and I thought I was going to die. So I said that a couple times,” Jack testified.

“My mouth was on fire and it felt like my upper lip was gone, and I could taste little fragments,” Jack told the court. Jack’s friend and Metz tried to help him out of the car.

“The one who shot me was trying to help me get out of the car.”

Soon after, Metz left his side.

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“He helped me sit down, and then he walked away,” Jack said.

“I started to realize I needed to stay as calm as I could, and when I got out of the car, I sat down, but I was very anxious,” Jack recalled.

Later, the victim had to have surgery in order to have the bullet fragments removed from his face. One of the fragments was more than an inch in size. He had trouble breathing through his right nostril due to the injuries to his nose. His eye was blackened for a long time, and a tooth was shattered.

Jack did not remember Metz saying much.

The testimony followed hours of testimony from a gun testing expert who looked at the weapon at the request of the prosecution. Derek Watkins is an engineer who said he has seen many claims of weapons not working properly.

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“My experience is that, if you manufacture a firearm, at some point in time, it’s going, you’re going to run across the claim that it behaves in a defective manner,” Watkins said.

Metz’s defense is centered on a claim that the Sig Sauer P320 he had fired on its own without Metz pulling the trigger.

“There was nothing about the gun through the testing or through the examination of the components indicating it would function any other way than it was designed and left the factory,” Watkins said.

The defense had little luck getting Watkins to agree the gun could fire on its own, but did try to point out to the jury in questions that Watkins has previously testified in civil litigation about the gun’s integrity on behalf of the manufacturer.

The case continues Friday when it could wrap up. Metz faces four charges, the most serious of which is second-degree assault, but also two menacing charges and one of illegal discharge of a firearm.

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Catholic Colorado: The Semiquincentennial in the Centennial State

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Catholic Colorado: The Semiquincentennial in the Centennial State


On the cusp of the United States’ 250th anniversary and Colorado’s 150th, the Centennial State and its Catholic witnesses show modern Catholics a path forward.

The Cathedral Basilica of the Immaculate Conception in Denver, completed in 1912, has stood as a visible symbol of the Catholic faith in Colorado for over a century. (Photo: Archdiocese of Denver Archives)

Colorado celebrates its own 150th anniversary this year, as the rest of the country marks 250 years since the founding of the United States. The two milestones bear an interesting connection. In the very year of independence, one of the most important explorations of Colorado was undertaken by two Franciscan friars: Francisco Atanasio Domínguez and Silvestre Vélez de Escalante.

Faith Crosses the Rockies

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While the importance of the Domínguez-Escalante Expedition should not be overestimated — it didn’t lead to any settlements and mostly focused on Utah — it nonetheless symbolizes the coming of the Christian faith into Colorado. Their expedition traces the path the Church followed into the Rockies, initially coming up from the south, to be met later from the East by miners. Leaving Santa Fe in the very month independence was declared, the two friars and their companions crossed into the modern-day boundaries of Colorado at the beginning of August 1776. They were not the first Spaniards to enter the territory of the Ute and Arapahoe tribes north of Nueva Mexico — Juan de Oñate was in 1598, and they also relied on the previous expeditions of Rivera — but the friars opened up more regular access to it as they laid the foundation for the Santa Fe Trail that would lead from New Mexico to Southern California.

The friars found in Colorado beautiful mountain vistas, remarking that it was cold even in the summer, as well as dangerous canyons and abandoned settlements in the Mesa Verde area. Their journal remarks: “We traveled a league and turned west through very pleasant narrow valleys with woods, very abundant with pastures, with different blooms and flowers.” (The Domínguez-Escalante Journal, translated by Fray Angelico Chavez, University of Utah Press, 15). Focusing on possible mission sites more than a continental passage, they insisted to all their companions that they should not “have any purpose other than the one we had, which was God’s glory and the good of souls” (40). Their desires would take 110 years to come to fruition with the founding of the first Catholic mission to Native Americans in Colorado, St. Ignatius, on the Southern Ute Reservation in Ignacio, Colorado, in 1886.

From Frontier Territory to Catholic Settlement

Catholic life was slow to arrive in Colorado compared to other parts of the nation, especially given the early settlement of New Mexico not far to the south. The Spanish were never able to create permanent settlements in Colorado, with one failed attempt near Pueblo in 1787. This is where 1776 regains its significance, even for the Church’s development in the region. It was only after the United States annexed the Southwest following the Mexican-American War in 1848 that Catholic settlement began. From the south, settlers arrived from Taos to establish San Luis on April 9, 1851. Not long after, in 1858, the Pikes Peak Goldrush brought a flood of miners from the East. From this mix of New Mexican settlers, Native missions and Catholic miners, the Catholic Church of Colorado finally emerged.

In 1860, Father Joseph Projectus Machebeuf arrived from Santa Fe and, in the eight years before he became Denver’s first bishop, the energetic priest established eighteen churches. I first encountered him through Willa Cather’s fictional portrayal of him as the character Vaillant in her novel, Death Comes for the Archbishop (and she relied heavily on Machebeuf’s letters for the book). Though primarily set in New Mexico, Cather brings the history of the Church in the Southwest to life through the vibrant, often tense meetings of Natives, Mexicans, newly arrived Americans and the French clergy seeking to unite them into a cohesive whole. It was Bishop Machebeuf who presided over the Church when Colorado became a state in 1876.

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A Little-Known Bishop With An Important Lesson

His successor, Bishop Nicholas Matz, likewise came to Colorado as a missionary from France and experienced firsthand the difficulties miners faced in mountain towns, especially as a pastor in Georgetown. Seth Fabian brings this lesser-known figure to life in his new book, The Pilgrim Bishop: The Spiritual Biography of Nichols C. Matz (TAN Books, 2026).

Even after living in Colorado for nearly twelve years and working for the Archdiocese of Denver for six, I didn’t know much about this misunderstood and even controversial bishop, who often lacked support from his clergy. Even in a newly established state, still riding high from its mining operations, Bishop Matz interpreted the events around him with a lens formed by the violent revolutions of the Old World, fearing and overestimating the “potential reach of radical socialists or anarchists” (11).

Bishop Matz’s difficulty in addressing the social question in his diocese points to an ongoing difficulty for both Colorado and the entire nation in this celebratory year marking their founding. Dr. Fabian raises a fundamental question we must consider: “the question of how individual Catholics live their daily lives in a pluralist society” (386).

We have a strong legacy of Catholic settlement across the continent, of our ancestors seeking to consecrate this land to God. In fact, in just a few weeks, on June 11, the U.S. bishops will do so again when they consecrate the nation to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Yet we face pressing challenges that call us to wade into difficult social questions, especially those related to technology and artificial intelligence, as Pope Leo XIV is expected to do in his first encyclical, to be released on May 25. 

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Despite the real challenges, if we advance, as Domínguez and Escalante did, seeking “God’s glory and the good of souls” above all else, we can continue our great Catholic legacy and open a path for future generations to follow.



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