Colorado
Colorado Can’t Top This Southern State On Controversial Court Rulings
North Carolina Supreme Court chamber in Raleigh
The Colorado Supreme Courtâs December 19 ruling to remove former President Donald Trump (R) from the 2024 ballot was unprecedented and sparked nationwide debate, but its ultimate fate will be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court, which heard oral arguments for the case on February 8. The same goes for the Maine Secretary of Stateâs December 28 decision to remove Trump, who is leading President Joe Biden (D) in multiple polls, from the 2024 ballot in a second state.
A December decision by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, meanwhile, forced a redraw of Wisconsinâs state legislative maps. As a result of those new maps, which were approved by Governor Tony Evers (D-Wisc.) on February 19, âRepublicans will now have an uphill fight to maintain their majorities this year and in 2026,â the Wall Street Journal editorial board noted, adding that âthe left could soon run all of state government.â
The Wisconsin Supreme Court, which shifted to a progressive majority in 2023, will rule later this year on a lawsuit filed by unions seeking to overturn Act 10, the landmark entitlement reform enacted by former Governor Scott Walker (R) in 2011. Act 10, which restricted collective bargaining and gave workers a say in whether or not to support a union, has since saved Wisconsin taxpayers more than $16 billion.
Should the Wisconsin Supreme Court overturn Act 10, it would drive up costs for Wisconsin taxpayers by billions of dollars moving forward. Beyond Wisconsin, some are concerned that such a decision out of a battleground state, on the heals of the ballot access ruling in Colorado, could embolden justices in other states to push the envelope and issue decisions that are akin to setting policy from the bench.
Controversial Supreme Court Rulings Are Nothing New In North Carolina
Among all U.S. residents, North Carolinians in particular are no strangers to controversial state supreme court decisions. Years before the current drama in the Colorado and Wisconsin Supreme Courts garnered national attention, North Carolina Supreme Court justices handed down multiple rulings, some of which are still being adjudicated, that have been criticized as examples of judicial activism and legislating from the bench. In that respect, the 2022 ruling by the then-Democratic majority North Carolina Supreme Court, which found that a lower court judge could overturn two constitutional amendments approved by voters, stands out.
In the 2018 general election, 57% of North Carolina voters approved a constitutional amendment to lower the stateâs personal income tax rate cap from 10% to 7%. Another constitutional amendment on that same ballot instituting a photo ID requirement to vote passed with support from 55% of voters. Yet the will of North Carolina voters was subsequently overruled by four members of the North Carolina Supreme Court, all Democrats, who issued a ruling that could pave the way for the ultimate overturning of voter-approved constitutional amendments based on an unprecedented legal theory. The theory posits that because the two measures were referred to the ballot by a legislature comprised of gerrymandered districts, the measures were illegitimate despite being approved by voters.
Though the then-Democrat-controlled North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that a trial court could overturn voter approved constitutional amendments using a novel legal theory, the Democratic justices sent the case back to the trial court for further deliberation before making a final ruling. Further developments in this case, which is now sitting with a three-judge panel, could occur as early as March.
âThe majority concedes that constitutional procedures were followed,â North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Phil Berger Jr. (R) wrote in his dissent from the 2022 decision made by his Democratic colleagues, âyet they invalidate more than 4.1 million votes and disenfranchise more than 55% of North Carolinaâs electorate.â
âWhen Democratic Supreme Court justices tried to use dubious legal ideas to block the will of the people, some of us started referring to them as the Usurper Four,â said Mitch Kokai, senior political analyst at the John Locke Foundation, a free-market think tank focusing on North Carolina. âVoters replaced two of the four Democrats with conservatives during the last election cycle. The future of the stateâs constitutional law depends on continued vigilance from voters.â
In the 2022 midterm elections, Republicans won two state supreme court races, flipping the court to a 5-2 GOP majority. Voter ID requirements will be in effect in North Carolina for the 2024 elections. Thatâs because, in April of 2023, the now GOP majority North Carolina Supreme Court upheld the voter ID law enacted by legislators weeks after the 2018 constitutional amendment to require voter ID was approved by voters. The income tax cap reduction, however, remains an unresolved matter.
North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper (D) and other Democrats, like President Biden, can be expected to talk frequently about alleged threats to democracy in 2024, with the Associated Press reporting on February 17 that it is âcentral to Bidenâs campaign messaging.â Yet it wonât be lost on North Carolinians that many of the same politicians offering warnings about threats to democracy have themselves backed a decision by four judges that went against the will of a clear majority of North Carolina voters.
Controversial state supreme court decisions go back much further in North Carolina than the past decade. In fact, the North Carolina Supreme Court is still adjudicating a three decade-old lawsuit, referred to as the Leandro case, alleging that the state is underfunding certain school districts.
State supreme court justices are selected by voters in 22 states. 14 of those 22 states hold nonpartisan judicial elections, while eight hold partisan elections. In the past few years, lawmakers in North Carolina and Ohio moved their states to partisan judicial elections, joining Alabama, Illinois, Louisiana, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, and Texas. Given the heightened importance of state supreme court majorities, many believe the most open and democratic approach is to have voters decide who fills state supreme court seats and that it should be done in partisan elections in order to maximize transparency and voter information.
State Supreme Court Justice Selection Process By State
Evidence suggests putting the selection of state supreme court justices on the ballot can lead to greater voter engagement. Researchers at Michigan State University and the University of Pittsburgh examined 260 state supreme court elections across 18 states from 1990 to 2004, finding that âincreased spending significantly improves voter participation in these races.â
Recent decisions by the Colorado, Wisconsin, and North Carolina Supreme Courts have driven home the importance of state supreme court control when it comes to setting policy. Voters can put one of the two parties in charge of both the governorâs mansion and legislature. As has been demonstrated in a number of states, however, legislatively enacted and voter approved reforms can be overturned or reversed if the state supreme court is in the hands of political or ideological opponents. Expect media attention and campaign spending on state supreme court races to escalate in the coming years, and for good reason.
Colorado
Saturday Night Showdown | Colorado Avalanche
Leading the Way
Nate the Great
MacKinnon is tied for fifth in the NHL in points (10), while ranking tied for seventh in goals (4) and tied for ninth in assists (6).
All Hail Cale
Cale Makar is tied for first in goals (4) among NHL defensemen,
Toewser Laser
Among NHL blueliners, Devon Toews is tied for third in points (7) while ranking tied for fifth in assists (5) and tied for sixth in goals (2).
Series History
The Avalanche and Wild have met in the playoffs on three previous occasions, all in the Round One, with Minnesota winning in 2003 and 2014 in seven games while Colorado was victorious in six contests in 2008.
Making Plays Against Minnesota
MacKinnon has posted 16 points (4g/12a) in nine playoff games against the Wild, in addition to 70 points (27g/43a) in 55 regular-season contests.
Makar has registered three points (2g/1a) in two playoff contests against Minnesota, along with 26 points (6g/20a) in 29 regular-season games.
Necas has recorded five points (1g/4a) in two playoff games against the Wild, in addition to nine points (5g/4a) in 15 regular-season games.
Scoring in the Twin Cities
Quinn Hughes is tied for the Wild lead in points (11) and assists (8) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Kaprizov is tied for first on the Wild in assists (8) and points (11) while ranking tied for second in goals (3).
Matt Boldy leads the Wild in goals (6) while ranking third in points (10) and tied for fourth in assists (4).
A Numbers Game
4.50
Colorado’s 4.50 goals per game on the road in the playoffs are tied for the most in the NHL.
39
MacKinnon’s 39 playoff goals since 2020-21 are the second most in the NHL.
2.17
The Avalanche’s 2.17 goals against per game in the playoffs are the second fewest in the NHL.
Quote That Left a Mark
“It should definitely get you up and excited. It’s gonna be a good test. [It’s a] great building and [it’s] against a desperate team. It’s gonna be great.”
— Gabriel Landeskog on playing in Minnesota
Colorado
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs state budget, with Medicaid taking brunt of cuts to close $1.5 billion gap
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis on Friday, May 8, signed into law a $46.8 billion state budget that cuts healthcare spending but preserves funding for K-12 education.
The budget applies to the 2026-27 fiscal year, which begins on July 1, and caps months of work by lawmakers, who wrestled with how to close a roughly $1.5 billion gap that ultimately forced reductions to Medicaid funding and other programs.
“This year was incredibly difficult and challenged each of us in a myriad of ways that put our values to the test,” said Rep. Emily Sirtota, a Denver Democrat and chair of the bipartisan Joint Budget Committee, which crafts the state’s spending plan before it is voted on by the full legislature. “It’s a zero-sum game. A dollar here means a dollar less over here.”
The state’s spending gap was the result of several factors.
The legislature is limited in how it can spend under the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR, an amendment to the state constitution approved by voters in 1992 that limits government revenue growth to the rate of population growth plus inflation.
Lawmakers are also dealing with the consequences of increased spending on programs they created or expanded in recent years, some of which have seen their costs balloon beyond their original estimates. Costs for Medicaid services, in particular, have surged, driven by inflation, expanded benefits and greater demand for expensive, long-term care services due to Colorado’s aging population.
Medicaid cuts
Medicaid recently eclipsed K-12 education as the single-largest chunk of the state’s general fund and now accounts for roughly one-third of all spending from that fund.
Lawmakers, who are required by the state constitution to pass a deficit-free budget, said they had no choice but to cut Medicaid funding as a result.
That includes a 2% reduction to the state’s reimbursement rate for most Medicaid providers. The budget also institutes a $3,000 cap on adult dental benefits, limits billable hours for at-home caregivers of family members with severe disabilities to 56 hours per week and phases out, by Jan. 1, automatic enrollment for children with disabilities to receive 24/7 care as adults.
The budget also cuts benefits and places new limits on Cover All Coloradans, a program created by the legislature in 2022 that provides identical coverage as Medicaid to low-income immigrant children and pregnant women, regardless of their immigration status.
That includes an end to long-term care services for new enrollees, a $1,100 limit on dental benefits, and an annual enrollment cap of 25,000 for children 18 or younger. The cuts come as spending on the program has grown more than 600% beyond its original estimate, going from roughly $14.7 million to an estimated $104.5 million for the 2025-26 fiscal year.
While the budget still represents an overall increase in Medicaid spending compared to this year, funding is roughly half of what it would have been had lawmakers not made any changes to benefits and provider rates, which total about $270 million in savings for the state.
Healthcare leaders say the cuts will exacerbate an already challenging environment for providers, who are bracing for less federal support after Congress last year passed sweeping Medicaid cuts and declined to renew enhanced subsidies for the Affordable Care Act.
For rural hospitals in particular, Medicaid is one of their key funding drivers.
“While a 2% (Medicaid reimbursement rate cut) doesn’t sound like a whole lot, when we already have close to 50% of our rural hospitals statewide operating in the red and 70% with unsustainable margins, facing another 2% (cut) on top of that is just devastating,” said Michelle Mills, CEO for the Colorado Rural Health Center, which represents rural hospitals on the Western Slope and Eastern Plains.
If the state provides less reimbursement for Medicaid services, Mills said it will lead to fewer providers accepting Medicaid plans. That in turn will mean fewer care options for people, particularly in Colorado’s rural counties, where healthcare services are already more limited.
“I feel like all of the decisions and cuts that they’re making are hitting everyone,” she said.
Rep. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican and budget committee member, said cuts to healthcare led to “a lot of tears.”

“This was a tough budget, and nobody won in this budget, but we did what we had to do by way of the (state) constitution,” he said.
While Medicaid saw some of the biggest cuts, lawmakers also trimmed spending from a suite of other programs, including financial aid for adoptive parents and grants providing mental health support for law enforcement.
Preserving K-12 education
One of the brighter spots for Polis and lawmakers in the budget is K-12 education.
After years of chronically underfunding the state’s schools, lawmakers in 2024 rolled out a revamped funding formula and abolished what was known as the budget stabilization factor, a Great Recession-era mechanism that had allowed the state to skirt its constitutional funding obligation to schools for more than a decade.
The new funding formula went into effect this school year, and the state is set to continue delivering higher levels of K-12 funding in the 2026-27 fiscal year budget. The budget allocates roughly $10.19 billion in K-12 funding, an increase of roughly $194.8 million, though the specifics of that spending are still being worked out in a separate bill, the 2026 School Finance Act, which has yet to pass the legislature.
The finance act guides how state and local funds are allocated to Colorado’s 178 school districts on a per-pupil basis. As it stands now, the bill is on track to increase per-pupil funding by $440 per student for the 2026-27 fiscal year, for a total of $12,314 per student.
“We are not returning to the days of underfunding our schools and a budget stabilization factor,” Polis said.

Still, there are challenges on the horizon for some districts.
Combined with a proposed three-year averaging model for student counts instead of the current four-year averaging, recent dips in student enrollment across the state will weigh more heavily on how much funding is allocated to each district. The shift to three-year averaging advances the state’s plan to gradually phase in the new school finance formula by 2030-31.
With several districts seeing decreased year-over-year enrollment and rising operational expenses like healthcare, some Western Slope school districts are poised to see less funding compared to this year, while others are seeing their increases eaten up by inflation.
A note on wolves
The topic of Colorado’s spending on gray wolf reintroduction hasn’t gone away, and while Medicaid headlined much of the budget discussions, lawmakers also used the spending plan to send a message on the future of the wolf program.
While the budget allocates $2.1 from the general fund to Colorado Parks and Wildlife to spend on wolf reintroduction, it also contains a footnote from lawmakers asking the agency not to use the money to acquire new wolves.
Footnotes are not legally binding, but rather serve as a direction or guidance from lawmakers to agencies on how they want certain funds spent.
Under the footnote, the wildlife agency could still use gifts, grants, donations and non-license revenue from its wildlife cash fund to bring additional wolves to Colorado. Most of the agency’s wolf funding goes toward personnel, followed by operating costs, compensation for ranchers and conflict minimization programs and tools.
Education reporter Andrea Teres-Martinez and wildlife and environmental reporter Ali Longwell contributed to this story.
Colorado
Canvas outage leaves thousands of Colorado students scrambling amid nationwide cyberattack
A widespread cyberattack targeting the learning platform Canvas is disrupting thousands of schools across the country, including in Colorado. It’s hitting students at one of the worst possible times: finals week.
Cybercriminal group ShinyHunters claimed credit for the attack, breaching systems tied to Instructure, the company that runs Canvas. Canvas is used by 41% of higher education institutions across the country to deliver courses. Millions of K-12 students rely on the platform as well.
In Colorado, more than 20 schools, including Colorado School of Mines, Metropolitan State University of Denver, the University of Denver, the University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado State University, and the University of Northern Colorado, have been affected by the cybersecurity attack.
The group is attempting to extort the company, threatening to release massive amounts of student data if demands are not met.
For students like Flannery Headley, a political science major at MSU Denver, the disruption is more than an inconvenience — it’s a major source of stress.
“The moment I tried to click on something, it gave me this maintenance down page,” she said. “I started Googling things, and I saw this whole thing about the hack.”
Headley says she was working on assignments when Canvas suddenly stopped functioning.
MSU sent out guidance telling students not to log into Canvas and to wait for updates from professors.
Like many students, Headley is now left in limbo, unsure how finals will be submitted or graded.
“This final I’ve spent the last week working on might not matter,” she said. “At least one of my grades is hinging on another final, whether I’m going to pass or fail.”
The attackers claim to have stolen large amounts of data, including names, student ID numbers, email addresses, and academic records.
Experts say the real risk may not just be disruption, but what happens next.
“The worst they could do is release it,” said MSU Denver computer science professor Steve Beaty. “There’s been minor leaks and breaches and these sorts of things from time to time, but nothing on the scale of this.”
Beatty says the group claims to have terabytes of student data, which could include personally identifiable information protected under federal privacy laws. If released, that information could be used for scams, identity theft, or further cyberattacks.
Canvas is a cloud-based system used by thousands of institutions, meaning a single attack can have massive ripple effects.
“They took the entire Canvas infrastructure down,” Beatty said. “That affects about 9,000 schools, tens of thousands of people in Colorado alone.”
Right now, schools are scrambling to find workarounds, from email submissions to alternative testing methods.
There is no current timeline for resolution. The hacker group has set a May 12 deadline for the company to respond before potentially releasing the data.
Until then, students like Headley are left waiting, hoping their work doesn’t disappear.
“I’m going to keep working on my finals,” she said, “but I’m not sure what that’s going to look like.”
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