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California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act

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California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act


Sources: California Voter ID Initiative text (proposed); H.R. 7296, Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, 119th Congress, 2d Session (introduced January 30, 2026); Congressional Research Service Bill Summary; California Secretary of State; National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL).

Background: How California Currently Handles Voter Identification

Under current California law, U.S. citizenship is required to vote, but the state relies on voters to simply attest to their citizenship when registering. California does not generally require voters to show identification at the polls. The limited exceptions apply only to first-time federal election voters who registered by mail or online without providing a California ID or Social Security number, and even then, the state allows a broad range of documents, including utility bills, bank statements, paychecks, or official government mail.

In 2024, Governor Gavin Newsom signed legislation explicitly banning local jurisdictions from requiring voter ID, following Huntington Beach voters’ approval of a local measure to do so. California currently has among the most permissive voter identification rules in the nation.

The California Initiative: A Targeted, Inclusive Reform

A proposed California ballot initiative would amend the state constitution to add a new Section 3.1 to Article II. The initiative states three purposes: to “promote public confidence and trust in the electoral process,” to “deter and detect voter fraud by maintaining accurate voter registration records and confirming eligibility to vote,” and to “minimize the risk of voter impersonation by requiring proof of identity to vote.”

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The measure is notable for what it does and, just as importantly, for what it does not do.

For in-person voting, the initiative requires that “each time a voter casts a ballot in person in any election in the State, the voter shall present government-issued identification.” The initiative defines government-issued identification as “documentation that allows conclusive verification of the voter’s identity.”

For mail voting, the requirement is far more limited. The voter needs only to provide “the last four digits of a unique identifying number from government-issued identification that matches the one designated solely by the voter for their voter registration.” Importantly, the type of ID designated by each voter “must be indicated in their voter registration record, noted on the mail ballot envelope provided to them, and available to them on request by phone or electronically,” so voters are never caught off guard.

On the question of cost, the initiative is explicit: “Upon request by an eligible voter, the state shall provide, at no charge, a voter ID card for use in casting a ballot.” This is perhaps the most important provision in the measure. One of the most common and legitimate criticisms of voter ID laws is that they can function as a de facto poll tax. This initiative addresses that concern directly by guaranteeing that the means of compliance are freely available to every eligible voter.

On citizenship verification, the initiative directs the Secretary of State and county elections officials to “use best efforts to verify citizenship attestations using government data” and to “annually report what percentage of each county’s voter rolls have been citizenship-verified.” This is a transparency measure, not a documentation barrier.

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On accountability, the initiative requires that “during every odd-numbered year, the State Auditor shall audit the State’s and each county’s compliance with this section and report its findings and recommendations for improving the integrity of elections to the public.” Citizens may also “seek judicial review and remedy of the State’s or any county’s compliance with this section.”

What the initiative does not do is equally important. It does not require documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote. It does not require voters to submit citizenship documents with mail ballots beyond the last four digits of an ID number. It does not impose criminal penalties on election officials. It does not create unfunded mandates. It does not establish a private right of action against election workers.

In short, the California initiative is a narrowly drawn measure. It asks voters to confirm who they are while ensuring that the tools to do so are freely available to all.

The Federal SAVE Act (H.R. 7296): A Sweeping and Problematic Mandate

Introduced in the House on January 30, 2026, by Rep. Chip Roy and referred to the Committee on House Administration, the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act amends the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. Unlike the California initiative, which works within existing systems, the SAVE Act would fundamentally restructure how Americans register to vote and cast ballots in federal elections, with requirements that, in many cases, are practically impossible for millions of eligible citizens to meet.

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Here is what the bill actually requires, provision by provision, and why each raises serious concerns.

1. Documentary Proof of Citizenship Required to Register

The bill is unambiguous on this point. It states that “a State may not register an individual to vote in elections for Federal office held in the State unless, at the time the individual applies to register to vote, the individual provides documentary proof of United States citizenship.”

The bill defines acceptable proof narrowly. It includes a REAL ID-compliant document “that indicates the applicant is a citizen of the United States,” a valid U.S. passport, or a military ID combined with “a United States military record of service showing that the applicant’s place of birth was in the United States.” For voters who cannot provide those documents, the bill allows a government photo ID paired with a certified birth certificate, but that birth certificate must meet an exacting list of requirements: it must include “the full name, date of birth, and place of birth of the applicant,” must list “the full names of one or both of the parents of the applicant,” must carry “the signature of an individual who is authorized to sign birth certificates,” must include “the date that the certificate was filed with the office responsible for keeping vital records in the State,” and must bear “the seal of the State, unit of local government, or Tribal government that issued the birth certificate.”

This is an extraordinarily demanding standard. Birth certificates are lost, damaged, or were never properly recorded, particularly for older Americans, rural residents, and low-income citizens.

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The bill does include a fallback process for applicants who cannot produce these documents. They may “sign an attestation under penalty of perjury that the applicant is a citizen of the United States” and “submit such other evidence to the appropriate State or local official demonstrating that the applicant is a citizen.” The official then makes a personal judgment and must sign a sworn affidavit “swearing or affirming the applicant sufficiently established United States citizenship.” This places an unusual and significant legal burden on individual election workers who are simply trying to help voters register.

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2. A Photo ID Requirement That Specifies Citizenship on the Face of the Document

The bill requires that every voter in a federal election present an “eligible photo identification document.” The bill defines that document as one containing “a photograph of the individual identified on the document,” “an indication on the front of the document that the individual identified on the document is a United States citizen,” and either an ID number or “the last four digits of the social security number of the individual identified on the document.”

The citizenship indicator requirement is the critical problem. Currently, only a handful of states denote citizenship status directly on driver’s licenses. Even REAL ID-compliant cards display the same gold star insignia for citizens and lawfully present non-citizens alike. The bill does include a limited workaround: a voter may present a non-compliant ID “together with another identification document that indicates the individual is a United States citizen.” But requiring two documents at the polls is itself a significant additional burden, and it would disqualify the standard ID held by the vast majority of Americans unless paired with a second document.

The bill also specifies that for in-person voting, the eligible photo identification document “shall be a tangible (not digital) document,” closing off the possibility of using a digital ID on a smartphone, a technology that several states have begun adopting.

3. Double Documentation Required for Absentee Voting

For voters casting absentee ballots, the bill requires that a copy of the eligible photo identification document be submitted both “with the request for an absentee ballot” and again “with the submission of the absentee ballot.” This double documentation requirement, which most states do not currently impose at any stage, would add substantial friction to the process that millions of Americans, including elderly, disabled, and overseas military voters, rely upon as their primary means of voting.

4. Immediate Effective Date, No Funding, No Phase-In

The bill states plainly that its provisions “shall take effect on the date of the enactment of this section.” There is no phase-in period. There is no federal funding provided to help states implement new documentation systems, train election workers, update voter registration forms and databases, or communicate requirements to the public. The Election Assistance Commission is given just 10 days after enactment to “adopt and transmit to the chief State election official of each State guidance with respect to the implementation of the requirements.” States are given 30 days to “establish a program” for identifying non-citizens on voter rolls. These are the conditions under which states would be expected to overhaul their entire voter registration and election administration infrastructure.

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5. The Risk of Bifurcated Elections

States that cannot comply with the law’s requirements could be forced to maintain two separate voter rolls: one for voters who have provided documentary proof of citizenship and are eligible to vote in federal elections, and one for voters who have not. Arizona has operated under just such a bifurcated system since 2004, resulting in nearly two decades of continuous litigation. The SAVE Act would risk spreading that legal and administrative chaos to all 50 states simultaneously, with no funding and no preparation time.

6. Mandatory Federal Database Cross-Checks and Data Sharing

The bill requires states to establish programs to identify non-citizens on voter rolls using information from the Department of Homeland Security’s SAVE system, the Social Security Administration, and state driver’s license agencies. Federal agencies must respond to state requests within 24 hours and are directed to “share information with each other with respect to an individual who is the subject of a request.”

More Choice for San Diego

The bill goes further: it directs the Secretary of Homeland Security to “conduct an investigation to determine whether to initiate removal proceedings” against any non-citizen found to be registered to vote. This means voter registration data would become a direct input into federal immigration enforcement. The scope of personal voter information flowing between state election systems and federal agencies raises significant privacy concerns that the bill does not address.

7. Criminal Penalties for Election Officials

The bill amends the existing criminal penalties section of the National Voter Registration Act to make it a federal crime for an election official to register “an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” The bill also criminalizes “providing material assistance to a noncitizen in attempting to register to vote or vote in an election for Federal office” for executive branch officers and employees.

Critically, the bill does not limit criminal liability to knowing or willful violations. An election official who makes an honest administrative mistake could face federal criminal prosecution. This provision could have a severe chilling effect on election administration, discouraging qualified people from serving as election officials and causing those who do serve to deny registration to borderline applicants out of fear of personal legal consequences.

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8. A Private Right of Action Against Election Officials

The bill expands private right of action provisions under the National Voter Registration Act to include “the act of an election official who registers an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” This means private individuals may sue election officials directly for compliance failures, compounding the chilling effect of the criminal penalties and creating a hostile legal environment around the routine work of election administration.

Side-by-Side Comparison

Feature

California Initiative

Federal SAVE Act (HR7296)

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Photo ID for in-person voting

IVP Donate

Yes

Yes

Digital IDs accepted

Not specified

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No, tangible only

Mail ballot ID requirement

Last 4 digits only

Full photocopy required twice

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Proof of citizenship to register

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No

Yes, documentary proof required

Citizenship indicator required on ID

No

Yes, on the face of the document

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Free ID provided

Yes, guaranteed by the initiative

More Choice for San Diego

Not addressed

Federal or state funding provided

State legislative implementation is required

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No funding provided

Phase-in period

Legislature required to act promptly

No phase-in, effective immediately

Criminal penalties for officials

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IVP Donate

No

Yes, including for non-willful errors

Private right of action against officials

No

Yes

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Risk of bifurcated elections

No

Yes

Let Us Vote : Sign Now!

Federal database surveillance of voters

No

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Yes, extensive, including immigration referrals

Annual audits and public reporting

Yes, required by the initiative

No

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The Bottom Line

Both proposals share a stated goal: ensuring that only eligible U.S. citizens cast ballots in American elections. But they represent fundamentally different visions of how to pursue that goal, and the differences matter enormously for millions of American voters.

The California initiative works within existing systems. It asks voters to confirm who they are, provides free IDs to those who need them, and builds in transparency and accountability through annual audits and public reporting. Its requirements are clearly defined, its burdens are modest, and its protections for voters are explicit.

More Choice for San Diego

The SAVE Act, as written in H.R. 7296, would impose requirements that tens of millions of eligible American citizens cannot currently meet, without providing a dollar in funding, a meaningful period of preparation, or protection for the election officials expected to carry it out. It takes effect the day it is signed. It gives states 30 days to overhaul their voter rolls. It exposes election workers to both criminal prosecution and private lawsuits for honest mistakes. It routes voter registration data into federal immigration enforcement. And it threatens to force all 50 states into the kind of bifurcated election chaos that Arizona has lived with for two decades.

Reasonable people can disagree about whether voter ID requirements are necessary or wise as a matter of policy. But the contrast between these two proposals is instructive. One is a carefully drawn, incremental reform that takes eligible voters’ concerns seriously. The other is a sweeping federal mandate that, as written, would make voting harder for millions of lawful American citizens while creating new legal and administrative burdens that states are given neither the time nor the resources to meet.



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California

Forest Service workers held hostage at gunpoint by father, son in CA forest for hours: Authorities

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Forest Service workers held hostage at gunpoint by father, son in CA forest for hours: Authorities


SISKIYOU COUNTY, Calif. — Law enforcement in far Northern California’s Siskiyou County announced the arrests of a father and his adult son in the alleged kidnapping of two U.S. Forest Service workers, who are now safe and free.

The sheriff says they got a call around 10:55 a.m. Thursday from the Forest Service that a man had taken two Forest Service employees hostage in a very remote area.

The 49-year-old suspect had zip-tied the two Forest Service workers, holding them at gunpoint for nearly 15 hours in a trailer near Gumboot Lake in the Shasta-Trinity National Forest, officials said.

The suspect indicated he wanted to speak with the FBI, but it remains unclear why. Officials are still investigating motives for the kidnapping.

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A huge contingent of law enforcement moved into the area. The FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team arrived on a Boeing 757 from Quantico as snipers, SWAT teams, bomb units, and drones were deployed.

Dashcam footage shows armed officers in tactical gear hitching a ride from a passing pickup truck.

Eventually, after many hours of negotiating, the two Forest Service workers were released just before 2 a.m. and are now safe at home.

The suspect and his adult son came out and were arrested at around 2:30 a.m.

The father will be charged with kidnapping a federal employee. In the trailer, he had an AR-15, knives, and claimed to have grenades.

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It’s unclear if the trailer was his, but it did not belong to the Forest Service.

ABC7 Eyewitness News contributed to this story.

Copyright © 2026 ABC News Internet Ventures.



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The San Andreas fault has gone ominously silent. Scientists fear when it finally snaps

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The San Andreas fault has gone ominously silent. Scientists fear when it finally snaps


It lurks ominously beneath California’s many natural wonders, a reminder that nothing in this landscape is truly permanent.

It’s been described as “the mother of all earthquake faults,” the source of both our geological birth and, perhaps, our ultimate undoing.

But the most unnerving thing about the San Andreas fault these days may be its silence. It’s a mystery scientists are still trying to unlock.

The San Andreas is central to any discussion of California. It’s the massive 800-mile spine of the state, trundling up the Coachella Valley to the San Gabriel Mountains, and pushing along the edge of Silicon Valley to beyond the Golden Gate.

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There is no simple answer for why California’s longest fault, responsible for some of America’s most powerful earthquakes, has produced so few in the last century.

But it is clear that the quiet period is only increasing strain on the San Andreas, as well as on the state’s second-longest fault, the San Jacinto.

A new study underscores the concern. Researchers estimated that key sections of the fault in Southern California are at their highest level of tectonic strain in the last 1,000 years.

The San Andreas, in other words, is locked, loaded and inevitable.

Ticking tectonics

There are generations of Californians who have never experienced the fury of the San Andreas.

The fault was responsible for a megaquake that ripped through the then-sparsely populated state in 1857 — an event that, if repeated today, would reap mass destruction.

In 1906, “a crack in the edge of the world,” as author Simon Winchester described it, flattened San Francisco.

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Modern Californians have been forced to make do with Hollywood’s CGI versions of the fault, which cast it as one of our state’s darkest villains.

But sooner or later, scientists say, California’s earthquake faults will rupture in a way not seen in the modern era. While California has seen sizable temblors since the great San Francisco quake of 1906, the state’s faults are capable of producing intense shaking over a much larger area than seen during more modern events such as the Sylmar, Loma Prieta or Northridge quakes.

“We keep accumulating that earthquake energy, and it has to be released. And the only way it gets released is through large earthquakes,” said U.S. Geological Survey geologist Kate Scharer, one of the new study’s co-authors. “The small ones don’t really do it.”

The California Aqueduct is seen over the San Andreas fault.

A section of the California Aqueduct crisscrosses the San Andreas fault dozens of times.

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The latest study, published last month in the Journal of Geophysical Research: Solid Earth, set out to create a model that calculated the seismic strain on three key segments of the San Andreas and San Jacinto faults where they intersect at the Cajon Pass in San Bernardino County.

The model is based on a number of factors: the estimated timing of earthquakes on the faults over a record of the last 1,000 years; satellite observations of how fast tectonic plates are moving; and estimates of how rigid Earth’s crust is, which determines how much stress can be accommodated and then released, Scharer said.

The computer model “found that tectonic stress has now reached higher levels than at any point in that entire record. From the model, we see that the conditions that historically preceded large joint ruptures crossing both fault systems are now approaching,” said Liliane Burkhard, the lead author of the study and a scientist at the University of Bern in Switzerland and the Hawaii Institute of Geophysics and Planetology at the University of Hawaii.

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The last major temblor to strike urban Southern California, the magnitude 6.7 Northridge earthquake of 1994, resulted in severe damage and the deaths of about 60 people. But it was also mostly limited to a relatively small area of Los Angeles County.

By comparison, a hypothetical magnitude 7.8 earthquake on the southern San Andreas would simultaneously bring violent shaking to L.A., Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Ventura and Imperial counties and could result in 1,800 deaths, according to a U.S. Geological Survey estimate published in 2008.

The findings of the latest study don’t change the overall expectation of a big earthquake hitting Southern California. But they underscore the persistent risk — as well as the possible scale of the disaster.

There’s a 60% chance of a magnitude 6.7 or greater earthquake striking the Los Angeles region by 2045, according to USGS estimates published in 2015. There’s about a 1 in 5 chance of such a quake striking on the San Andreas fault within L.A. County and the Inland Empire.

Why the drought?

The decades-long relative earthquake drought “is an unusually long interseismic period, and stress has been accumulating continuously throughout,” Burkhard said.

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The authors created a 28-second animation, showing how tectonic strain increased along the faults over the last 1,000 years. Big earthquakes then release that strain, before the cycle starts again.

This animation condenses 1,000 years of the Cajon Pass’s earthquake history into 28 seconds. Tectonic stress, shown in shades of orange and red, builds up along three fault segments. Following an earthquake, that stress is released. (Liliane Burkhard / University of Bern / University of Hawai’i at Manoa)

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The study calculated that the San Andreas fault just northwest of the Cajon Pass and the San Jacinto fault just southeast of the pass are at their highest tectonic strain since the year 1100.

The pass, located roughly 50 miles northeast of downtown Los Angeles, marks the dividing line between the San Gabriel Mountains to the west and the San Bernardino Mountains to the east.

Specifically, the study’s authors calculated that the current tectonic stress was 2.8 megapascals on the San Andreas northwest of the pass, surpassing the previous highs of 2.7 just before big quakes in 1469 and 1691.

For the San Jacinto, the authors calculated a current seismic stress of 3.6 megapascals, surpassing the previous high of 2.9 before an earthquake in the year 1249.

The study noted that it has been an unusually long time since a megaquakes has hit Southern California. The San Andreas fault northwest of the Cajon Pass usually has big quakes every 100 to 150 years, Scharer said, though intervals of about 200 years are not unheard of.

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On the San Andreas southeast of the pass, big quakes usually happen every 200 to 250 years. But the most recent quake on the San Andreas along the Salton Sea, close to the Mexican border, was about 300 years ago.

There are some limitations to the study’s model, scientists acknowledge. For instance, the model presumes that when large earthquakes hit, all the tectonic stress that had been accumulated in the fault gets released, “so you start at a ground state of zero and then you accumulate back up until you have that next big event,” Scharer said.

But whether all that stress actually gets released during a big quake is not definitively known.

The Mormon Rocks in Phelan.

The Mormon Rocks in Phelan, Calif.

Tectonic risks

Whenever it strikes, a supersized earthquake on the southern San Andreas would be like no earthquake seen in living memory in California.

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The 1857 quake, estimated to be a magnitude 7.9, produced 63 times more shaking energy than the 1994 Northridge earthquake, and across a much larger swath of the state.

In 1994, “violent shaking,” or Level 9 on the Modified Mercalli Intensity Scale, causing great damage in substantial buildings, affected only part of the San Fernando Valley.

But a magnitude 7.8 San Andreas quake hypothesized by the USGS in its 2008 ShakeOut scenario would cause that kind of shaking across Southern California.

In 1994, emergency responders from across Southern California were able to focus the bulk of their efforts on especially hard-hit areas. That wouldn’t be possible in a regionwide disaster.

It might be tempting for Californians to tune out talk of the “Big One” after hearing about it for most of their lives. But generational catastrophes do strike — be they an earthquake in San Francisco in 1906, a hurricane in New Orleans in 2005 or tsunamis in the Indian Ocean in 2004 or Japan in 2011.

Tectonic rewards

Earthquakes are part of the bargain of living in California, a product of the same forces that allow people to ski and surf on the same day. The same tectonics that drive earthquakes act as the state’s landscape artists, said Julian Lozos, associate professor of geological sciences at Cal State Northridge.

“Because we are on the edge of the continent, we’re on a plate boundary, and have been a plate boundary for a couple hundred million years. There’s constantly been stuff crashing into North America, and getting stuck to it, and getting uplifted, and erupted through, and slid around,” Lozos said.

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The Sierra Nevada, California’s mightiest mountain range, “are the guts of the volcanoes that used to be there when there was a subduction zone … and then when those volcanoes stopped erupting, the guts of them lifted up through the crust,” Lozos said.

A road passes next to land over the San Andreas fault.

Big Pines Highway rises out of a valley to ride a ridge created by the tectonic forces of the San Andreas fault, two miles southeast of the unincorporated Mojave Desert community of Valyermo, home to about 450 residents.

The same forces that produce earthquakes are also what led gold to form in the Sierra foothills, inciting the state’s famous rush.

Tectonic movement also created today’s Central Valley, a highly productive agricultural area that was once part of the ocean, then an inland sea, and then a freshwater lake, Lozos said.

“Everything about what we see here is stuff that formed because of that plate boundary then, and it’s getting moved around by the plate boundary now,” Lozos said. “And so if we didn’t have anything like that, we would be Nebraska.”

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But the risks, like the rewards, are significant. The San Andreas runs right through cities in the Inland Empire. The Los Angeles Basin is also at risk.

If an earthquake on the San Andreas comes from the south and heads north, it would shuttle all that shaking energy “right into downtown,” Lozos said, causing shaking that could last two to three minutes.

“Geologically, L.A. is a bowl of Jell-O. It is a hard rock bowl full of really soft, squishy stuff that shakes very easily,” Lozos said.

A woman talks to a customer at the Wrightwood Inn.

It is business as usual at the Wrightwood Inn on a recent Tuesday night. According to a recent study, seismic pressure has been gradually building in the area for more than a century.

It’s not certain why it’s been so quiet between earthquakes, said Scharer. Another study, published in 2023, suggested the lack of sudden, major floodwaters funneling into Lake Cahuilla, the larger historical predecessor to the Salton Sea, may have something to do with it.

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Scharer said the study’s results are a good reminder to prepare for the next big earthquake.

To be sure, the computer model’s results are not a prediction, and all models have their limitations and uncertainties. Still, its suggestion that the fault systems are “more loaded than at any point in the 1,000-year record,” Burkhard said, “is a finding worth taking seriously.”

“In the end, the most important message is a simple one: Let’s make sure we are prepared,” she said.



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Becerra leads Hilton by wide margin in California governor’s race, new poll finds

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Becerra leads Hilton by wide margin in California governor’s race, new poll finds


A new poll in the race for California Governor shows Democrat Xavier Becerra is leading Republican Steve Hilton by a wide margin — 61% to 36%.

Becerra leads Hilton across several demographics: age, gender, homeownership, income, racial/ethnic groups and across the state’s major regions.

The poll also found 85% of likely voters say that the gubernatorial candidates’ positions on the environment are important — 60% of Democrats call it “very important,” compared to 29% of Republicans.

The poll surveyed 1,578 California adults from June 29 through July 6 and was conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California. The poll was conducted in English and Spanish, and 1,003 of those who were polled were likely voters.

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The same poll found that a large majority of Californians do not want new data centers built in their area. Only about a quarter of those surveyed are in favor of the construction of data centers.

The PPIC survey focused on Californians and the environment.

Another key finding was that Californians are most likely to name wildfires as the top environmental issue facing the state today, followed by climate change, government overregulation and water supply. Of those polled, about six in 10 think that the state and local governments are not doing enough to address wildfires.

The California General Election will be held on Nov. 3, 2026.

Copyright © 2026 KABC Television, LLC. All rights reserved.

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