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Arizona governor's signing of abortion law repeal follows political fight by women lawmakers

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Arizona governor's signing of abortion law repeal follows political fight by women lawmakers


PHOENIX (AP) — Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs’ signing of the repeal of a Civil War-era ban on nearly all abortions was a stirring occasion for the women working to ensure that the 19th century law remains in the past.

Current and former state lawmakers and reproductive rights advocates crowded into the 9th floor rotunda outside Hobbs’ office Thursday afternoon, hugging and taking selfies to capture the moment. Some wept.

“It’s a historic moment, and it’s a place and time where thrilling moments all come together,” Democratic Rep. Stephanie Stahl Hamilton said during the signing ceremony. “It’s a time where we are doing away with what is in the past that doesn’t fit the present.”

Stahl and Sen. Anna Hernandez, also a Democrat, were the two current lawmakers chosen to speak at the ceremony for their efforts to ensure repeal of the long-dormant law that bans all abortions except those done to save a patient’s life.

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The effort won final legislative approval Wednesday in a 16-14 Senate vote, as two GOP lawmakers joined with Democrats during a session of some three hours where motivations for votes were described in personal, emotional and even biblical terms. There were graphic descriptions of abortion procedures and amplified audio of a fetal heartbeat, along with warnings against “legislating religious beliefs.”

Abortion-ban advocates in the Senate gallery jeered state Republican state Sen. Shawnna Bolick as she explained her vote in favor of repeal, then she was scolded by GOP colleagues. Bolick is married to state Supreme Court Justice Clint Bolick, who voted with the majority in April to reinstate the 1864 law. He faces a retention election in November.

The House previously approved the repeal, with three Republicans in that chamber breaking ranks.

Hobbs says the move is just the beginning of a fight to protect reproductive health care in Arizona. The repeal is set to take effect 90 days after legislative session ends, which typically is June or July once the budget is approved.

“This means everything to get this archaic, inhumane territorial law off the books,” said Dr. Gabrielle Goodrick, founder of Phoenix-based Camelback Family Planning, which performs a third of abortions in Arizona.

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A 2022 statute banning the procedure after 15 weeks of pregnancy then will become Arizona’s prevailing abortion law.

Abortion rights advocates, led by Planned Parenthood Arizona, have filed a motion with the state Supreme Court to prevent the 1846 law from taking hold before the repeal does. If it’s rejected, girls and women could see a pause in abortion services.

The 19th century law had been blocked in Arizona since 1973 with the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Roe v. Wade that guaranteed the constitutional right to an abortion nationwide. When the federal law was overturned in 2022, it left Arizona’s in legal limbo.

The Arizona Supreme Court last month took the state back decades and reinstated the ban that provides no exceptions for survivors of rape or incest. The justices suggested doctors could be prosecuted for violating the law, with a maximum five-year prison sentence if convicted.

The anti-abortion group defending the ban, Alliance Defending Freedom, maintains county prosecutors can begin enforcing it once the Supreme Court’s decision becomes final, which hasn’t yet occurred. Democratic Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes is making a push to delay the enforcement of the ban until sometime in late July.

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Meanwhile, abortion-rights advocates are collecting signatures to enshrine reproductive rights in Arizona’s constitution. A proposed ballot measure would allow abortions until a fetus could survive outside the womb, typically around 24 weeks, with exceptions to save the parent’s life or to protect her physical or mental health.

Republican lawmakers are considering putting one or more competing abortion proposals before voters in November.

In other parts of the U.S. this week, supporters of a South Dakota abortion rights initiative submitted far more signatures than required to make the ballot this fall, while in Florida a ban took effect against most abortions after six weeks of pregnancy, before many people even know they are pregnant.

President Joe Biden’s campaign team believes anger over the fall of Roe v. Wade will give them a political advantage in battleground states like Arizona, while the issue has divided Republican leaders.

For the Democratic women who led the effort on the repeal in Arizona, Thursday was celebratory moment but also showed there’s more work to be done, they said.

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In an interview before the signing ceremony, Stahl Hamilton talked about her early years on the Navajo Nation where her parents were school teachers and where federally funded clinics still limit abortion services.

She talked about a sister-in-law who she said struggled with two difficult pregnancies, one that resulted in a stillbirth and a nonviable one in which “they had to make the heartbreaking decision to terminate that pregnancy, because there was no brain development.”

“And I imagine that had any of these laws been in place during the time when she was needing care, it really would have wreaked havoc,” Stahl Hamilton said.

When the Civil War-era ban was passed, all the 27 lawmakers were men, America was at war over the right to own slaves and women couldn’t vote, Hobbs said. Now, the Arizona Legislature is roughly evenly divided between men and women.

Hernandez became involved in politics after her younger brother, Alejandro, was killed in a police shooting in April 2019. She and her two other siblings have tattoos with his portrait on their left arms.

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Her sister is a nurse in labor and delivery, and she has two nieces, aged 16 and 12, she said.

“In this moment, I think of them being able to grow up in the state that we love so much, having the rights that they have,” she said.

Former Democratic state Rep. Athena Salman was so overcome with emotion Thursday that she could barely speak when she was called to the lectern at the signing ceremony. She proposed a repeal of the 19th century law in 2019, three years before Roe v. Wade was overturned.

Salman, who resigned in January to lead an abortion rights group, said she can’t stop thinking about her daughters.

“Future generations will not have to live under the restrictions and the interference that we have had to experience,” she said.

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Arizona

Former Baylor pitcher Collin McKinney commits to Arizona baseball

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Former Baylor pitcher Collin McKinney commits to Arizona baseball


In winning both the Pac-12 regular season and conference tournament titles, Arizona put up some of the best pitching numbers in the country and led the nation in a trio of categories.

The Kevin Vance effect was real, and it’s made the Wildcats a desirable destination for pitchers hoping to improve their pro prospects.

Arizona has landed a second potential weekend starter from the NCAA transfer portal, getting a commitment Tuesday from former Baylor right-hander Collin McKinney.

The 6-foot-5 Texas native comes to Tucson with three years of eligibility, but with a big 2025 season could get drafted. He’s coming off a 2024 campaign as a redshirt freshman (he sat out 2023 due to injury) in which he started 14 games for Baylor and was 3-6 with a 6.70 ERA.

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McKinney struck out 60 batters in 49.2 innings but also walked 35 and allowed 11 home runs. He had back-to-back 10-strikeout performances midway through the season but didn’t go more than four innings in any of his final seven starts.

He is Arizona’s second portal pickup, both righties who have started throughout their college career. Last week the Wildcats landed ex-Rutgers RHP Christian Coppola.

Coppola is ranked by 64Analytics as the No. 30 transfer, while McKinney is No. 168. For perspective, none of the players Arizona has lost to the portal was ranked in the top 1,000.

The UA is likely to lose all three weekend starters with righties Clark Candiotti and Cam Walty graduating and lefty Jackson Kent expected to get drafted and start his pro career.



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Police: Horse in May crash that killed Arizona man was domesticated

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Police: Horse in May crash that killed Arizona man was domesticated


RENO, Nev. (KOLO) – Nevada State Police say the horse involved in a May crash that killed an Arizona man was domesticated.

On May 31, a 2008 Subaru Tribeca with three occupants was driving north of US 395 approaching the Red Rock off-ramp when it hit a horse in the road.

Of the three occupants, one, 19-year-old Wendem Herzog of Queen Creek, Arizona, succumbed to his injuries.

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Arizona’s Embarrassing Death Penalty Mess Takes a New Turn

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Arizona’s Embarrassing Death Penalty Mess Takes a New Turn


An ambitious prosecutor seeking re-election, a governor trying to figure out what is wrong with her state’s death penalty system, a victim’s family pushing to see a killer executed, an attorney general seeking to guard her authority in the death penalty system, a death row inmate whose fate is in the balance—these elements are a familiar part of the story of capital punishment across the country. But all of them are now vividly on display in Arizona, where the political motives of an ambitious county attorney are driving a contest over the rules governing who gets to say when it is time to issue a death warrant.

The mess in Arizona has arisen in the case of Aaron Gunches. Gunches, who was sentenced to death for the 2002 killing of his girlfriend’s ex-husband, Ted Price, pled guilty to a murder charge in the shooting death. He has been on death row since 2008.

The Gunches case has had more than its share of twists and turns up to this point. But now, Maricopa County Attorney Rachel Mitchell has added a new and troubling wrinkle.

She is defying law and logic to claim authority that she does not have as she seeks to secure a death warrant for Gunches. A local news report makes clear that under Arizona law “it is solely up to the attorney general to ask the Arizona Supreme Court for the necessary warrant to execute someone once all appeals have been exhausted.”

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Nonetheless, on June 5, Mitchell, who is a Republican, took the unprecedented step of filing a motion with the Arizona Supreme Court in what she herself admitted is “a move to ultimately seek a warrant of execution for Aaron Brian Gunches.”

Mitchell’s political motives are clear. In 2022, she was elected with 52% of the vote after a hotly fought contest with Democrat Julie Gunnigle. This year, she faces what is shaping up to be a similarly tight race for re-election.

The Gunches case offers her a chance to reinforce her tough-on-crime credentials and score points as a strong supporter of victims’ rights.

The complications of that case include the fact that in November 2022, Gunches himself asked the state supreme court to allow his execution to move forward. Republican Mark Brnovich, who was then Arizona’s attorney general, joined him in that request.

The court granted Gunches’s request.

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But after Brnovich was defeated for re-election, Gunches changed his mind. In January 2023, Democrat Kris Mayes, the new attorney general, joined him in asking the state supreme court to withdraw the execution warrant.

However, the court rejected Mayes’s request and set an execution date. Then Governor Katie Hobbs got involved.

Despite the court’s actions, Hobbs said that her administration would not proceed with the execution. She argued that the death warrant only “authorized” the execution but did not require that it take place.

An Arizona State Law Journal article noted that “Governor Hobbs’s decision not to move forward with the warrant for execution raised the constitutional question of whether she was able to ignore the warrant or whether it required her to act.”

It reported that “Karen Price, the victim’s sister, and her attorneys…sought a writ of mandamus (an order that compels a public official to fulfill a non-discretionary duty imposed by law) against Hobbs to force her to execute Gunches. Price argued that the language of the execution warrant allowed for no discretion and mandated that Hobbs enforce it. “

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However, “The Arizona Supreme Court sided with Governor Hobbs.”

As the law journal says:

The court held that the execution warrant that it issued ‘authorized’ the Governor to proceed with the execution of Mr. Gunches. This authorization, however, did not rise to the level of a command. The warrant gave the governor the authority to move forward with the death penalty, but it did not contain any binding language requiring the governor to do so.

Moreover, soon after she took office, Hobbs had announced a pause in Arizona’s executions because of what she called a “history of executions that have resulted in serious questions about [the state’s] execution protocols.” She also launched a Death Penalty Independent Review, led by retired Judge David Duncan.

At the time, Governor Hobbs said that “Arizona has a history of mismanaged executions that have resulted in serious concerns about ADCRR’s execution protocols and lack of transparency. That changes now under my administration…. A comprehensive and independent review must be conducted to ensure these problems are not repeated in future executions.”

Mitchell complained that the review was proceeding too slowly. “For nearly two years,” Mitchell said, “we’ve seen delay after delay from the governor and the attorney general. The commissioner’s report was expected at the end of 2023, but it never arrived. In a letter received by my office three weeks ago, I’m now told the report might be complete in early 2025.”

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Then, allying herself with the family of Gunches’s victim, she said, “For almost 22 years,” she said, “Ted Price’s family has been waiting for justice and closure. They’re not willing to wait any longer, and neither am I.”

Mitchell claims that because “each county represents the state in felony prosecutions that occur in Arizona… I also can appropriately ask the Supreme Court for a death warrant. The victims have asserted their rights to finality and seek this office’s assistance in protecting their constitutional rights to a prompt and final conclusion to this case.”

But even Mitchell knows that what she is doing has no basis in law. At the time she filed her motion, she acknowledged that “it is unusual for a county attorney to seek a death warrant.”

Unusual is a mild word for what Mitchell is trying to do. It is unprecedented and clearly illegal.

Last week, Attorney General Mayes responded to Mitchell’s ploy. She asked the state supreme court to ignore Mitchell’s request. “The authority to request a warrant of execution … rests exclusively with the attorney general,” she told the court.

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She said Mitchell had gone “rogue” and reminded her that “there is only one Attorney General at a time—and the voters decided who that was 18 months ago.”

She called out Mitchell for putting on a “cynical performance to look tough in her competitive re-election primary,” and treating that political imperative as “more important…than following the law.”

“The kind of behavior engaged in by…County Attorney Mitchell in the Gunches matter,” Mayes observed, “not only disrespects the legal process but also jeopardizes the working order of our system of justice.” If every county attorney could seek execution warrants, Mayes noted, it would “create chaos” in Arizona’s already troubled death penalty system.

What is going on in Arizona shows the lengths to which some supporters of capital punishment will go to keep the machinery of death running. And all of us, whatever our views of the death penalty, will be well served if the state supreme court delivers a decisive rebuke to Maricopa County’s dangerous effort to do so.

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