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Ballots from Helene-damaged areas are among the 65,000 that Republicans want to throw out in North Carolina | CNN Politics

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Ballots from Helene-damaged areas are among the 65,000 that Republicans want to throw out in North Carolina | CNN Politics




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Jen Baddour volunteered as a poll greeter on University of North Carolina’s Chapel Hill campus during November’s election, where a bell was rung at the polling site for anyone voting for the first time.

She told young voters there, “Listen, you’re not going to see or hear the fireworks when you put your ballot in to be counted, but you will feel them in your heart,” Baddour recalled to CNN.

Now, she is one of roughly 65,000 voters – including many affected by Hurricane Helene – whose ballots Republicans are trying to toss as they deploy a playbook that had been prepared when all eyes were on President Donald Trump’s election campaign.

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The GOP is trying to overturn a closely watched North Carolina Supreme Court election where two recounts show Democratic Justice Allison Riggs holding on to her seat, with 734 votes putting her ahead of her GOP opponent, Judge Jefferson Griffin.

As they’ve press forward in multiple legal forums, Republicans have not put forward evidence that voter fraud occurred in the election. For the vast majority of the ballots being challenged, they’re instead relying on what likely amounts to clerical errors by election officials to argue that those votes should be thrown out. They’re also challenging a few thousand overseas ballots, including ballots cast by military members and their families abroad, and for some ballots, they’re using arguments that were rejected by courts in pre-election court battles in the state.

Critics warn that if the gambit is successful, it will set a new standard for throwing out elections based on technicalities that are no fault of the voters.

The GOP approach is “undemocratic” and “radical,” said David Becker, a former DOJ attorney and election law expert who, from his perch leading the Center for Election Innovation & Research, advises state election officials of both parties.

“It goes beyond almost any lawsuit that I’ve seen before in challenging an election,” Becker said.

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Baddour, the Chapel Hill resident, has been registered to vote since 1992, having been born and lived most of her life in North Carolina. But, due to an error by election officials, the commonly used registration form did not require until 2023 certain identification numbers that were mandated by law. It’s possible Baddour did not provide those ID numbers, or if she did, the numbers may not have been recorded when she registered.

“I would have easily given it,” Baddour said. “I voted many times, and I’ve updated my record many times. No one has ever said to me, you know, ‘Give this information.’”

The origins of Griffin’s legal challenge can be traced back to the digging of Carol Snow, a North Carolina woman who began researching state election policy in 2021.

“I started out as a skeptic,” she said in an email to CNN. “After a few years of research and analysis of NC’s data and election law, I’m now a full-blown grade A bona fide Election Denier.”

Using a public records request, Snow surfaced data in 2023 showing that the registration data of 225,000 voters had neither a driver’s license number nor the last four digits of their Social Security number. A 2004 state law requires election officials collect at least one of those ID numbers.

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Snow flagged for the state election board that its registration form was failing to collect the required ID numbers. Election officials updated the form and other registration materials after she filed administrative complaints, but the state election board rebuffed her calls for election officials to obtain the ID information from each of those voters.

Prior to the election, the GOP brought a lawsuit that pointed to her administrative complaints in challenging those voters’ eligibility to vote, but judges dealt Republicans legal setbacks, denying them relief before the election.

A new version of the claim has come to life with Griffin’s post-election protest. Along with two other buckets of challenges, his lawsuit targets 60,000 voters with so-called “incomplete” registrations who cast absentee or early-in person ballots, both categories of ballots that can be retrieved and segregated from the count.

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Students in Asheville, North Carolina return to school on Monday

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Women make up a disproportionate number of the voters challenged for missing the ID numbers, according to data obtained by a public records request by the state Democratic Party.

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Part of that dynamic, Democrats and election officials believe, is because of a mismatch between a woman’s maiden name and married name when the ID number she provided is run against other government databases. If the names and numbers don’t align, the ID number is not entered into her registration record.

The voters caught in the middle include people who have voted and lived in the state for decades, who have served in elected office themselves, and who overcame the destruction of Hurricane Helene to exercise their franchise. Republicans are even challenging the ballots cast by Riggs’ parents.

“These voters did not do anything wrong,” Riggs told CNN. “They are long time – in many cases, lifetime – voters. There is no question of their identity.”

Copland Rudolph, a challenged voter who lives in Asheville and whose family ties to that area of the state date back to the 1700s, looked up her old registration file, which confirmed she had provided her social security number, she told CNN. She told CNN that she saw names on the challenge list of people currently involved in the Hurricane Helene response efforts.

“For us to have to go back, and re-look at our vote, and even deal with this issue when we have years ahead of us of recovery is … tone deaf by the people filing this challenge,” she said.

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Rani Dasi, a Chapel Hill voter on Griffin’s challenge list, noted in an interview the photo ID she was required to show to vote this year under a newly enacted North Carolina law.

“The fact that ID was required should eliminate any confusion about who’s eligible or not to vote,” Dasi, who also had her credentials verified when she was elected three times to serve on the local school board, said. “This is something that has a different agenda other than protecting the voting process.”

A spokesperson for the North Carolina GOP placed the blame on the state board of elections for being “completely uninterested” in fixing issues with voters’ registration data that Republicans and others brought to its attention before the election.

“It’s a factor of the long-term failure of the state board of elections,” said the spokesperson, Matt Mercer, while noting its Democratic-held majority, “that has led us to this point.”

(In response to CNN’s inquiries, Griffin’s lawyers referred CNN to the NC GOP spokesperson.)

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In court filings with the North Carolina Supreme Court, Griffin has told the court that it need not throw out those 60,000 votes – if the two other buckets of ballot challenges he’s bringing put him ahead of Riggs in the vote count first.

The first challenge category Griffin wants the state court to consider are 5,509 overseas ballots he claims are invalid because the voters did not provide copies of their photo ID.

The agency regulation that established that those voters weren’t subject to the state photo ID requirement went through a notice and comment process, the state board has noted, during which the state GOP raised no objection for the photo ID exemption, even as it weighed in on other aspects of the rule.

“What the state board did does not have the superseding authority over what the people voted on and what was implemented in state law,” Mercer, the GOP spokesperson, said, referring to the photo ID requirement.

Notably, Griffin did not bring this type of challenge statewide. Instead, he challenged these voters only in the four counties that all lean Democratic. Mercer told CNN that only those counties were targeted with election protests because only their data was available at the time the judge’s protests were filed.

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In court filings, Griffin said that if those ballots don’t put him over the top, the next category of ballots that should be tossed are the votes of overseas Americans whom he’s dubbed “Never Residents.” They’re overseas voters, often children of expats abroad, who never lived in North Carolina themselves but have the right to vote in the state under North Carolina law because their parents were residents.

That argument was put forward by Republicans in a pre-election lawsuit that was rejected by both a state trial judge and appeals court.

The North Carolina Supreme Court – which has a 5-2 Republican majority – paused certification of Riggs’ win earlier this month, but on Wednesday, declined Griffin’s request that it rule on his challenges directly, instead sending his case down for lower state courts to consider first.

Still, Chief Justice Paul Newby – a Republican whom Griffin has described as a mentor – wrote a concurrence seemingly defending Griffin’s efforts, writing that the case was “not about deciding the outcome of an election “and that “there is nothing anti-democratic about filing an election protest.”

(Riggs is recusing from the matter; one Republican justice joined the remaining Democrat on the court in dissenting from the decision to pause certification.)

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Riggs and the state board, meanwhile, have sought to move the case to federal court, where they can argue that federal law forbids the “the mass disenfranchisement” Griffin is seeking, as Riggs put it in a legal brief last week. After a US district judge remanded the case back to the state supreme court, the Democrats appealed that ruling, and the 4th US Circuit Court of Appeals will hear arguments next Monday on whether the dispute belongs in a federal forum.

No matter what the next legal developments, it appears likely that the court fight will drag on for months. Democratic Justice Anita Earls warned in a partial dissent Wednesday that by keeping the certification on hold, the state supreme court may have opened a “Pandora’s box.”

“If any losing candidate can make any sort of argument about votes in the election, no matter how frivolous, and automatically receive a court-ordered stay on appeal, preventing the winning candidate from being certified, nothing stops litigious losers from preventing duly elected persons from taking office for months or longer,” she wrote.



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North Carolina

North Carolina’s electoral future may hinge on rural Black voters who feel ignored by Democrats

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North Carolina’s electoral future may hinge on rural Black voters who feel ignored by Democrats


NASHVILLE, N.C. (AP) — Ricky Brinkley has lived in rural North Carolina nearly all of his 65 years, and he likes it “out in the county,” past the street lights and bustle of the small towns that carpet the landscape.

But the former truck driver can feel left out when elections roll around in this battleground state.

“People don’t come out like they should and ask you how you feel about things,” Brinkley said while he manned the counter at his daughter’s beauty supply store down the street from the Nashville courthouse. “You want somebody to vote, but you don’t want to do nothing to get the vote. No, it don’t work that way.”

Brinkley is among the rural Black residents who Democrats have often failed to mobilize as they try to dent Republican advantages here. It’s an urgent demographic puzzle for the party, which is normally strong with Black voters but tends to fall short in rural areas.

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Success could help former Gov. Roy Cooper win a hotly contested U.S. Senate race this year and tilt the balance of power in Washington. It could also reshape presidential elections, providing Democrats with a wider path to the White House.

“People want to look at the word ‘rural’ in North Carolina and equate it to the word ‘white,’” said state party chair Anderson Clayton, a 28-year-old who won her job three years ago promising to expand the party beyond cities. “In my vision of a Democratic Party, when you talk about reaching out to rural voters, you are talking about rural Black voters.”

The Rev. James Gailliard, a former state lawmaker who leads a large Black congregation in Rocky Mount, put it even more bluntly.

“You don’t win this state in Durham,” Gailliard said. “You win it in the east.”

It’s about more than Cooper’s Senate bid

North Carolina is known for the university-heavy Research Triangle that includes Durham, Raleigh and Chapel Hill, along with Charlotte’s banking hub. But it also includes large swaths of small towns and rural areas where Democrats have lost ground in recent decades.

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That’s not just because of white voters realigning with Republicans. It’s also because Black voters who lean Democratic don’t vote as often as their urban counterparts. Those rural Black voters are concentrated east of the triangle, extending along winding state highways through small towns, flatlands and farmland toward the Atlantic coastline.

Cooper, 68, won two terms as governor and four terms as state attorney general. However, Republicans control the state courts and the legislature, and they’ve redrawn the congressional map to expand their advantage in the U.S. House. Donald Trump carried the state for Republicans all three times he ran for the White House.

A native of rural Nash County, Cooper already in recent months held roundtable sessions with Black farmers, business owners and civic leaders in eastern North Carolina, along with students from North Carolina A&T University, a historically Black school that draws students from across the state. His campaign promises a statewide organizing effort before November.

Gailliard wants a more intentional effort

But Gailliard wants more.

The founding pastor at Word Tabernacle Church, Gailliard was among the Black state lawmakers who lost seats after Republican-led redistricting. He said regaining ground will require neighborhood-level organizing and investment from national Democrats, something he struggled to get from Kamala Harris’ 2024 presidential campaign.

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“I couldn’t get any traction,” Gailliard recalled. “I begged them to bring her to Rocky Mount. I said, ‘Listen, Rocky Mount is the gateway to the East. If we crack Rocky Mount, we’ve cracked the East.’ Could not convince them to come. Two weeks later, guess who’s in Rocky Mount? Donald Trump.”

The Harris campaign sent former President Bill Clinton to the area instead.

Gailliard said Cooper needs people like him to get elected.

“Roy is a great friend, and I’m gonna run my butt off to help him in every way, but I’m not banking on his coattails,” Gailliard said. “I’m going to do the opposite. I’m going to grow coattails for him.”

The state party tries to fill gaps

Clayton, the state party chair, said the national party and its donors haven’t prioritized North Carolina early enough in recent cycles.

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She said she’s relied mostly on local money to finance 25 full-time staffers, more than three times what the state party had heading into the 2022 midterms.

Bertie County Democratic chairwoman Camille Taylor, whose hometown of Powellsville has fewer than 200 residents, said she’s felt the shift.

She speaks regularly with a field organizer in nearby Greenville, the city closest to the northeastern counties with large proportions of Black residents. But she said it’s especially difficult to persuade rural voters to care about voting beyond the presidency, even though she tells them “these are the races and the people that you’re going to interact with more.”

Democrats have recruited candidates in all 170 legislative districts — two are Democratic-aligned independents — and every U.S. House district. State Supreme Court Justice Anita Earls, a noted civil rights attorney and Black woman, is running statewide for reelection.

Gailliard said he’s identified a few hundred nonprofits, neighborhood associations and other groups that can do issue-orientated work in his district as the election approaches. He wants to match each of them to specific precincts, routing money for them to reach voters and persuade them to vote.

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He wants volunteers to get training from Democratic and left-leaning organizations rather than have the outsiders themselves knocking on rural Black voters’ doors.

“We can’t have 21-year-old recent college graduates from Utah knocking doors at $22 an hour in the hood,” Gailliard said. “That just does not work. They’re not a trusted messenger.”

Marginal voting changes add up

About 2 in 10 North Carolina voters in the 2024 and 2020 presidential elections were Black, according to AP VoteCast, as well as in the 2022 Senate election.

Roughly 4 in 10 Black voters in North Carolina’s last presidential election said they live in small towns or rural communities, similar to the share who said they live in the suburbs. Only about one-quarter reported living in urban areas.

Small shifts in persuasion matter, particularly when races are close. In 2008, Barack Obama became the last Democratic presidential candidate to win North Carolina, by a margin of just 14,000 votes out of 4.3 million votes cast.

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Voter turnout between the 2020 and 2024 elections declined more in North Carolina counties that have larger Black populations.

Counties where Black voters make up about 30% to 40% of the electorate saw the biggest drop, with turnout falling by more than 3 percentage points. Counties with smaller Black populations saw more modest declines of about 1 percentage point. Overall, turnout remains higher in counties with fewer Black voters.

An old Cooper schoolmate just wants to be asked

Gailliard said Democrats cannot underestimate how much it means for someone to simply get asked for their vote.

“Black and rural voters are not transactional,” he said. “They are relational.”

Back in Nashville at the beauty supply store, Brinkley agreed.

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“You get to be a big wheel, and you can forget where you came from,” Brinkley said. “I ain’t gonna say Roy forgot. He’s a hometown guy, so to speak, but I don’t expect to see him out here walking.”

Brinkley made it clear that if he votes, it would be for Cooper and other Democrats — but only if he votes.

“I could. I could. I may vote,” he said. “There’s just so much going on.”

___ Sweedler reported from Washington. Associated Press journalist Linley Sanders in Washington contributed to this report.

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North Carolina

SBI investigating murder in Madison County

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SBI investigating murder in Madison County


The North Carolina State Bureau of Investigation has confirmed that they are investigating a murder in Madison County that occurred around 3 a.m. on March 31.

News 13 is working to get more information. This story will be updated.



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North Carolina

Suspect accused of stabbing pregnant woman outside North Carolina Harris Teeter

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Suspect accused of stabbing pregnant woman outside North Carolina Harris Teeter


CHARLOTTE, N.C. (QUEEN CITY NEWS) — A woman accused of stabbing a pregnant woman in southeast Charlotte earlier this month has been arrested, according to the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department.

Officers responded to an assault with a deadly weapon call just before 11:30 a.m. on March 18 in the 100 block of South Sharon Amity Road. The stabbing happened outside, in the parking lot of a Harris Teeter grocery store.

When CMPD officers arrived, they found a 38-year-old woman who had been stabbed. CMPD said she told them she had been stabbed once during the attack. Her injuries were described as non-life-threatening, and she was treated and later released from the hospital.


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Following the attack, investigators released surveillance footage and were asking anyone who recognized the suspect or vehicle involved to come forward.

On Monday, March 30, police announced they’ve identified the suspect as Marvina Marie Hardy. Hardy was located by CMPD’s VCAT detectives, with the assistance of the South Carolina Law Enforcement Division, Florida Division Law Enforcement, and Florida State Highway Patrol.

Hardy is currently in custody at the Flagler County Sheriff’s Office Jail in Florida and is awaiting extradition back to North Carolina. She is facing several charges, including assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill/inflict serious injury and battery of an unborn child.

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