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Maryland’s big-dollar primary features tighter races, hot words and a sea of ads

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Maryland’s big-dollar primary features tighter races, hot words and a sea of ads


Maryland’s primary on Tuesday features a wildly expensive U.S. Senate election, a rematch for Baltimore mayor that pits incumbent Brandon Scott against former Mayor Sheila Dixon, and a hotly contested 3rd Congressional District race for a rare open seat.

Despite the drama and a relentless sea of campaign ads, analysts say overall voter turnout will likely lag behind other presidential election years — which often attract peak interest. That’s because the 2024 Democratic and Republican chief executive nominees are all but decided on. President Joe Biden is the presumed Democratic nominee, while former President Donald Trump is the anticipated Republican pick.

“People vote for the top of the ticket. When there is no presidential race at the top, turnout goes down precipitously,” said University of Baltimore professor John Willis, who was secretary of state in the administration of Democratic Gov. Parris Glendening.

“Senate, Congress and mayor will have some impact, but they’re not driving massive numbers,” he said.

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Willis said statewide turnout may pale compared to the 2020 primary, when 48.7% of Democrats and 35.6% of Republicans voted. Biden had not quite clinched the nomination at the time of Maryland’s primary in June 2020. Meanwhile, a record number of mail-in ballots used by voters because of the pandemic particularly drove turnout that year.

Evidence of less enthusiasm this year was present in preliminary turnout numbers for mail-in voting and the state’s eight-day early voting period, which ended Thursday.

As of Thursday, just 151,503 Marylanders had cast ballots at early voting locations — just over 4% of the state’s nearly 3.7 million eligible active voters. Voting by mail, which has remained a frequently used option since the pandemic, has proved again to be a popular choice. As of 6 p.m. Thursday, local election boards across the state had received 275,529 mail-in ballots, although that was a little less than half of the 593,155 mail-in ballots delivered to voters.

Jared DeMarinis, Maryland’s election administrator, said it’s too soon to fully analyze turnout, but the state board continues to see voters shifting their voting habits, particularly since the pandemic. Early voting may be slow this year, but the state is on pace to see record use of mail-in ballots, he said.

Lisa McKay feeds her ballot into a machine at Mount Pleasant Church on Radecke Ave on the last day of early voting for the 2024 primary election. (Jerry Jackson/Staff)

For the 2022 gubernatorial general election, Maryland sent out 640,000 ballots, the most ever. As of Thursday, Maryland had 637,000 requests for mail-in ballots, he said.

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“It’s getting close,” he said. “We’re definitely going to shatter it in November.”

DeMarinis cautioned that the sluggish return of those mail-in ballots, however, could mean slower election results. Only 120,000 mail-in ballots have been counted, or canvassed, so far, he said, because election officials switched gears to run early voting operations from May 2 through Thursday.

While voters may be slow to cast their ballots, it’s not for a lack of action in some contests. The pace of the U.S. Senate race, in particular, has quickened as each candidate increasingly challenges the other’s credentials.

David Trone, a third-term U.S. representative who is largely self-funding his campaign, has generated voter attention by spending $57 million so far in the Democratic primary — a massive sum for a state Maryland’s size.

“Certainly the deluge of Trone ads may increase turnout, if nothing else, just by reminding more people when Election Day is,” said Flavio Hickel, an assistant political science professor at Washington College on the Eastern Shore.

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While early polls showed Trone ahead, the race has become close, according to a poll released Thursday.

The May 6-8 survey by Emerson College Polling/The Hill/DC News Now found 42% of 1,115 registered voters supported Prince George’s County Executive Angela Alsobrooks, while 41% supported Trone. Twelve percent were undecided. The margin of error was plus or minus 2.9 percentage points.

That’s compared with Emerson College’s February poll, which showed Trone leading Alsobrooks 32% to 17%.

Alsobrooks has slammed Trone for having donated money to Republicans, including Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas, which has one of the nation’s most restrictive abortion bans. Trone, co-founder of the Total Wine & More retail chain, says the contributions were for business rather than political reasons and that he has contributed heavily to Democrats.

On April 29, Trone lent his campaign an additional $3.1 million, according to Federal Election Commission records, and he has since stressed in the strongest terms yet that he believes he has a better chance of being elected in November than Alsobrooks.

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Either Trone or Alsobrooks is expected to face Republican Larry Hogan, a former two-term governor, in the November election.

“Trone will beat Larry Hogan,” Trone’s campaign said in a recent mailer to voters. “Alsobrooks will lose,” it said.

The rising tensions have led to fears that the party will have a harder time uniting after the primary, when “the real unpredictability starts” in the matchup against Hogan, former Maryland Democratic Party Chair Yvette Lewis said. She is one of four former state party leaders backing Alsbrooks. On Wednesday, those former leaders called out Trone during a Montgomery County event for what they see as divisive campaign tactics.

Hogan, a former two-term governor, was a surprise entry into the race in February after Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell encouraged him to run. He is expected to easily win in a seven-candidate GOP field.

With majority control of the U.S. Senate hanging in the balance in November, Hogan’s entry “may be inducing Democrats to pay more attention to the primary than they might have otherwise,” Hickel said.

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Alsobrooks would be Maryland’s first Black U.S. senator. There are no women among Maryland’s congressional delegation of two senators and eight representatives.

Trone, Alsobrooks and Hogan are vying for the seat being left open by the retirement of Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin, who did not endorse in the Senate primary.

The 3rd Congressional District race has also heated up as the election draws nearer.

It pits Harry Dunn — a former U.S. Capitol Police officer who helped defend the building when supporters of Trump stormed it on Jan. 6, 2021 — against a wide field that includes two state senators and three delegates.

Dunn, author of a book about his Jan. 6 experiences, has raised more than $4 million. State Sen. Sarah Elfreth, an Anne Arundel County Democrat, has raised $1.5 million, the second-highest total in the race. Dunn has attracted national media attention and been endorsed by former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, but he has not sought elected office before. The district is split between Howard and Anne Arundel counties, with a piece of Carroll County, as well.

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Like the 3rd District race, the outcome of the contest between Scott and Dixon — at the head of a 12-person field — is difficult to predict.

The leading pair are in a rematch of sorts of the 2020 mayoral race, when they also vied for the office. Scott topped Dixon in the primary that year by about 3,100 votes amid a crowded field of 24 Democrats that included an incumbent mayor.

2024 voter guide

This time, the field is half that size and even the upper tier of candidates has shrunk. Former prosecutor Thiru Vignarajah dropped out of the race last week. A poll conducted in April for The Baltimore Sun, University of Baltimore and FOX45 showed Scott and Dixon to be the top contenders. Of likely voters surveyed, Scott had 38% to Dixon’s 35% — with the margin of error at plus or minus 4.3 percentage points.

Roger Hartley, dean of UB’s College of Public Affairs, said the smaller field makes the matchup feel fresh, particularly given that Scott won last time with just 29.6% of the vote.

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“It’s a two-person race versus being a 12-person race,” Hartley said. “That can make it very, very different than the last one where they faced each other.”

As is often the case with Baltimore mayoral races, the 2024 contest is heavily focused on crime. Scott touts the city’s reduction in homicides in 2023 — fewer than 300 people were killed for the first time in nearly a decade. Dixon argues Scott has allowed quality-of-life crimes to go unaddressed. Democratic State’s Attorney Ivan Bates joined Dixon’s cause, endorsing the former mayor and calling Scott out for what Bates said was a lack of partnership between the prosecutor’s office and Scott’s City Hall.

Scott has led in fundraising and spending, dropping almost $1 million on the contest since the start of the year. Dixon has spent $653,100 since January. A PAC supporting Dixon’s campaign (funded in large part David Smith, a co-owner of The Baltimore Sun and chairman of Sinclair Broadcasting Group) supplemented Dixon’s effort, running ads that try to paint Scott as an inexperienced leader. Scott’s ads seek to remind residents of Dixon’s criminal past. She was forced to leave office in 2010 after an embezzlement conviction.

Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott, left, talks with Karen Stokes, right, in the parking lot as he visits the early voting center at The League for People With Disabilities in northeast Baltimore. (Barbara Haddock Taylor/Staff)
Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott, left, talks with Karen Stokes, right, in the parking lot as he visits the early voting center at The League for People With Disabilities in northeast Baltimore. (Barbara Haddock Taylor/Staff)

For Lisa McKay, 52, a city resident casting an early ballot Thursday, Dixon’s conviction was less of an issue than McKay’s concerns about juvenile crime in recent years. Baltimore suffered its worst mass shooting last summer when two people were killed and 28 more wounded, many of them children. McKay, a Maryland Transit Administration claims adjuster, listed addressing crime as one of her priorities.

“Even with the gift cards, I thought she was a pretty good mayor,” McKay said, referring to the scandal that led to Dixon’s removal. “I know we have to give the candidates time, but I haven’t seen the changes I was hoping for with Scott.”

Renee Johnson, another early voter at Mount Pleasant Church and Ministries in Northeast Baltimore, said she voted for Alsobrooks in the Senate race, but was more focused on the mayoral matchup. The nursing assistant, who lives in the Northeast Baltimore neighborhood of Belair-Edison, said she voted for Scott due to the connection she’s had with him since he worked as a liaison for then-Council President Stephanie Rawlings-Blake.

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Baltimore Mayoral candidate Sheila Dixon, left, got in some campaigning for early voters at The League for People with Disabilities. (Kevin Richardson/Staff)
Baltimore Mayoral candidate Sheila Dixon, left, got in some campaigning for early voters at The League for People with Disabilities. (Kevin Richardson/Staff)

“He did a lot for the district,” she said. “He’s a positive person. He still does a lot. When I can’t get ahold of him, his secretary always sends a message to him for me.”

Baltimore voters saw the race for mayor likely tighten May 1 with Viganrajah’s exit. Running his fourth campaign for citywide office in the last seven years, Vignarajah threw his support to Dixon, granting her a much-talked about endorsement one day before the start of early voting.

Hartley said the movement of Vignarajah’s voters will be a factor, but is one of several likely to impact the mayoral race. He also pondered how turnout efforts, including those driven by the up-ballot Senate candidates, could potentially sway Baltimore voters.

Voting may have gotten off to a slow start, but the election is now in the spotlight, he said.

“I do think city voters are paying attention as much as in any primary,” he said. “It’s a tight race and certainly with the movement of endorsements and everything else, you’ve got a lot more city residents taking a look at this election.”

Baltimore Sun reporter Lia Russell contributed to this article.

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Maryland lawmakers express condolences after sudden death of Sen. Lindsey Graham

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Maryland lawmakers express condolences after sudden death of Sen. Lindsey Graham


Maryland lawmakers serving in the U.S. Congress expressed their condolences on Sunday after the death of Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina.

Graham, a Republican, died on Saturday following a “brief and sudden illness,” according to his office. He was 71 years old.

Republican Congressman Andy Harris, who represents Maryland in the House of Representatives, called Stewart a “true leader” and said his “selfless service to his country both in uniform and in Congress is much appreciated.”

“My deepest condolences go out to his family, friends, dedicated staff, and the people of South Carolina during this difficult time,” Harris said. “Working with him on budget issues made it clear to me that he was a true leader in the fight to restore fiscal responsibility, and he will be sorely missed.”

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Graham died on Saturday evening, shortly after he returned from a trip to Ukraine. He was scheduled to appear on NBC’s Meet the Press on Sunday.

He served in the U.S. House of Representatives, followed by four terms in the U.S. Senate. Before his political career, Graham served in the United States Air Force.

Maryland Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen, who served with Graham in Congress for more than two decades, said that even though the two disagreed on many issues, they had always had “an open line of communication and honest conversation.”

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“Whenever possible, we worked together to find common ground, including our joint efforts to support our Syrian Kurdish partners and the SDF, who have been our main allies in the fight against ISIS,” Van Hollen stated. “My heart goes out to Lindsey’s loved ones during this difficult time.”



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Business Leader Key to Maryland Buying Preakness Rights

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Business Leader Key to Maryland Buying Preakness Rights


As president and CEO of the Greater Baltimore Committee, Mark Anthony Thomas is charged with providing economic and civic leadership for the city’s private sector. When Churchill Downs Inc. announced in April its purchase of the Preakness Stakes’ intellectual property rights, Thomas felt it important to unite the community in hopes of keeping ownership of the second jewel of the Triple Crown local. 

Accomplishing this required more than rallying businesses; Thomas had to show state officials a clear vision of what a Maryland-led Preakness could become. When the state took advantage of its right of first refusal on CDI’s purchase in mid-June, the first step of what Thomas and others in the state envisioned became a reality.

Thomas, whose career began in journalism before moving into economic development in Pittsburgh, New York, and Los Angeles, shared his thoughts on what it means to keep the Preakness’ rights in Maryland. 

BloodHorse: What was the reaction in the community when it was learned that Churchill Downs Inc. had purchased the trademarks for the Preakness Stakes (G1)?

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Mark Anthony Thomas: I would say no one actually understood what it meant. … I do remember my first gut reaction was like, “OK, that means the Preakness must be super valuable if they actually want to buy it.” So I thought it was a good thing at first.

BH: As you dived into details and the potential ramifications of it, what were the concerns that you or other people that you spoke with had with Churchill Downs having, or potentially having, that intellectual property?

MT: The primary issue was the control, and what does it mean if you have something that we all agree has way more potential than what it has really evolved into, and now relinquishing that control to an out-of-state entity? And what Churchill did do was, they articulated an economic case that was compelling, and why they saw value in the acquisition, and the type of layering of investments that they’d want to make to really transform it into a moment. But that was a shared view of at least the recent stakeholders who saw that same potential. When you analyze the cost and legal ability for the state to then utilize the first right of refusal, and then the plans that we really worked for a couple of months to fine-tune, it made sense for the state to step in.

BH: What was the response when you and others approached Gov. Wes Moore about having that right of first refusal and taking advantage of that opportunity?

MT: I would say that, if anything, Churchill had done the proper socialization of their vision, and so I would say the governor and his team didn’t necessarily have it. They weren’t pro or against it. It was more this deal has happened. How do we align with Churchill and what the Preakness can be? And so the gap of two months was more: How do you articulate that local stakeholders have a vision and can execute a strategy that really can actually be more compelling than what Churchill had promised?

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BH: And I imagine that there was a coalition of community leaders that were really pushing to keep the rights in state. Who else was involved?

MT: So I would say this: There was coordination among at least the business community and the (Maryland) Jockey Club, and if there were other voices, it wasn’t like there was one unified voice. We probably just had the most crystallized case that obviously put capital behind ensuring the proper due diligence was done.

BH: Everyone knows from its track record that Churchill Downs has had endless success with the Kentucky Derby. This wasn’t really about CDI, and it was more about keeping the Preakness in Maryland, right? 

Photo: Haldan Kirsch

Mark Anthony Thomas (center) at Laurel Park

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MT: No one questioned their capabilities. I think it was more a question of the state’s long-term investment. I also took the view of this … for Maryland to be successful, it can’t be the Derby. It has to be something that is uniquely grounded in creating a Maryland showcase that people want to actually come experience. I had this experience. I was in New York, where I worked for the New York City Economic Development Corporation, and every event across the globe, Europe, Israel, and other places, will say we want to do the same thing in New York, and it’s like that’s in a very different environment. You really have to build something that people think is unique to that market, and I think Churchill’s intentions were on target, but we definitely leaned into the fact that to deliver that would actually be more effective if you could actually empower the local entities, local brands, and local companies to create something that is grounded in Maryland.

BH: So perhaps even more impressive is that in a pretty short amount of time, you’re able to get multiple voices to sort of get onto the same key. Talk about that process because usually on something like this, if not everyone is in step with each other, either things are going to fall apart or this is going to take a whole lot longer than two months to sync up.

MT: I’ve been in my role now three and a half years … and we’ve actually become a centralized convening power for Maryland. That is very different than a chamber of commerce, and so the ability to analyze all the aspects of any major investment transaction is really what economic organizations are good at. We’re just powered by companies, and so you combine those two, we can respond and rally very quickly.

BH: Why does local ownership matter?

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MT: Because it gives us control of what the Preakness becomes. There is obviously the race itself that we need to amplify. There are the major investments the state is putting into the facilities that should be year-round activated, cultural hubs, but then the festival and the true economic multiplier come from hotel rooms and adjacent events and brands hosting major activations. And what the Preakness is, when you look at our market, it barely scratches the surface of the potential.

BH: So, with that in mind, you know horse racing has taken its fair share of bumps in recent years. Maryland has seen this firsthand. Why do the state and the regional community believe this is an industry worth investing in?

MT: It’s one of our largest industries. I guess number three, as far as job density and economic impact. So Maryland has to pursue new industries, but needs to continue to invest in those other foundations. So it’s that, and then I do have this view that even if horse racing takes a hit, the Triple Crown races could become the winner-take-all for the industry, and we at least have that opportunity to win in that league.

BH: Now that the state has stepped up. What are the next steps? What does the community and the business community need to do to ensure the health and the success of the industry and the Preakness, for that matter?

MT: It’s actually what the (Maryland) Jockey Club is working on now, is start to build out the plan that they get the most of the (intellectual property) acquired, and so we’ll be involved, obviously, in helping them succeed, and they’ll actually deepen their relationship with GBC. We will take the lead on what is a long-term economic, cultural impact of the Preakness and the horse racing industry, and then what pieces need to come together to really transform it into a Maryland moment.

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BH: With the reopening of Pimlico next year and the Preakness gets to return home, what things can people already start to anticipate or look forward to surrounding that celebration?

MT: One is that it will be just a bigger moment. I feel Maryland’s actually gotten better at celebrating cultural moments in ways that it hadn’t in the past. Now we host the CIAA college tournament, and that’s actually one of our largest sporting events. So people come from all the (Historic Black Colleges and Universities) and have events. We host the Sail 250, and have thousands of people visiting to see the ships. We’ve had these moments where people are saying, “Well, OK, when we truly lean into this, it actually can be a big deal, and everyone can be a part of it.” Preakness—you’ll hear people who grew up here say it used to have that type of (appeal) and it lost it. And the new track allows us to put it back on that path to be something great.

Journalism and Umberto Rispoli Win Race 13, G1 Preakness Stakes, Pimlico Racecourse, Baltimore, MD May 17, 2025, Mathea Kelley/Bloodhorse
Photo: Mathea Kelley

Journalism wins the 2025 Preakness Stakes at Pimlico Race Course

BH: How difficult of a lift is that when you had something that stopped having as much appeal? How hard is it actually to bring it back up?

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MT: I’m actually pretty optimistic. I think the intentionality that it requires to make anything successful, you finally have the right players at the table that can deliver that. Baltimore, in my three years, our crime is at record lows. We’re tackling other issues that have somewhat hampered the city from being attractive. While you have major entities better organized to pursue opportunities, it’s supposed to be the perfect environment for us to create some major momentum.

BH: What haven’t we touched on that you think would be important for readers to know about what you and other leaders in the city and the state are doing for the Preakness and for racing in general?

MT: I would say more broadly, the business community and the government team are leaning into sports and culture. You see this just with my peers, what’s happening in Las Vegas, obviously the World Cup is underway, where people are seeing that there’s true economic opportunity if you can successfully be hubs for these types of activities. So we don’t actually have to track anything. We have to have something here that’s homegrown that can be better invested in and, to me, that’s a winning strategy.





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The Final Stretch for Maryland’s 2027 Class: Identifying the Remaining Must‑Gets

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The Final Stretch for Maryland’s 2027 Class: Identifying the Remaining Must‑Gets


In the modern era of college football, the recruiting cycle is a relentless 24/7 arms race where the standing still is the same as falling behind. While most programs are still flirting with 2027 targets, Mike Locksley is playing chess. By securing 20 “Hard Commits” for the 2027 cycle, Maryland has effectively built the skeleton of an entire class before some sophomores have even picked up their varsity letters.

Currently sitting at No. 37 in the national rankings, the Terrapins are signaling a massive shift in roster construction. This isn’t just about early-cycle momentum. It’s about a calculated, high-volume strategy designed to raise the program’s floor. The “Shell” is being fortified from the inside out, and the data suggests a staff that is more organized than ever.

Maryland’s 2027 recruiting class is already one of the most fascinating early builds in the Big Ten cycle, a 20‑man foundation built on receiver depth, national reach, trench size, and two legitimate blue‑chip cornerstones. But even with all that momentum, the class is still incomplete. The next phase of Maryland’s board, July through August, will determine whether this group becomes simply “solid” or truly transformational.

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Below is a full breakdown of what’s missing, why it matters, and how it fits into the broader identity Maryland is constructing.

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Maryland Terrapins head coach Mike Locksley is dumped with Gatorade after a win against the Auburn Tigers at Nissan Stadium. | USA TODAY Sports via Reuters Connect

No. 1: WR/ATH: One More Game‑Breaker to Complete the Takeover

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Maryland has already executed one of the boldest position‑group strategies in the country with six wide receivers in a single class. It’s a volume play designed for the transfer‑portal era, ensuring the Terps always have explosive depth regardless of attrition. Even with Myles McAfee (four-star), Davion Vanderbilt (three-star), Kyren Caldwell (three-star), Anthony Henderson (three-star), Alex Fontenot (three-star), and Mason McClure (three-star), the staff still wants one more finishing piece, a true matchup‑breaker.

Why? Because the Big Ten is becoming a “basketball‑on‑grass” league. Locksley wants a room where any of the top four receivers can win a game. The final WR/ATH spot is about securing a player with elite burst or positional versatility, someone who can line up inside, outside, or in the backfield and tilt the field. This isn’t about quantity anymore. It’s about finding the one athlete who raises the ceiling of the entire group.

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No. 2: Defensive Back Flexibility: A Hybrid Safety/Nickel

Kenaz Sullivan, the class headliner, gives Maryland a legitimate CB1 with national credibility, but the modern Big Ten requires more than boundary corners. Maryland still needs a hybrid safety/nickel defender who can cover slot receivers, fill alleys, and disguise coverages.

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Maryland already holds four defensive back commitments, but none fully match the “Swiss Army knife” profile the staff is targeting, a hybrid safety‑nickel who can cover in space, trigger downhill, and disguise looks. That role has become essential as Big Ten offenses lean heavily on motion, spread formations increasingly require a third coverage‑capable defender, and Maryland’s own scheme thrives on versatility and post‑snap deception. Adding a flexible nickel defender would round out the secondary and give the Terps the adaptability needed to counter the conference’s evolving offensive trends.

No 3: Edge/DL Upside: One More Pass‑Rush Body With Length

Maryland has addressed the interior with Jayden Agberodiola, a 6‑foot-3, 340‑pound space‑eater built for November football, and added versatility with Zeke Walkup and Levi Babin, but the class still lacks one more true pass‑rush body with length and twitch.

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This is the missing ingredient for a Big Ten defense. A pass‑rusher who can consistently win one‑on‑one on third down, possesses the frame to grow into a 250‑plus‑pound edge, and complements the interior size Maryland has already secured. While the Terps have made clear strides under Brian Williams, climbing into the conference’s top tier requires more natural, high‑ceiling rushers who can change games in obvious passing situations. That final edge/DL spot is all about upside, landing a long, developmental athlete with the traits to eventually become a true difference‑maker.

No. 4: Offensive Line: The Most Important Remaining Need

This is the big one. Maryland has three offensive linemen committed, including Alabama tackle Caleb Canty, who brings true SEC‑level size and movement skills, but the staff knows the Big Ten is won in the trenches, and the offensive line remains the most important remaining priority. July camps will ultimately shape the board, yet the Terps still need a true left‑tackle frame, more interior depth, and higher‑rated linemen to raise the class’s per‑player average. The offensive line is where Maryland can make its biggest leap. The class has depth everywhere else, but now it needs quality and long‑term upside in the trenches to match.

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