Louisiana
Revealed: how a US public university courted the gas industry despite climate impacts
One of Louisiana’s top public universities has prompted concerns about “corporate capture” over its expanding relationship with the liquefied natural gas (LNG) industry, despite environmental warnings about pollution and prolonging fossil fuel use.
As the US’s LNG boom gained momentum in south-west Louisiana, McNeese State University courted the industry to help launch a new LNG Center of Excellence currently under construction, hired a director doubling as an LNG industry lobbyist, and approached federal regulators to co-locate their own research center at the university, according to emails obtained via public records requests by DeSmog and the Guardian.
A divestment movement aimed at pushing back on the fossil fuel industry’s decades-long creep into classrooms of all levels has grown in recent years out of concerns that industry-sponsored academic research could be a vehicle for climate obstruction. But near the Texas border in Lake Charles, Louisiana, McNeese State University welcomed industry right on in.
McNeese’s leadership team and the LNG industry tout this partnership as mutually beneficial, offering the university funding while providing the industry with educated workers, relevant research, and input on policy. However, alumni, environmental advocates, and researchers say the move raises alarms about the impacts of the LNG build out on communities and potential conflicts of interest.
Jennie Stephens, a professor of climate justice at Maynooth University in Ireland, who co-authored a first-of-its-kind review of academic and civil society investigations into fossil fuel industry ties to higher education, said the McNeese LNG center is part of a larger pattern of private sector interests capturing public universities.
“It’s a classic example of academic capture where the private interests use the public infrastructure for their own profit-seeking motives rather than the needs of the community or the state,” she said after hearing details of the reporting by DeSmog and the Guardian.
The university’s LNG center aims to serve as a “hub for research, workforce development and safety, and as a depository for best practices for the industry”, according to its former executive director Jason French, speaking in 2022. This May, the university broke ground on the 23,000 sq ft facility, which will include classrooms for students in what it calls the nation’s first LNG business undergraduate certificate and “industrial grade training facilities” that also will be open to LNG employees, according to a press release.
In recent years, McNeese’s relationship with the LNG industry gained momentum when LNG developer Tellurian sought federal approval to build Driftwood LNG gas export terminal 10 miles south of McNeese in 2018.
The company emailed the university’s then president, Daryl Burckel, for help. Internal emails obtained through public records requests show Burckel sent a verbatim letter of support ghostwritten by Tellurian to the federal regulator overseeing the construction of LNG export terminals. “University presidents are very busy managing many responsibilities,” current McNeese president Wade Rousse said in a written statement, “Requesting a sample letter for a project you already support illustrates that point.” Tellurian did not respond to requests for comment.
In May 2020, the head of the Lake Area Industry Alliance (LAIA), a lobbying group for industry in south-west Louisiana, raised the idea of an LNG Center of Excellence with Burckel. “I know some people of influence with Cameron LNG, Lake Charles LNG and Tellurian (Driftwood),” the executive director of the LAIA, Jim Rock, wrote to Burckel. “If you are interested, I could try to arrange a discussion with them to gage [sic] interest, understand their needs and to get their input on what such a ‘center’ would look like.”
A review of internal emails and other documents show how McNeese then ran with the idea of an LNG center.
Tellurian went on to become one of the top donors to the university’s LNG Center of Excellence. The LNG company was among the area LNG developers who in 2021 recommended McNeese hire Jason French, a Tellurian lobbyist at the time, to head the center, which the university did. “It is counterintuitive to believe a university would start work on a Center of Excellence in LNG without engaging people working in that industry,” French said in a statement to DeSmog and the Guardian.
In the background of McNeese’s interest in creating its LNG center has been the possibility of convincing federal regulators to locate their own research center also at the university, the emails and documents show.
In 2021, Congress passed the Pipes Act of 2020, requiring the US Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA) to create an LNG center.
Senator John Kennedy, a Republican of Louisiana – who received more than $26,000 in campaign donations from Tellurian between 2019 and 2024 – advocated for the PHMSA LNG center and drafted the legislation in a way that required that the center be located near LNG facilities along the Gulf coast. The following year, the university received a $2.8m grant from the US Economic Development Administration to build the university research center at McNeese to “enhance” the LNG industry.
Internal emails show French attempted to convince PHMSA to locate its LNG safety research center within the center at McNeese, which could allow companies to have proximity to researchers, students and regulators.
In her criticism of McNeese’s plans, Stephens highlighted concerns about tax dollars supporting public universities that deepened relationships with industries that have environmental and health impacts.
“I think people in the state have good reason to be concerned about this, and it is valuable to resist this corporate capture of our universities,” said Stephens, who did postdoctoral research at Harvard’s Kennedy School and has taught courses at Tufts, Boston University and MIT. She said: “It’s [American] tax dollars in a public state university that should be advancing the needs of the state, and not corporate interests that are extracting and causing ecological damage as well as human health damage.”
Previous reporting shows that another college, Louisiana State University’s Institute for Energy Innovation, was catalyzed by a $25m donation from Shell. In turn, the flagship university gave the company veto power for research activities.
A slideshow presentation about McNeese’s center lays out a similar model of industry-driven research, with $50,000 donations entitling companies to two votes and $20,000 entitling companies to one vote on the direction of research and development. Donation amounts could be determined by the size of a particular company. An industry advisory committee could select competitive proposals and conduct annual reviews to “ensure maximum benefit to the LNG industry and its stakeholders”, according to the presentation, which was used in a meeting with legislators and PHMSA officials.
The state and local governing bodies also rolled out the red carpet for Tellurian. While the company contributed $1m to McNeese’s $10m LNG center – with 20% earmarked for LNG undergraduate certificate scholarships – Tellurian received the single largest tax write-off in American history under Louisiana’s industrial tax exemption program for the Driftwood facility, a tax break worth $2.8bn, according to a Sierra Club report. A review of public records indicates that McNeese also secured funding through agreements with the Calcasieu parish police jury, the City of Lake Charles, and Lake Charles harbor and terminal district, with each agreement promising $500,000.
Lake Charles, a major industrial center of south-west Louisiana with a population of over 84,000, is poised to house McNeese’s LNG Center of Excellence and the new PHMSA Center of Excellence for LNG Safety. The federal agency confirmed it had narrowed the siting of its facility to Lake Charles and that McNeese is among the locations being considered.
This October, Tellurian was acquired by Australia-based oil and gas producer Woodside for $900m and rebranded as Woodside Louisiana LNG. A Woodside Energy spokesperson did not respond to specific questions, but said the company is investing $650,000 in Louisiana into local community initiatives and projects. Woodside is still integrating with Tellurian and reviewing inherited business relationships. In November, the company requested a pipeline construction deadline extension from the US Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, citing delays, including litigation and uncertainties related to leadership changes following the Woodside acquisition. The FERC has extended the overall project completion deadline to April 2029.
“McNeese State University, like most universities, relies on philanthropy to meet its mission. And, like most universities, McNeese engages with and studies the industries that create job opportunities for its students,” Rousse said in an emailed statement to DeSmog and the Guardian. “However, no supporter, corporate or otherwise, will ever direct our professors or make unilateral decisions about what is best for the university and its students.”
Jim Rock, head of the Lake Area Industry Alliance, did not answer specific questions but said that the three operating LNG export facilities in the Lake Charles area – in addition to five more proposed or under construction – offered good-paying jobs that demand well-trained students, which McNeese’s LNG Center of Excellence would be well suited to provide. “Supporting higher education institutions is nothing new for our area industries,” Rock said, adding that the industry has a history of collaborating with McNeese and the local K-12 schools. “This project is an extension of that rich history,” he said.
Roishetta Sibley Ozane, a graduate of McNeese and a local environmental justice leader, said fossil-fuel project developers often find support in wealthier, white community leaders who are less likely to be affected by pollution from the proposed facilities. “But the people most impacted by these projects are the last consulted,” she said.
Naomi Yoder, with the Bullard Center for Environmental and Climate Justice at Texas Southern University, said it was inappropriate for McNeese to hire an LNG industry insider to run an academic center. “The influence of the fossil-fuel industry in education right now in south-west Louisiana is already extreme. This recent arrangement is only a continuation and reinforcement of the ‘school to petrochem’ social pipeline that is already deeply ingrained in southwest Louisiana,” they said.
French’s previous roles included positions with BP, Cheniere, Tellurian and the Louisiana Energy Export Association. French and his business partner, Dawn Maisel Cole, registered with the state of Louisiana as Tellurian lobbyists in 2016 and 2017, respectively. In October of this year, French and Cole registered with the state as lobbyists for Woodside Energy.
French left his role as the LNG center’s executive director in May, the same month construction began on the McNeese LNG Center of Excellence. “My work as a consultant for McNeese has been focused on project management – raising funds, facilitating conversations with industry stakeholders, and getting the building to construction,” French said. “I achieved my goals with the center, and I resigned from the executive director role as I always intended.”
Rousse said French’s knowledge of the industry was a key factor in hiring him, and confirmed that French no longer serves as executive director now that the center is under construction.
Still, French continues to receive $1,000 per month from the university as a public affairs consultant under a contract set to expire at the end of the year. In an interview with DeSmog and the Guardian, he acknowledged that he served as a consultant to Tellurian while serving as the center’s director.
“That’s not something I’ve hidden. And I don’t think it conflicts with my role at the university,” he stated. French said he was brought on as someone with industry contacts to help develop the university LNG project and to assist with fundraising. “The role of the center in my mind was really to be something that the university and community could be proud of,” he said.
While the LNG undergraduate certificate program enables McNeese graduates to earn a living from LNG facilities, it overlooks the environmental and social costs, Ozane, a McNeese graduate and environmental campaigner, said. “It does not teach students about the communities that are impacted, the wetlands that are being obliterated,” she said. “Or how the methane emissions being released are warming our climate and implicitly contributing to these climate-induced disasters we’re facing.” This is consistent with a 2022 study finding fossil fuel–funded university research centers reporting more favorable policy positions towards the natural gas industry.
French said he was proud to have contributed to McNeese’s LNG center because of LNG’s role in lowering emissions from the coal it displaces. Some research suggests the opposite is true: one study published in the Energy Science & Engineering journal found that the greenhouse gas emissions of LNG are 33% higher than coal over a 20-year period.
James Hiatt, a graduate of McNeese and an environmental advocate noted that the McNeese campus had considerable damage from Hurricane Laura in 2020, a category 4 storm that bore the hallmark rapid intensification of climate change. “The school itself has been wrecked again and again by climate disasters that are completely, 100% caused by our collective dependency on fossil fuels, and these fossil-fuel companies continue down that path when there are other opportunities,” he said. “McNeese is pigeonholing students into continued dependence on fossil-fuel jobs.”
This week, the US Department of Energy released a much-anticipated update outlining its guidelines for evaluating whether LNG export applications to non-free trade agreement countries are in the “public interest”, and the energy secretary, Jennifer Granholm said a “business-as-usual approach is neither sustainable nor advisable”. Donald Trump has promised to immediately end a Biden administration moratorium on new LNG export permits when he returns to the White House in January.
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This story is co-published with DeSmog and is part of the Captured Audience series, which is supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.
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Sara Sneath is a freelance investigative climate journalist based in New Orleans. In January 2025 she will take up a research analyst role at the Climate Accountability Lab at the University of Miami, led by Geoffrey Supran, who was a co-author with Jennie Stephens of the study mentioned in this article about industry ties to higher education.
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Natalie McLendon is a freelance journalist based in south-west Louisiana. She is a graduate of McNeese State University.
Louisiana
Democratic strategist switches to No Party for Louisiana Senate primary
NEW ORLEANS (WVUE) – Louisiana’s return to closed-party primaries is prompting some voters to change their registration ahead of the state’s high-profile U.S. Senate race.
Cheron Brylski, a longtime Democratic political strategist and consultant, said she changed her registration from Democrat to No Party so she could choose which primary to vote in on May 16.
“I felt that this whole exercise is meant to disenfranchise urban voters who are largely Democrats,” Brylski told FOX 8.
Louisiana voters will cast ballots May 16 in closed-party primaries for the U.S. Senate, U.S. House, Louisiana Supreme Court, Public Service Commission and Board of Elementary and Secondary Education.
Under the system approved by lawmakers in 2024 for the 2026 elections, registered Democrats can vote only in Democratic primaries and registered Republicans can vote only in Republican primaries.
Voters registered as No Party can choose either the Democratic or Republican ballot at the polls.
“So, when you get ready to vote in the May election, when you go to the polls, you will be given a form asking if you’re, if you’re “No Party”, asking if you want to vote in the Republican or the Democratic closed primary or not vote in any of them. And so, you have that choice. And so, you will select them. You will go into the voting booth and vote on that ballot,” said Trey Williams, Deputy Secretary of State for Communications and Policy.
If a runoff is needed in June, No Party voters must stick with the same party primary they selected in May. In the November general election, they can vote for any candidate on the ballot.
“When the runoff occurs in June, you would still need to vote in that party primary that you selected. Then when we get to the general election in November you can vote for anybody you would like, Republican, Democrat, Libertarian, Green party, whoever is on the ballot there.” Williams said.
Brylski her decision was about making sure her voice is really heard during the primary election.
“I wanted to have a say in who I could choose between in November, whether it was the Republican or the Democrat, that the only way to vote against the MAGA-endorsed candidate was to change to No Party. And that way, by participating in the primaries, the Republican primary, as a no party voter, then I could vote basically against the MAGA-endorsed candidate,” she said.
Still, she said the move was difficult.
“And it was a very hard decision for me to make. I’ve been a lifelong Democrat. I still consider myself a Democrat. But I do think this whole process is disenfranchising voters. It’s limiting actually, I think it’s a move to destroy the Democratic Party in Louisiana, because it’s taken our votes completely out of who will be on that November ballot,” Brylski said.
Williams said voters who want to change their registration in person or by mail have until April 15. Those making the change online through GeauxVote have until April 25.
The Secretary of State’s Office said it is already seeing movement in voter registration.
“Well, we’ve actually seen a trend over the past year. So, we have seen the number of no party voters in the state increase by about 8,200 voters. We’ve also seen the Republican, numbers increase as well by about 6,500, uh, voters,” Williams said.
Some political observers think the state returned to the closed party system to hurt Sen. Bill Cassidy’s re-election bid after he voted to convict President Donald Trump during one of his impeachment trials.
“I definitely think that the purpose was to empower MAGA-endorsed candidates, and he has not,” Brylski said.
There are three Democrats running for the Senate seat.
“And so Democratic voters in the primary won’t be able to say they support [Sen. Bill] Cassidy if they like him. They’ll just choose between three candidates or they will choose between Democratic candidates who haven’t even gotten support from the National Democratic Party.
Brylski said she plans to switch back.
“I will be voting as a Democrat in November, but not right now. I’ll be voting as a No-Party person in the Republican primaries,” Brylski said.
Williams said voters can change their party registration whenever they choose, as long as they meet the deadline before an election.
Third-party voters, such as Libertarians and Greens, cannot vote in either party’s May primary, though they can still vote on other items on the ballot and in the fall general election.
“If you register Green Party you cannot participate. So yes, so if you were in a third-party, like Libertarian Party, Green Party then you cannot participate in the Republican or Democratic closed-primaries, but there are other items on the ballot that you can participate in,” Williams said.
Early voting for the May 16th primary is May 2-May 9.
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Louisiana
Cold Stone Creamery Brings Franchise Opportunities to Southern Louisiana
Leading ice cream franchise targets New Orleans, Baton Rouge and Lafayette for continued expansion
SCOTTSDALE, Ariz., April 9, 2026 /PRNewswire/ — Cold Stone Creamery®, one of the nation’s premier ice cream creameries, revealed today its strategic plans to expand its presence in Southern Louisiana, specifically targeting New Orleans, Baton Rouge and Lafayette. The expansion into these markets presents a unique opportunity for entrepreneurs to grow alongside a proven and fast-growing brand with nationwide experience and brand recognition. Cold Stone Creamery plans to open two to three stores in the next five years.
Southern Louisiana continues to emerge as a key growth market for families and businesses statewide. According to Louisiana Economic Development, in 2025, Louisiana experienced record-breaking results, marking the largest year of investment and job creation in state history. New Cold Stone locations in these markets provide an opportunity to contribute to the state’s economic growth for the communities.
“Cold Stone Creamery has been a part of communities across the country for more than 35 years, delivering premium products and personalized experiences that keep guests coming back,” said Blake Borwick, brand leader at Cold Stone Creamery. “Louisiana presents a strong opportunity for growth, with its vibrant communities, steady economic momentum, and deep appreciation for food and hospitality. As we expand in the state, we’re excited to partner with entrepreneurial talent looking for a proven brand, strong support system, and the opportunity to build a business that creates jobs, brings people together, and becomes a meaningful part of their local community.”
Cold Stone Creamery is thriving in Louisiana, with five locations currently serving the Bossier City, Baton Rouge, Elmwood, Metairie and Harvey communities. The brand is also preparing to open a new location in New Orleans, coming soon. The brand’s continued momentum reflects strong demand across the state and the opportunity for prospective owners to join a trusted, nationally recognized brand.
Cold Stone Creamery offers a flexible, scalable model rooted in premium ice cream, memorable guest experiences and comprehensive operational support. Franchise owners benefit from proven systems, advanced tools and resources, and leadership guidance that empowers franchisees to grow efficiently and achieve business goals.
Cold Stone Creamery is actively seeking qualified candidates to support its expansion in Louisiana, offering flexible opportunities for both first-time franchisees and experienced multi-unit operators. To join a fast-growing brand with more than three decades of experience and a proven team, the initial franchise fee to start a new traditional Cold Stone Creamery franchise is $27,000*.
To learn more about franchising with Cold Stone Creamery, visit the franchise website here.
*This information is based on the 2026 Cold Stone Creamery Franchise Disclosure Document (FDD). See the current FDD Item 7 here and the current FDD for full details. This is not an offer. See more information here.
About Cold Stone Creamery
Cold Stone Creamery® delivers the Ultimate Ice Cream Experience® through a community of franchisees who are passionate about ice cream. The secret recipe for smooth and creamy ice cream is handcrafted fresh in-store, and then customized by combining a variety of mix-ins on a frozen granite stone. Headquartered in Scottsdale, Arizona, Cold Stone Creamery is owned by parent company Kahala BrandsTM, one of the fastest-growing franchising companies in the world. With a portfolio of nearly 30 fast-casual and quick-service restaurant brands operated by Kahala Brands or its affiliates, across approximately 3,000 locations in 35 countries. The Cold Stone Creamery brand operates nearly 1,500 locations globally in approximately 30 countries worldwide.
For more information about Cold Stone Creamery, visit www.ColdStoneCreamery.com.
SOURCE Cold Stone Creamery
Louisiana
Louisiana Senate rejects amendment to let newly elected clerk Calvin Duncan serve his term | The Lens
Louisiana’s full Senate voted 25-11 Tuesday to pass Senate Bill 256, a proposal that would merge the clerk’s offices for Orleans Parish civil and criminal district courts into a single office.
The vote eliminates the position of Calvin Duncan, the incoming clerk of Orleans Parish Criminal District Court.
Supporters say the Orleans consolidation, authored by Sen. Jay Morris of Monroe, streamlines operations and improves efficiency, while critics warn it is likely to create confusion, reduce funding, and override the will of the voters who recently elected Duncan.
Senate Bill 256 legislation is part of a larger Orleans-centered push by Morris, who authored a trio of bills focused on drastically overhauling New Orleans courts.
Altogether, bills that Morris authored could cut 11 judgeships across Orleans Parish judiciary and eliminate the clerkship that Duncan was slated to step into in May, after being elected by 68% of the electorate in December.
The Senate passed one bill cutting judgeships on Tuesday and another on Wednesday.
Senate Bill 197, amended by Morris on the floor, will cut two of the 12 judges on the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, down from an initial proposed cut of four. Senate Bill 217 would cut a total of nine judges; four of 12 judges in the Orleans Parish criminal court, two of 14 from civil court, two of four from municipal and traffic court; and one of four from juvenile court.
The bills now go to the House for approval, as does Senate Bill 256.
Critics question intent of bills
The bills were about power, not efficiencies, said Sen. Royce Duplessis, the Democrat from New Orleans, the most vocal critic of the bills during Wednesday’s floor debate.
When the bills were heard before the Senate judiciary committee last week, his Democratic colleagues also reacted with skepticism to the legislation, which was authored by a senator from northern Louisiana who admitted in committee that he didn’t speak with Duncan or any Orleans judges before filing the legislation.
Morris said that the intent of Senate Bill 256 is to bring Orleans Parish in line with the rest of the state, where each parish has a single clerk’s office that handles both civil and criminal functions.
“This bill is to provide some efficiencies,” Morris said.
He also acknowledged that the legislation was timed to Duncan’s entrance. “Otherwise we’d probably have to pay him for four years in a job that’s going to be eliminated,” Morris said.
Duncan saw the merger as folly, because the work of the two clerk’s offices is not interchangeable, he said, describing the type of evidence and files that are specific to his office and not used within civil proceedings.
“The civil district court clerk doesn’t have a clue, doesn’t have a clue on how the records are supposed to be preserved, and how to preserve evidence,” he said. “She has no clue of how that works. Victims of crime will be affected by this.”
Duncan in the crosshairs
Since the clerk-consolidation bill was introduced in the Senate last month, some lawmakers and judicial officials raised grave concerns about how the change could affect day-to-day court functions, particularly in a system as large as Orleans Parish.
Some opponents of the bill also decried the move as politically motivated, because it seemed laser-focused on unseating Duncan, who served 28 years on a wrongful murder conviction before he was released and eventually exonerated, in 2021.
During Duncan’s campaign, state Attorney General Liz Murrill was publicly critical of his use of the word “exonerated” to describe himself, since he had initially pleaded guilty to earn his release, later returning to file paperwork that led to a judicial exoneration.
Morris had told Duncan that the bill’s aims were not personal, but instead were
“what the governor wants,” to “right-size” a courts system seen as bloated, which is unlike any other in Louisiana.
During the committee hearing last week, some residents spoke in defense of Duncan and warned lawmakers that the legislation would have a broader impact on the citizenry. “It’s hard to convey what that kind of process does to people’s trust in government,” said Steve Cochran, a New Orleans voter. “Those of you who keep voting yes are responsible for that loss of trust.”
Sen. Gerald Boudreaux, a Democrat from Lafayette, felt similarly. “We had an election there, and a candidate was selected by the people, he said. “My preference would have been for us to allow this individual to serve.”
Duplessis, who argued that the measure disregarded the will of the voters who had overwhelmingly elected Duncan, proposed an amendment that would have delayed the merger until May 2030, after Duncan’s four-year term.
The amendment was voted down..
Will it save money or create efficiencies?
During the floor debate, Duplessis asked about any data or formal analysis that could support the bill’s actions.
“So there was no study, no report that we’re aware of that pointed to any inefficiencies. within the clerk’s office?” Duplessis said.
Morris cited Supreme Court data from a report he had read from on the floor.
“Was there anything in the Supreme Court data that suggested that the civil district court was inefficient or that the criminal district court was inefficient?” Duplessis said.
“No, I don’t know that,” Morris responded.
“Well, we’re talking about the clerk’s office,” Duplessis said.
“I don’t recall there being any. There might be some, but I don’t know,” Morris said.
Duplessis also raised questions about the bill’s fiscal impact, because there was no fiscal note attached to the clerk-merger legislation.
“So, we don’t know. So we could end up spending more than we save,” said Duplessis, who — in closing — described the move as unprecedented in his time at the Legislature.
“I have seen some things in my eight years here, but nothing like this,” he said. “This is deeply troubling.”
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