Louisiana
Removing carbon from the air: A climate cure or waste of money? • Louisiana Illuminator
After fighting oil, gas and petrochemical expansion in southwest Louisiana for more than 50 years, retired biologist Michael Tritico might be expected to applaud a new facility that promises to suck carbon dioxide out of the air to reduce global warming.
But that’s not how Tritico sees the U.S. Department of Energy-backed direct air capture facilities proposed for Calcasieu and Caddo parishes.
“The political locking-in of Southwest Louisiana as a fossil fuel centerpiece has taken on a new facet — carbon capture and sequestration,” Tritico said of the facilities, collectively called Project Cypress, announced last year.
His concerns haven’t diminished since that announcement. Tritico was one of the few residents who attended a U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) environmental scoping meeting for the project Nov. 21 in Vinton, where one of the two parts of the project would be sited. Another meeting was held a day earlier in Shreveport, close to the other location for the sprawling $1 billion project.
GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.
Unlike technology on industrial facilities that captures carbon from a plant’s emissions, direct air capture (DAC) sucks in ambient air and uses chemicals and heat, among other means, to extract carbon dioxide from it.
Critics say the technology is too expensive and energy-intensive to make a sizable dent in carbon concentrations. While carbon emissions from a coal-fired power plant can contain up to 15% carbon dioxide, the atmosphere contains just .04% carbon.
Tritico’s greatest worry is that the pipeline carrying carbon dioxide captured from the air in Calcasieu Parish and Shreveport to central Louisiana — where it would be injected underground — could leak or rupture. That would displace the oxygen in the air, threatening the lives of people who live along the pipelines. He thinks, though, another argument might have more weight with the incoming Trump administration — that Project Cypress is a waste of money.
“Millions of dollars in taxpayer money for what amounts to an experiment,” he said after giving his comments to the DOE meeting. “That’s going to be interesting to see under this new administration, if they’re really serious about saving taxpayer money — because this is a good example. Hundreds of millions of dollars of taxpayer money for something that’s quite likely inefficient.”
A new paper from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Energy Initiative echoes that conclusion. It warns that it would take 40% of the world’s electricity to remove one-fourth of the carbon emitted each year — and that the technology is unlikely to be a major solution to climate change.
The research team recommended, however, that “work to develop the DAC technology continue so that it’s ready to help with the energy transition — even if it’s not the silver bullet that solves the world’s decarbonization challenge.”
President-elect Donald Trump has repeatedly vowed to slash climate spending under the Inflation Reduction Act, but the direct air capture hubs are part of the 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Act. The IRA, however, does provide a $180 per ton of carbon subsidy for direct air capture that Project Cypress would apply for once operational.
DAC considered key technology
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the Biden administration, among others, say direct air capture will be necessary under most scenarios to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.
To reduce the technology’s costs and improve its efficiency, Congress gave DOE $3.5 billion to fund so-called DAC hubs. The energy agency has awarded a portion of the funds — $50 million each to Project Cypress and a hub in south Texas. Depending on how the projects progress, each could qualify for half a billion dollars in additional federal funding, the DOE said.
The south Texas project is owned by a subsidiary of Occidental Petroleum, whose CEO has said carbon capture is a way to “preserve our industry over time” — feeding concerns that DAC will let oil and gas to keep emitting greenhouse gasses at their current rate.
The Louisiana project, which would be managed by nonprofit scientific and research giant, Batelle, will consist of two separate DAC facilities using different capture technologies.
Even though the Project Cypress site in Calcasieu Parish is near carbon-intensive industries, CO2 disperses so quickly that the amount of carbon captured at the sites won’t be greater than anywhere else. Louisiana was selected because its geology is suited to sequestering carbon deep underground, according to DOE.
Both facilities have contracted with CapturePoint Solutions to transport the captured carbon to its storage site in central Louisiana — the pipeline that worries Tritico. CapturePoint also has proposed using land underneath U.S. forests to store captured carbon.
Climeworks plans to build its portion of Project Cypress near the Port of Vinton, just south of Sulphur, in Calcasieu Parish. Cllimeworks has demonstrated its technology at facilities in Iceland. It would use huge fans to move air through filters with chemicals to capture the carbon. Scheduled to come online in 2029, the facility would capture up to 300,000 tons of CO2 a year and ramp up to one million tons a year, according to Climeworks.
A second Project Cypress facility is planned for a site about 200 miles north by the company Heirloom at the Port of Caddo-Bossier in Shreveport. Modified limestone would be used to capture carbon at that facility, a technology that has been tested at Heirloom’s California plant. In its initial phase, starting in 2027, Heirloom estimates it would capture up to 100,000 tons of CO2 a year, ramping up to 300,000 tons annually.

Can direct air capture scale up enough to help?
Considering humans produce about 40 billion tons a year, however, scientists and others question the viability of scaling up direct air capture facilities to a significant level.
The paper from MIT’s Energy Initiative notes that the sheer number of pipelines, storage sites and locations necessary for wide scale direct air capture are also obstacles.
Direct air capture is a “very seductive concept,” because it could reduce carbon in the atmosphere without disrupting key portions of the world’s economy, especially carbon-intensive industries, the researchers said. But, “Given the high stakes of climate change, it is foolhardy to rely on DAC to be the hero that comes to our rescue,” the paper concludes.
The MIT researchers also warn that if the electricity used to power the DAC hubs is generated by fossil fuels, it could produce more carbon than the facility captures. In one example, the paper says if a DAC facility uses coal-powered electricity, it would actually produce more carbon than it captures.
Climeworks is working with Entergy, the Louisiana utility that would provide electricity to both Project Cypress locations. Entergy gets about half of its electricity from natural gas, a quarter from nuclear, 2% from coal and 3% from renewable energy.
Climeworks will “be working to support new, clean energy generation coming onto the grid to help address our project needs,” company spokesperson Kate Dmytrenko said. “This will either happen through our partnership with Entergy or directly engaging with renewable energy projects or potentially some combination of both to address the needs of the project in a clean and reliable manner.”
But even if renewable energy is used to power the facilities, DAC remains an inefficient technology — one that would worsen, not alleviate, carbon pollution, says Mark Z. Jacobson, a professor of civil and environmental engineering at Stanford University. Jacobson says it would be better to shut down existing fossil fuel operations and replace them with renewable energy than send that energy to direct air capture facilities.
“DAC is an opportunity cost,” Jacobson said in an email, “that increases CO2, air pollution, fossil mining, fossil infrastructure and overall social costs (energy costs + health costs + climate costs) by a factor of 10 compared with using the same money to replace fossil sources with clean, renewable energy.”
Louisiana officials bullish on DAC
Despite the concerns, state and local governments are welcoming the DAC project.
“The expansion of Project Cypress Direct Air Capture Hub across the state represents the best of Louisiana — cutting-edge technology at the forefront of the energy economy, powered by innovation and a broad base of highly skilled workers,” Republican Gov. Jeff Landry said in a June news release.
In an interview at the Nov. 21 DOE meeting, Haley Bellard, a lifelong resident of Vinton who sits on the Port of Vinton’s board, said he thinks the project is a good compromise for green energy.
“Obviously, any plant is going to be looked at negatively in some way, but there are a lot of positives. Let’s look at the positives,” he said.
MIT, despite its criticisms, says research to refine DAC should continue, “because it may be needed for meeting net-zero emissions goals, especially given the current pace of emissions.”
DOE is seeking public comment on the scope of its environmental review until Dec. 16. The draft environmental review is expected by June of next year.
Eva Tesfaye of WWNO/WRKF contributed to this report.
YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE.
Floodlight is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates the powerful interests stalling climate action.
Louisiana
Louisiana legislators pass bills for local seafood industry
NEW ORLEANS (WVUE) – Memorial Day typically signals the start of summer for many across the U.S., but in South Louisiana, the holiday rings in something extra: the end of crawfish season and the start of inshore shrimp season.
For the influx of hungry customers at the Westwego Shrimp Lot, the vendors at the open-air market fully stocked up on the delicacy, including Amy’s Seafood.
“Fresh shrimp season just opened a few weeks ago, so we have shrimp all across our tables,” staffer Bridgette Wilson said.
The holiday sales are just a snapshot of the $2.4 billion that the Louisiana seafood industry rakes in each year, according to the LSU AgCenter.
But with the threat of imported, foreign seafood undercutting local fishermen’s prices, Louisiana lawmakers set out to pass legislation to keep the state’s crucial industry afloat.
State Rep. Tim Kerner, Sr. (R-Lafitte) introduced HB 857 this legislative session. The measure cracks down on co-mingling seafood, which is when a vendor, market or restaurant sells a product that is mixed with both domestic and foreign seafood.
Kenner’s bill requires that all co-mingled products have to be labeled as such, and if anyone is caught passing mixed seafood as fully, locally-caught seafood, there will be a $15,000 fine for the first offense, a $25,000 fine for the second offense and a $50,000 fine for the third.
“The best way would be to catch [co-mingling] at the processing plant, where they are doing millions of pounds of it,” Kerner said in front of the legislature.
While HB 857 waits for Governor Jeff Landry’s signature, he already signed HB 121 into law. It now allows the Agriculture Commissioner to seize and destroy illegal seafood, including improperly labeled products.
It was one of several bills from State Rep. Jessica Domangue (R-Houma) pushing for more transparency from the state’s seafood industry and stricter penalties for violators.
“We’re looking at combating bad actors at every level, from the dock to the fishermen, to the restaurant to the grocer,” Domangue said in front of the Louisiana House.
The measures are ones that Dave Williams, the founder of SeaD Consulting, supports.
For years now, Williams has led a team of scientists and testers that go to local restaurants and markets to see if the local seafood they are advertising were actually caught in Louisiana waters.
He said he supports the seafood bills coming out of the legislature this year since they provide more guidelines and oversight into the state’s industry and continues promoting local fishermen, dock workers and vendors.
“[The bills are] based on everything being authentic throughout the distribution chain,” Williams said. “I just want a leveled playing field, and I want people to enjoy what people come to Louisiana and live in Louisiana for.”
See a spelling or grammar error in our story? Click Here to report it. Please include the headline.
Subscribe to the Fox 8 YouTube channel.
Copyright 2026 WVUE. All rights reserved.
Louisiana
Jazz Fest 2026 Celebrates Louisiana Culture with Two Unforgettable Weekends of Music, Drumming, Food, and New Orleans Magic
The 2026 New Orleans Jazz and Heritage Festival took place on April 23-26 and April 30-May 3rd. Jazz Fest organizers announced that 475,000 fans took part in the event, which is now regarded as one of the world’s greatest celebrations of music and culture.
As always, the festival combined local acts and legends, Rock, R&B, Hip-Hop, Gospel, Jazz, Blues, World Music, and more. Due to rain, many acts in the first weekend were cancelled. Weekend one did include Rod Stewart (David Palmer,) David Byrne (Mauro Refosco/Tim Keiper,) St. Vincent (Mark Guiliana,) The Isley Brothers, and Headhunters (Herlin Riley/Bill Summers.)
The second weekend included headliners the Eagles (Don Henley / Scott Crago,) The Black Keys (Patrick Carney,) Widespread Panic (Duane Trucks/ Domingo S. Ortiz,) Lake Street Dive (Mike Calabrese,) Alabama Shakes (Noah Bond/ Lewis Wright,) Lainey Wilson (Matt Nolan,) Dragon Smoke (Stanton Moore,) Lettuce (Adam Deitch,) George Porter Jr. (Terrence Houston,) Leo Nocentelli (Jamal Batiste,) Terence Blanchard & Ravi Coltrane (Oscar Seaton,) Anders Osborne (Chad Cromwell,) Dumpstaphunk (Deven Trusclair,) Little Feat (Tony Leone / Sam Clayton,) Jason Marsalis, Teddy Swims (DeAndre Hemby,) Earth, Wind & Fire (John Paris,) Herbie Hancock (Jaylen Petinaud,) Mavis Staples, and Galactic (Stanton Moore.)
Advertisement
Closing out weekend two (as always) was Trombone Shorty (Joey Peebles.) There was a surprise reunion of the surviving Allman Brothers Band (with the exception of Oteil Burbridge) when the last surviving founding members of the Allman Brothers (Jaimoe, Warren Haynes, and percussionist Marc Quinones) all joined the Tedeschi Trucks Band (Tyler Greenwell / Isaac Eady) for the Allman Brothers’ songs “Dreams” and “Whipping Post.”
“What happens at Jazz Fest isn’t just a moment—it’s part of a living cultural legacy,” said CEO of Festival productions and Director of the Festival Quint Davis. “We’re proud to carry that tradition into the future, and we look forward to welcoming everyone back next year.” The New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival and Foundation, Inc., is the nonprofit organization that owns the New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival presented by Shell. The Foundation uses the proceeds from Jazz Fest, and other raised funds, for year-round activities in education, economic development, and cultural enrichment. The New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival presented by Shell is a co-production of Festival Productions, Inc.- New Orleans, and AEG Presents.
Advertisement
Louisiana
A Louisiana state senator helped secure Meta’s largest datacenter. Then he sold the land beside it
This story is from Floodlight, a non-profit newsroom that investigates the powers stalling climate action
For more than two years, John “Jay” Morris, a Louisiana state senator, helped pave the way for Meta to build one of the world’s largest datacenters, called Hyperion, in Richland Parish.
The Republican attorney lobbied a utility regulator for a key approval. He cosponsored two bills that enabled the land deal between Meta and the state. And he voted “yea” on two additional bills that provided the trillion-dollar tech company with tax breaks worth an estimated $3.3bn.
Now, a Floodlight investigation has found that while Morris used his political position to advance the project, he and his business partners were buying and selling the land around it over the past 15 months.
As recently as February, Morris and his partners sold hundreds of acres to utility giant Entergy for a methane-burning power plant to provide electricity for the datacenter.
Morris’s recent land deals haven’t been disclosed until now, according to Floodlight’s review of legislative filings, votes, media coverage and state senate records. It’s unclear how much money he has made from these transactions – Louisiana law does not require buyers and sellers to publicly disclose sale prices.
Experts said the senator’s actions raise a serious issue of a possible violation of state ethics laws – such as La RS 42:1112(A), 42:1120 and 42:1101 – which prohibit government officials from participating in official actions that benefit them financially, require them to recuse themselves from voting when a conflict exists and prohibit the use of public office for private gain.
“What makes it particularly egregious is not one isolated vote, but a sustained pattern: creating legal authority for a specific land deal, backing a huge tax break, lobbying a regulator, quietly positioning personal real estate around the project,” said Dane Ciolino, a professor and expert in governmental ethics at Loyola University New Orleans.
In an interview, Morris denied wrongdoing. He said his land-holdings are public record and that the tax breaks he voted for applied to all datacenters – not just the Meta project.
“ It makes a nice story if you can try to show that I have some sort of conflict,” Morris said. “But under Louisiana’s ethics laws, I don’t.”
After years of maintaining a relatively low profile in the legislature, Morris has become a prominent political figure since Governor Jeff Landry took office. He’s chair of a judiciary committee, a member of three financial committees and joined the powerful state bond commission in 2024.
He’s also recently become a lightning rod for controversy at the statehouse after authoring bills that would eliminate Louisiana’s majority-Black congressional districts and another that took away the seat of a Black court clerk who had just been elected in New Orleans.
Morris said his maps are intended to protect Republican incumbents in Louisiana’s House races. As for eliminating a court clerk’s post in New Orleans, he said he simply wanted to streamline court operations in New Orleans – and held nothing against the man.
“You can find some pundits and lawyers to say bad things about politicians. It’s pretty easy, we’re a popular target. But I haven’t done anything wrong,” Morris said.
“I just hope you’d write a fair story.”
Entergy and the Hyperion datacenter
In north-east Louisiana’s Richland Parish, former farmlands are transforming into a vast expanse of concrete and steel.
Hyperion spans more than 3,650 acres, an area more than twice the size of Rayville, the town beside it. Once up and running, it’s expected to consume more than seven times the amount of energy each day than the city of New Orleans.
Despite public opposition, state officials including Morris have pushed the project forward as part of a nationwide datacenter build-out. Since construction began more than a year ago, locals have complained of severe air quality issues from dust blowing off the vast construction site and relentless traffic from heavy commercial vehicles around once-quiet rural streets.
“Yes, there are a lot of complainers, and a lot of the complainers are from out of state,” Morris said. “But the people in our area are generally happy about it.” He argued that the project’s benefits include new high-paying jobs, an increased tax base and money pouring into the education system.
Meta said the company is “committed to creating a positive impact” in Richland Parish, that it works actively to limit the impact of traffic on local residents and is investing in local schools, non-profits and small businesses.
It was Entergy – not Meta – that initially pitched state officials on the project, according to a trade publication’s interview with Susan Bourgeois, who helped negotiate the deal as the head of the state’s economic development agency.
The Louisiana economic development agency (LED) issued a statement saying that “any inference that Senator Morris inappropriately influenced LED or any of our projects is simply incorrect”. The administration “makes no apologies for bringing diverse partners together to drive the outcomes and opportunities our state has so long deserved”, its spokesperson said.
Entergy has claimed in regulatory filings that Hyperion’s immense power needs will require the largest build-out of power plants in its history – enough to fuel a 43% increase in its statewide power-generation capacity, according to the company’s president.
Morris, who grew up in the area, owns and co-owns two dozen properties spanning more than 2,000 acres surrounding Hyperion, including at least three that share a border with the complex, according to the Richland Parish assessor’s office. He’s held many for more than a decade.
“I bought the property for farmland and the rent that’s derived therefrom. But would I hope that there would be some economic development someday? Of course. Absolutely,” he said. “But was I counting on it? Did I know it would happen? No. Nobody can read the future.”
But now that the future has arrived in Richland Parish, Morris has been on a buying spree.
Broadening power, weakening oversight
Morris bought seven properties within 5 miles of the datacenter since the Meta announcement in December 2024 – plus a 165-acre tract about 10 miles south-west.
The timing of those land deals shows how closely he mixed official actions with personal business dealings.
In 2024, Morris co-sponsored and voted for a wide-ranging bill that, among other things, gave LED new authority to lease state-owned property.
The state had bought a large tract of land from the family of Fred Scott Franklin – Morris’s business partners – nearly two decades earlier for a deal that fell through with a different company. But shortly after the 2024 bill passed, LED used its new authority to lease the site to Meta.
Four months after Meta signed the lease, Morris and the Franklins paid $1.2m cash to buy an 80-acre plot just across the street from the project site. Morris signed the deed in early 2025. Less than two months later, one of the senate committees he’s part of began considering a second bill that would play a pivotal role in finalizing the state’s deal with Meta: giving LED the authority to sell state-owned property.
By late April, Morris had signed on as cosponsor and voted for its passage.
By early May, Morris and the Franklins had begun monetizing the property in a more immediate way: turning it into a dirt quarry for eventual use on the Meta job site, the senator told Floodlight.
Three months after that second bill was signed into law, LED sold Meta the property that the tech company had been leasing, which was just a stone’s throw from Morris’ land.
That series of events raises serious ethical concerns, according to La Koshia Roberts, a former chair and currently the longest-serving member of the Louisiana board of ethics – the body that investigates potential ethical misconduct by government officials.
“ The fact that he actually voted and didn’t recuse himself is a major concern of mine,” Roberts said.
“When you have your elected officials who are not only drafting proposed legislation that he or she knows will benefit them financially, personally financially, that’s one problem. But then to have that person continue with this knowledge and not disclose it, not even to his body, not even to the committee, is problematic.”
Yet during those legislative proceedings – which concerned a dramatic overhaul of the state agency in charge of economic development – Morris never mentioned his interest in the state’s largest economic development project.
“ A lot of my colleagues know that I have land holdings in Richland Parish, some of which are near the Meta site,” Morris told Floodlight. “But no … I didn’t put it in the record and announce it. But there was nothing to require me to do that. And I don’t know why I would need to do that.”
The Louisiana code of governmental ethics states that an official with a substantial financial interest in a governmental proceeding must recuse from voting and disclose their interest if they continue to participate in discussions about the matter.
“He should not have voted for it,” Roberts said.
Morris said the bills he cosponsored were not targeted at any particular datacenter, and that although he signed on in support, he had nothing to do with drafting them.
“ The LED bills were part of a broad restructuring that Secretary Bourgeois was pushing. I had no idea that any of that was needed for the Meta development,” he said.
According to Ciolino, the government ethics expert at Loyola, Morris’s strongest defense is that the bills and tax break applied broadly to LED’s restructuring or all datacenters – not just the Meta project.
“That matters,” he said. “But it does not end the analysis.”
The question isn’t just whether the bill’s text was general – it’s whether Morris had an economic interest in it greater than that of a general class or group of persons, Ciolino said, referring to a specific section of Louisiana law.
“A senator who owns dozens of nearby parcels, co-owns adjoining land, sells dirt for the project, and later sells land to Entergy for a project power plant has a far more particularized economic stake than ordinary citizens or even ordinary landowners in the region.”
Old friends, new deals
Morris explained that he and his business partners, the Franklins, are close. He and Franklin Sr have been friends since nursery school.
They own several properties together, including the one across the street from Meta. The Franklins have transferred Morris at least $200,000 since 2015 as part of a mutual business endeavor renting out farmland, according to Morris’s financial disclosures and Fred Scott Franklin Jr. The family has also contributed more than $15,000 to Morris’s election campaigns over the past 16 years, according to state campaign finance data.
Franklin Sr and Morris were also co-owners, along with a third man, of a company called FMB Downtown Ventures, which hasn’t been active for well over a decade, according to Franklin Jr.
Franklin Jr often represents his family in media appearances and at business events. He confirmed that Morris and the Franklin family are close and have a long history of purchasing and co-owning properties, which they often lease for use as farmland.
He said that Morris was not involved in any negotiations with Meta. “ I would very much disagree that Jay Morris was an active participant in landing Meta to Richland Parish. I just don’t think that’s accurate,” said Franklin Jr. “I don’t think he’s any more responsible for it than whoever else voted for the sales tax exemption in the legislature.”
The Franklins are one of the largest local beneficiaries of the Meta project: they owned nearly all of the land that the datacenter is being built upon. State officials dubbed the property the “Franklin Farms Megasite”, and Entergy has referred to the power plants that will be attached to it as the Franklin Farms Power Stations.
When Entergy, LED and Meta held a press event to announce the project and perform a ceremonial groundbreaking in December 2024, Fred Scott Franklin Jr, was on stage holding a shovel. Governor Landry and Entergy’s CEO stood alongside him. Morris was also there and prominently featured in a promotional video Entergy circulated on Instagram to tout the event.
“This project that Meta and Entergy have come together to bring to north-east Louisiana most importantly will bring jobs and will bring economic development to a region that’s needed it for so many years,” Morris said in the video.
Morris said he didn’t remember being filmed, hadn’t known the video existed and hadn’t received any payment from Entergy for being featured.
“ I guess they randomly saw me and asked me a couple of questions or something,” he said.
‘I was under an NDA’
To build three new gas-fired power plants for Hyperion, along with 100 miles of high-voltage transmission lines, Entergy needed a key approval from the Louisiana public service commission.
And on 20 August 2025, before the commission voted 4-1 to approve Entergy’s $3.2 bn plan, commissioner Jean-Paul Coussan disclosed on the record that Morris had personally lobbied him to approve the plants.
“I also heard from Senator Jay Morris, who represents in the north-east, in support of the issue,” Coussan said.
Four weeks after the commission’s vote, Morris and the Franklins together signed agreements to sell nearly 300 acres to Entergy for one of the company’s methane-burning power stations for Hyperion. They had co-owned the property for roughly 15 years prior to the sale.
Coussan, a Republican, had served alongside Morris in the state legislature until his election to the commission in 2024. Morris described him as a friend and, in a single exchange, alternated between saying he “didn’t reach out” to Coussan, was “pretty sure I didn’t even talk to him”, and “probably did talk to him some”. Later, by email, he said: “I’m sure we likely discussed it.”
Coussan said that any conversation he had with Morris was part of his due diligence as a commissioner.
He also said he only learned of Morris’s land deals from being contacted by Floodlight.
“ No, we didn’t talk about his property, nor do I think it was relevant to my deliberations,” Coussan said. “I actually don’t see what the story is.”
Entergy Louisiana said that it “acquired two sites near the proposed facility that offer access to necessary infrastructure, including electric transmission lines, natural gas supply and pipelines, and transportation routes. The location was selected in part due to these advantages, as well as its proximity to the customer’s site, which had been owned by the state for more than 20 years.”
Morris pointed out that his land holdings are reported publicly in his annual financial disclosures. But his most recent disclosure is from 2024 – making the past two years of his land deals difficult to piece together.
He was also clear that he did not disclose his Entergy negotiations to Coussan ahead of the vote.
“ I’m really sure he didn’t know that I was gonna sell any land to Entergy because I was under an NDA, and I couldn’t say anything to him anyway,” Morris said.
Under Louisiana ethics law, the question is not whether he was allowed to discuss the deal, but whether he should have disclosed his personal financial interest to the regulator as part of that conversation.
Morris also sold rights of way to Entergy across four other properties he owns for the company to build transmission lines and, in one case, establish an access road and lay water, sewer and other utility lines.
How much Entergy paid Morris for the property and rights of way remains unclear – neither he nor Franklin disclosed the values of any of their land deals when asked. But when property values rise, it drives up the prices that companies like
Entergy must pay landowners to build across their land. Under state law, the legal standard of “just compensation” requires Entergy to pay an amount consistent with the land’s value.
And property values beside the datacenter have skyrocketed.
“I would argue just compensation is a lot different now than it was before all this started,” Franklin Jr explained.
Due to another new law passed that same year, and which Morris voted for, the roughly $12m the state received from selling land to Meta went back to a special fund that LED controls and can use as it sees fit to advance similar economic development projects around the state.
The Meta deal is the first of several similar Landry-administration projects moving through LED on the same statutory authority Morris helped create. Landry’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
Over recent years, the Louisiana legislature has weakened ethics laws, according to Roberts. Because of that, “ it is imperative on the public to be substantially more aware of potential unethical or questionable actions, and to demand more from their elected officials”, she said.
When asked how he responds to experts alleging that his conduct violated ethics rules, Morris replied: “They’re wrong. I would guess whoever you talked to probably has an axe to grind or is politically opposed to me – to what I do. But they’re free to turn me into the ethics board, which I’m sure would do nothing.
“But if they think it’s egregious, why haven’t they turned me in?”
This story is from Floodlight in collaboration with Verite News and the Louisiana Illuminator
-
Detroit, MI10 minutes agoTeen Charged As Adult In Detroit Shooting That Injured 14-Year-Old: Prosecutor
-
San Francisco, CA22 minutes agoThis Week: S.F. management, Board Meeting, Pride Bike – Streetsblog San Francisco
-
Dallas, TX28 minutes ago
Mailbag: Impact of Lawrence not signing yet?
-
Boston, MA40 minutes ago21-year-old arrested for Dorchester shooting that injured one
-
Denver, CO46 minutes agoWATCH | Eucharistic Procession Coming to Downtown Denver June 6
-
Seattle, WA52 minutes agoThe Best Date Night Restaurants In Seattle – Tasting Table
-
San Diego, CA58 minutes agoMLB Trade Rumors: San Diego padres Eyeing 2 Specific Relievers
-
Milwaukee, WI1 hour ago
Suspect in fatal Milwaukee crash was driving without a license, police say
