Louisiana
Civil rights groups say Purcell principle prevents Louisiana from suspending elections when votes have already been cast
Louisiana is asking the U.S. Supreme Court to quickly certify its ruling gutting the Voting Rights Act so the state can eliminate its majority-Black districts in time for this fall’s midterms. But Black voters argue that time-table would violate a key legal principle that courts shouldn’t change voting rules and maps so close to the election, because of the risk of voter confusion.
The principle, known as Purcell, has been embraced by several members of the court’s conservative majority.
Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry (R ) last week declared an “emergency” suspension of the state’s U.S. House of Representatives primary election in light of the Supreme Court’s ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, saying the order gives the state permission to immediately redraw its congressional district maps.
However, in a brief filed with SCOTUS, civil rights groups contend that under the court’s own history of applying “the Purcell principle,” it is too late into the election season to suspend it.
More than 100,000 absentee ballots have already been sent out to Louisiana voters, and early voting began on May 2.
Suspending “the primary after ballots have already been cast would cause chaos in th election process and leave voters and candidates hopelessly confused, in clear violation of the principles this Court articulated in Purcell and subsequent decisions,” wrote the civil rights groups in their appeal.
The brief references the 2020 Democratic National Committee v. Wisconsin State Legislature ruling.
“The Court’s precedents recognize a basic tenet of election law: When an election is close at hand, the rules of the road should be clear and settled … because running a statewide election is a complicated endeavor,” that ruling held.
While SCOTUS’ Callais ruling has been rendered, there’s still a 32-day period before the justices certify the judgement and send it back to the lower court where the case originated. The defendants also have a 25-day window to seek a re-hearing of the case.
The governor’s suspension of the U.S. House elections jumps ahead of that certification deadline, in order to expedite a map that will remove Black representation and give the GOP even more of an advantage.
“Such a drastic action is unnecessary and unwarranted,” reads the civil rights groups’ appeal. “This Court should therefore clarify that the judgment has not issued and the stay remains in place until it does” – in other words, state lawmakers need to wait until SCOTUS officially hands judgement down to the lower court before proceeding with redistricting plans.
Speaking at a press conference today, Rep. Cleo Fields (D-La.), whose own majority-Black district is endangered under the Callais ruling, said he’s encouraging voters to continue casting ballots during the current early voting period, which ends May 9.
However, President Donald Trump is actively calling for Louisiana, and other states such as Alabama that are chomping at the bit to erase Black districts from their maps, to cancel or nullify current elections.
In Louisiana’s case, that would mean people who’ve already cast ballots would then have to vote again once new maps are drawn.
“I think that people are too caught up into what the President says,” said Rep. Fields, who has joined one of several lawsuits filed to stop the elections suspension. “He says, ‘I need 20 more seats, you know, let’s do it! We’ve got a ruling, so let’s go!’ But at the end of the day, the Supreme Court did not say, ‘Halt the election,’ nor should it. And we’re going to let the Supreme Court make a decision fairly soon about whether or not Louisiana can do what it did.”
SCOTUS ruled in a 2006 voting case, Purcell v. Gonzalez, that courts should not interfere or change a state’s voting rules too close to an election, to prevent mass voter confusion. That kind of confusion could itself become a form of voter suppression or intimidation, for those fearful that sudden changes could lead to them getting penalized for voting incorrectly.
There is some vagueness around the question of how close to an election is too close when applying this principle. However, in the Louisiana case, the situation has already moved too close for comfort, the Black voters argue. “Appellants understand that many voters across the state have already voted and returned those ballots,” reads the appeals brief.
According to the Louisiana Secretary of State’s early voting report, nearly 80,000 votes had been cast as of May 3. However, Secretary of State Nancy Landry (R) announced on April 30 that her office would post notices on early voting sites telling voters that the U.S. House race has been suspended.
“While the U.S. House races will remain on voters’ ballots, any votes cast in those races will not be counted,” said Landry.
Rep. Fields is imploring people to continue voting anyway.
“Don’t listen to the governor, don’t listen to the Secretary of State about not voting the entire ticket,” said Rep. Fields. “That election is suspended for now, but that doesn’t mean that it will be suspended tomorrow. There are other recourses that can be taken, and we’ve taken those recourses.”
Louisiana
Louisiana Gov. signs Caleb Wilson Hazing Prevention Act
BATON ROUGE, La. (Louisiana First) — The Caleb Wilson Hazing Prevention Act has been signed into law by Gov. Jeff Landry.
This comes after HB 636, authored by Rep. Vanessa LaFleur (D-Baton Rouge), was signed by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate on May 19.
The measure redefines hazing, mandates annual prevention training, and strengthens penalties for student organizations involved in hazing.
The legislation is named after a Southern University student who was killed in 2025 after being punched in the chest with boxing gloves during an unsanctioned, off-campus fraternity hazing ritual.
The law will go into effect on August 1.
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Louisiana
As Seas Rise, Louisiana Faces a Choice: Plan for Movement or Let Crisis Decide – Inside Climate News
The shoreline of Louisiana has never been still or fixed, though recent generations have treated it as such.
Since the last ice age roughly 20,000 years ago, around when people arrived in what is now the United States, sea levels have repeatedly reshaped aspects of the Gulf Coast. But today, human-caused warming is accelerating that ancient process, pushing Louisiana’s dynamic shoreline into conflict with cities, roads, ports and levees built to contain and stabilize nature.
A new study in Nature Sustainability argues that this history is a guide to what comes next. Coastal Louisiana, the authors write, is ground zero for coastal climate adaptation: a place where rising seas and sinking land are already reshaping where people live, and where planning for movement could offer more agency than crisis-driven displacement.
“We have got to remember that when people first came to North America 20,000 years ago, there had already been a lot of climate change,” said Jesse Keenan, a co-author of the paper and professor of sustainable real estate and urban planning at Tulane University. “There’s been a lot of sea level rise in the region, and Indigenous populations have always moved with that shoreline.”
In geologic time, he added, “New Orleans has been there for just a blip. We’ve got to get it out of our heads that this is terra firma.”
The physical stakes are still stark. Southern Louisiana is facing a convergence of rising seas, wetland erosion, stronger storms and land subsidence, much of it worsened by decades of oil and gas canals cut through the coast. The state contains what theIPCC has identified as the world’s most exposed coastal zone, where the shoreline is projected to move more than 30 miles inland of New Orleans.
By comparing today’s warming trajectory with the last interglacial period roughly 125,000 years ago, when global temperatures were similar and seas were much higher, the new study estimates that the region could eventually face three to seven meters of sea-level rise and lose as much as three-quarters of its remaining coastal wetlands.
Keenan emphasizes that the point is not to forecast a sudden disappearance, but to widen the planning lens: if the coast is already moving, Louisiana has a chance to decide how people, infrastructure and economies move with it.
The danger is assuming everyone has the same ability to act on that choice. Social mobility, he said, depends on financial mobility— which means adaptation cannot simply tell people to move to safer ground. It has to move opportunity, too: jobs, industries, schools and affordable housing beyond the form of voluntary buyouts, a common managed-retreat tool in which governments purchase flood-prone homes and return the land to open space.
“Outmigration is often framed as tragedy or failure, but in some cases it signals agency,” said Brianna Castro, a co-author of the paper, who highlights that this is a chance to plan around choices people are already making.
Nearly all of Louisiana’s coastal zone has lost residents since 2000, and since Hurricane Katrina in 2005, about a quarter of Orleans Parish’s population has left the area, while more than half of rural Cameron Parish has relocated.
“If you build jobs and you build homes, specifically affordable homes, [on] safer ground, people will come,” said Castro, who is a professor of urban sustainability at Yale University’s School of the Environment.
The opportunity, she argues, is to make those moves possible before crisis forces them on harsher terms—with schools, housing and work in places where communities can carry culture forward rather than be scattered by disaster. New Orleans at its core, she said, is not confined to its current footprint.
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“We’re not going to ‘lose’ New Orleans,” she said. “New Orleans has an incredibly rich local culture, and that will carry across the lake.” What must change, she argued, is the assumption that a moving coast can be met with immovable systems.
That idea resonates beyond Louisiana. Vivek Shandas, a professor of earth, environment and society at Portland State University who was not involved in the study, said the paper widens the frame from emergency response to long-term adaptation.
“We’ve been resettling for hundreds of thousands of years as a species,” Shandas said. “I think we’ve gotten really complacent with thinking that once we’ve set up a place and invested in it that it has to be like that forever. But the Earth is a very dynamic and incredibly fluid system.”
For that reason, he said, Louisiana is a “bellwether” for the rest of the country—a place where planners, policymakers and communities can study what adaptation strategies work before the same pressures intensify elsewhere.
“It’s super important for people to recognize that what we’re ultimately calling for in this paper is a public, private, and civic engagement with adaptation policy, planning and practice,” said Keenan.
The study points to immediate action projects, including reviving the canceled Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion—a $3-billion coastal restoration project designed to reconnect the Mississippi River with the Barataria Basin, the rapidly disappearing wetland area on the west bank of the river south of New Orleans—and advancing the Breton diversion on the other side of the Mississippi River.
Unlike dredging, which moves sediment once and deposits it in place, river diversions are designed to restore a more continuous flow of sediment into wetlands, mimicking the processes that built the delta over thousands of years. Dredged material can create land, Keenan said, but it does not sustain the same root systems and ecological processes as a living riverine system.
“We’ve got a big challenge here, but this isn’t about the challenge. This is about the opportunity,” he said. “You catch more flies with honey than vinegar. There is so much economic opportunity to engage with people and to build things. Data centers won’t give people more jobs, but adapting to climate change just might.”
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Louisiana
How is U.S. immigration policy hurting a key Louisiana industry? : Consider This from NPR
Crawfish sit in a water bucket to get clean before they are boiled in New Orleans, Louisiana on Saturday, April 11, 2020.
Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
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Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
Louisiana leads the country in crawfish production, bringing more than $300 million to the state each year. What happens when there aren’t enough employees to get them to buyers?
Farmers, landscapers and the hospitality industry have long argued that the U.S. government doesn’t issue enough temporary visas to meet seasonal labor needs.
Current limits under Trump’s second term have worsened that problem.
And farmers in rural Louisiana are feeling that pinch.
NPR’s Debbie Elliott went to Louisiana to find out how.
For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org. Email us at considerthis@npr.org.
This episode was produced by Christine Arrasmith and Alejandra Marquez Janse, with audio engineering by Tiffany Vera Castro.
It was edited by Russell Lewis and Courtney Dorning.
Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.
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