Louisiana
A Louisiana state senator helped secure Meta’s largest datacenter. Then he sold the land beside it
This story is from Floodlight, a non-profit newsroom that investigates the powers stalling climate action
For more than two years, John “Jay” Morris, a Louisiana state senator, helped pave the way for Meta to build one of the world’s largest datacenters, called Hyperion, in Richland Parish.
The Republican attorney lobbied a utility regulator for a key approval. He cosponsored two bills that enabled the land deal between Meta and the state. And he voted “yea” on two additional bills that provided the trillion-dollar tech company with tax breaks worth an estimated $3.3bn.
Now, a Floodlight investigation has found that while Morris used his political position to advance the project, he and his business partners were buying and selling the land around it over the past 15 months.
As recently as February, Morris and his partners sold hundreds of acres to utility giant Entergy for a methane-burning power plant to provide electricity for the datacenter.
Morris’s recent land deals haven’t been disclosed until now, according to Floodlight’s review of legislative filings, votes, media coverage and state senate records. It’s unclear how much money he has made from these transactions – Louisiana law does not require buyers and sellers to publicly disclose sale prices.
Experts said the senator’s actions raise a serious issue of a possible violation of state ethics laws – such as La RS 42:1112(A), 42:1120 and 42:1101 – which prohibit government officials from participating in official actions that benefit them financially, require them to recuse themselves from voting when a conflict exists and prohibit the use of public office for private gain.
“What makes it particularly egregious is not one isolated vote, but a sustained pattern: creating legal authority for a specific land deal, backing a huge tax break, lobbying a regulator, quietly positioning personal real estate around the project,” said Dane Ciolino, a professor and expert in governmental ethics at Loyola University New Orleans.
In an interview, Morris denied wrongdoing. He said his land-holdings are public record and that the tax breaks he voted for applied to all datacenters – not just the Meta project.
“ It makes a nice story if you can try to show that I have some sort of conflict,” Morris said. “But under Louisiana’s ethics laws, I don’t.”
After years of maintaining a relatively low profile in the legislature, Morris has become a prominent political figure since Governor Jeff Landry took office. He’s chair of a judiciary committee, a member of three financial committees and joined the powerful state bond commission in 2024.
He’s also recently become a lightning rod for controversy at the statehouse after authoring bills that would eliminate Louisiana’s majority-Black congressional districts and another that took away the seat of a Black court clerk who had just been elected in New Orleans.
Morris said his maps are intended to protect Republican incumbents in Louisiana’s House races. As for eliminating a court clerk’s post in New Orleans, he said he simply wanted to streamline court operations in New Orleans – and held nothing against the man.
“You can find some pundits and lawyers to say bad things about politicians. It’s pretty easy, we’re a popular target. But I haven’t done anything wrong,” Morris said.
“I just hope you’d write a fair story.”
Entergy and the Hyperion datacenter
In north-east Louisiana’s Richland Parish, former farmlands are transforming into a vast expanse of concrete and steel.
Hyperion spans more than 3,650 acres, an area more than twice the size of Rayville, the town beside it. Once up and running, it’s expected to consume more than seven times the amount of energy each day than the city of New Orleans.
Despite public opposition, state officials including Morris have pushed the project forward as part of a nationwide datacenter build-out. Since construction began more than a year ago, locals have complained of severe air quality issues from dust blowing off the vast construction site and relentless traffic from heavy commercial vehicles around once-quiet rural streets.
“Yes, there are a lot of complainers, and a lot of the complainers are from out of state,” Morris said. “But the people in our area are generally happy about it.” He argued that the project’s benefits include new high-paying jobs, an increased tax base and money pouring into the education system.
Meta said the company is “committed to creating a positive impact” in Richland Parish, that it works actively to limit the impact of traffic on local residents and is investing in local schools, non-profits and small businesses.
It was Entergy – not Meta – that initially pitched state officials on the project, according to a trade publication’s interview with Susan Bourgeois, who helped negotiate the deal as the head of the state’s economic development agency.
The Louisiana economic development agency (LED) issued a statement saying that “any inference that Senator Morris inappropriately influenced LED or any of our projects is simply incorrect”. The administration “makes no apologies for bringing diverse partners together to drive the outcomes and opportunities our state has so long deserved”, its spokesperson said.
Entergy has claimed in regulatory filings that Hyperion’s immense power needs will require the largest build-out of power plants in its history – enough to fuel a 43% increase in its statewide power-generation capacity, according to the company’s president.
Morris, who grew up in the area, owns and co-owns two dozen properties spanning more than 2,000 acres surrounding Hyperion, including at least three that share a border with the complex, according to the Richland Parish assessor’s office. He’s held many for more than a decade.
“I bought the property for farmland and the rent that’s derived therefrom. But would I hope that there would be some economic development someday? Of course. Absolutely,” he said. “But was I counting on it? Did I know it would happen? No. Nobody can read the future.”
But now that the future has arrived in Richland Parish, Morris has been on a buying spree.
Broadening power, weakening oversight
Morris bought seven properties within 5 miles of the datacenter since the Meta announcement in December 2024 – plus a 165-acre tract about 10 miles south-west.
The timing of those land deals shows how closely he mixed official actions with personal business dealings.
In 2024, Morris co-sponsored and voted for a wide-ranging bill that, among other things, gave LED new authority to lease state-owned property.
The state had bought a large tract of land from the family of Fred Scott Franklin – Morris’s business partners – nearly two decades earlier for a deal that fell through with a different company. But shortly after the 2024 bill passed, LED used its new authority to lease the site to Meta.
Four months after Meta signed the lease, Morris and the Franklins paid $1.2m cash to buy an 80-acre plot just across the street from the project site. Morris signed the deed in early 2025. Less than two months later, one of the senate committees he’s part of began considering a second bill that would play a pivotal role in finalizing the state’s deal with Meta: giving LED the authority to sell state-owned property.
By late April, Morris had signed on as cosponsor and voted for its passage.
By early May, Morris and the Franklins had begun monetizing the property in a more immediate way: turning it into a dirt quarry for eventual use on the Meta job site, the senator told Floodlight.
Three months after that second bill was signed into law, LED sold Meta the property that the tech company had been leasing, which was just a stone’s throw from Morris’ land.
That series of events raises serious ethical concerns, according to La Koshia Roberts, a former chair and currently the longest-serving member of the Louisiana board of ethics – the body that investigates potential ethical misconduct by government officials.
“ The fact that he actually voted and didn’t recuse himself is a major concern of mine,” Roberts said.
“When you have your elected officials who are not only drafting proposed legislation that he or she knows will benefit them financially, personally financially, that’s one problem. But then to have that person continue with this knowledge and not disclose it, not even to his body, not even to the committee, is problematic.”
Yet during those legislative proceedings – which concerned a dramatic overhaul of the state agency in charge of economic development – Morris never mentioned his interest in the state’s largest economic development project.
“ A lot of my colleagues know that I have land holdings in Richland Parish, some of which are near the Meta site,” Morris told Floodlight. “But no … I didn’t put it in the record and announce it. But there was nothing to require me to do that. And I don’t know why I would need to do that.”
The Louisiana code of governmental ethics states that an official with a substantial financial interest in a governmental proceeding must recuse from voting and disclose their interest if they continue to participate in discussions about the matter.
“He should not have voted for it,” Roberts said.
Morris said the bills he cosponsored were not targeted at any particular datacenter, and that although he signed on in support, he had nothing to do with drafting them.
“ The LED bills were part of a broad restructuring that Secretary Bourgeois was pushing. I had no idea that any of that was needed for the Meta development,” he said.
According to Ciolino, the government ethics expert at Loyola, Morris’s strongest defense is that the bills and tax break applied broadly to LED’s restructuring or all datacenters – not just the Meta project.
“That matters,” he said. “But it does not end the analysis.”
The question isn’t just whether the bill’s text was general – it’s whether Morris had an economic interest in it greater than that of a general class or group of persons, Ciolino said, referring to a specific section of Louisiana law.
“A senator who owns dozens of nearby parcels, co-owns adjoining land, sells dirt for the project, and later sells land to Entergy for a project power plant has a far more particularized economic stake than ordinary citizens or even ordinary landowners in the region.”
Old friends, new deals
Morris explained that he and his business partners, the Franklins, are close. He and Franklin Sr have been friends since nursery school.
They own several properties together, including the one across the street from Meta. The Franklins have transferred Morris at least $200,000 since 2015 as part of a mutual business endeavor renting out farmland, according to Morris’s financial disclosures and Fred Scott Franklin Jr. The family has also contributed more than $15,000 to Morris’s election campaigns over the past 16 years, according to state campaign finance data.
Franklin Sr and Morris were also co-owners, along with a third man, of a company called FMB Downtown Ventures, which hasn’t been active for well over a decade, according to Franklin Jr.
Franklin Jr often represents his family in media appearances and at business events. He confirmed that Morris and the Franklin family are close and have a long history of purchasing and co-owning properties, which they often lease for use as farmland.
He said that Morris was not involved in any negotiations with Meta. “ I would very much disagree that Jay Morris was an active participant in landing Meta to Richland Parish. I just don’t think that’s accurate,” said Franklin Jr. “I don’t think he’s any more responsible for it than whoever else voted for the sales tax exemption in the legislature.”
The Franklins are one of the largest local beneficiaries of the Meta project: they owned nearly all of the land that the datacenter is being built upon. State officials dubbed the property the “Franklin Farms Megasite”, and Entergy has referred to the power plants that will be attached to it as the Franklin Farms Power Stations.
When Entergy, LED and Meta held a press event to announce the project and perform a ceremonial groundbreaking in December 2024, Fred Scott Franklin Jr, was on stage holding a shovel. Governor Landry and Entergy’s CEO stood alongside him. Morris was also there and prominently featured in a promotional video Entergy circulated on Instagram to tout the event.
“This project that Meta and Entergy have come together to bring to north-east Louisiana most importantly will bring jobs and will bring economic development to a region that’s needed it for so many years,” Morris said in the video.
Morris said he didn’t remember being filmed, hadn’t known the video existed and hadn’t received any payment from Entergy for being featured.
“ I guess they randomly saw me and asked me a couple of questions or something,” he said.
‘I was under an NDA’
To build three new gas-fired power plants for Hyperion, along with 100 miles of high-voltage transmission lines, Entergy needed a key approval from the Louisiana public service commission.
And on 20 August 2025, before the commission voted 4-1 to approve Entergy’s $3.2 bn plan, commissioner Jean-Paul Coussan disclosed on the record that Morris had personally lobbied him to approve the plants.
“I also heard from Senator Jay Morris, who represents in the north-east, in support of the issue,” Coussan said.
Four weeks after the commission’s vote, Morris and the Franklins together signed agreements to sell nearly 300 acres to Entergy for one of the company’s methane-burning power stations for Hyperion. They had co-owned the property for roughly 15 years prior to the sale.
Coussan, a Republican, had served alongside Morris in the state legislature until his election to the commission in 2024. Morris described him as a friend and, in a single exchange, alternated between saying he “didn’t reach out” to Coussan, was “pretty sure I didn’t even talk to him”, and “probably did talk to him some”. Later, by email, he said: “I’m sure we likely discussed it.”
Coussan said that any conversation he had with Morris was part of his due diligence as a commissioner.
He also said he only learned of Morris’s land deals from being contacted by Floodlight.
“ No, we didn’t talk about his property, nor do I think it was relevant to my deliberations,” Coussan said. “I actually don’t see what the story is.”
Entergy Louisiana said that it “acquired two sites near the proposed facility that offer access to necessary infrastructure, including electric transmission lines, natural gas supply and pipelines, and transportation routes. The location was selected in part due to these advantages, as well as its proximity to the customer’s site, which had been owned by the state for more than 20 years.”
Morris pointed out that his land holdings are reported publicly in his annual financial disclosures. But his most recent disclosure is from 2024 – making the past two years of his land deals difficult to piece together.
He was also clear that he did not disclose his Entergy negotiations to Coussan ahead of the vote.
“ I’m really sure he didn’t know that I was gonna sell any land to Entergy because I was under an NDA, and I couldn’t say anything to him anyway,” Morris said.
Under Louisiana ethics law, the question is not whether he was allowed to discuss the deal, but whether he should have disclosed his personal financial interest to the regulator as part of that conversation.
Morris also sold rights of way to Entergy across four other properties he owns for the company to build transmission lines and, in one case, establish an access road and lay water, sewer and other utility lines.
How much Entergy paid Morris for the property and rights of way remains unclear – neither he nor Franklin disclosed the values of any of their land deals when asked. But when property values rise, it drives up the prices that companies like
Entergy must pay landowners to build across their land. Under state law, the legal standard of “just compensation” requires Entergy to pay an amount consistent with the land’s value.
And property values beside the datacenter have skyrocketed.
“I would argue just compensation is a lot different now than it was before all this started,” Franklin Jr explained.
Due to another new law passed that same year, and which Morris voted for, the roughly $12m the state received from selling land to Meta went back to a special fund that LED controls and can use as it sees fit to advance similar economic development projects around the state.
The Meta deal is the first of several similar Landry-administration projects moving through LED on the same statutory authority Morris helped create. Landry’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
Over recent years, the Louisiana legislature has weakened ethics laws, according to Roberts. Because of that, “ it is imperative on the public to be substantially more aware of potential unethical or questionable actions, and to demand more from their elected officials”, she said.
When asked how he responds to experts alleging that his conduct violated ethics rules, Morris replied: “They’re wrong. I would guess whoever you talked to probably has an axe to grind or is politically opposed to me – to what I do. But they’re free to turn me into the ethics board, which I’m sure would do nothing.
“But if they think it’s egregious, why haven’t they turned me in?”
This story is from Floodlight in collaboration with Verite News and the Louisiana Illuminator
Louisiana
One person shot following altercation at Ruston Raising Cane’s, RPD says
RUSTON, La. (KNOE) – One person was shot early Saturday following an altercation involving a large crowd at Raising Cane’s in Ruston, according to the Ruston Police Department.
RPD said officers were called at 12:48 a.m. May 24, 2026, to a disturbance at the restaurant at 659 North Service Road East. While officers were on the way, dispatch received additional calls reporting gunshots in the parking lot.
When officers arrived, they learned the victim had already been taken by private vehicle to Northern Louisiana Medical Center. Officers said hospital staff also told officers a large crowd had gathered outside the emergency room.
Officers and investigators responded to the hospital and spoke with the victim, who police said suffered non-life-threatening injuries.
RPD notes that the incident still remains under investigation.
Anyone with information is asked to call the Ruston Police Department at 318-255-4141.
Copyright 2026 KNOE. All rights reserved.
Louisiana
Latin Mass is back in the news. But some Louisiana Catholics wonder what’s all the fuss?
When Wesley Franatovich settles into a church pew for the Latin Mass at St. Patrick’s Church in New Orleans, he feels a sense of calm wash over him.
There’s ritual and mystery and choreography, and in that, Franatovich said, “there’s comfort.”
“And I think people are looking for a sense of comfort these days,” Franatovich, a 29-year-old New Orleans real estate agent and longtime Roman Catholic, said Mass at the church. “A lot of people are searching for things that ground them in a way — a lot of people see that in the Latin Mass.” There’s a reverence about it.”
Franatovich said a favorite moment comes when the congregation, together with the priest, sings the Nicene Creed in Latin: Credo in unum Deum …
“It’s powerful,” he said.
The Latin Mass has been in the news lately, following Pope Leo XIV’s escalated warnings to the Society of St. Pius X that its planned consecration of bishops without papal consent is a schismatic act. The group was formed in 1970 in opposition to the Roman Catholic Church reforms of the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s and largely broke with Rome in 1988.
One of the group’s hallmarks is its adherence to the Latin Mass.
But in south Louisiana, where the Latin Mass has enjoyed a growing following in recent years, and where the various dioceses have allowed it with some restrictions, the controversy surrounding the practice is muted.
“For those who are devotees, the traditional Mass is not a controversial thing,” said the Rev. Brent Maher, pastor of St. Agnes Catholic Church in Baton Rouge.
“Vatican II brought change,” he said. Many people appreciated it, he added, but some did not.
Maher said St. Agnes, which offers Latin Mass on Wednesday evenings and Sunday mornings and is the lone church in the Roman Catholic Diocese of Baton Rouge authorized to do so, often draws 250 people or more.
“We have a good mix of people, but a large number of them are young families,” Maher said.
Also called the Tridentine Mass, Latin Mass became increasingly rare following the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. Among the most notable differences between Latin Masses and contemporary Masses is that the priest spends much of his time with his back to the worshippers and, of course, most of the Mass is said in Latin.
Pope Francis reimposed restrictions in 2021, concerned that the growing use of Latin Mass might divide the Church.
Those restrictions spelled out when priests must use the vernacular, or the common language of the place where the Mass is being said, and allowed bishops to decide whether and where to have Latin Masses in their dioceses.
But many Catholics, particularly traditionalists, find comfort in the rituals, motions and language used in the Latin Mass.
“It’s important to recognize the complexity,” said Tom Ryan, chaplain of Loyola University in New Orleans, who is also a professor of theology and ministry. “The beauty is the Latin. There’s tradition in Latin. Latin can also be a unifying source.”
Ryan also said that residents of New Orleans and south Louisiana often hold tighter to traditions, religious traditions among them.
“I do think Catholicism here is a bit more traditional than other places,” he said.
On the other side, Ryan said, some might use the Latin Mass as a way to separate themselves from others in the church or to suggest that it somehow holds a deeper meaning. Also, he added, “the appeal can be limited. There’s only so many people who will do what it takes for the effort to understand it.”
Maher, meanwhile, said the theological issues between the Vatican and the Society of St. Pius X go much deeper than the Latin Mass. Ryan agreed and added that it’s likely a broader issue of power.
There are a few Society of St. Pius X-affiliated churches in the region, but efforts to contact them for comment were not successful.
An Archdiocese of New Orleans spokesperson, Sarah McDonald, said new Archbishop James Checchio has not issued any formal statements on the Latin Mass, which a small number of archdiocesan churches offer. The Latin Masses the archdiocese recognizes are not those affiliated with the Society of St. Pius X, McDonald noted.
Checchio was scheduled to attend a Latin Mass on Sunday at Our Lady of Mount Carmel near Covington.
‘Each little gesture’
Our Lady of Mount Carmel’s Latin Mass services have grown in popularity in recent years. The church’s pastor, the Rev. Damien Zablocki, was not available for comment for this story.
Inside St. Patrick’s, a Gothic-style church built on Camp Street in New Orleans in 1840 as a place for Irish immigrants to worship in splendor and designated a National Historic Landmark in 1975, snippets of the Rev. Garrett O’Brien’s Latin words floated over the pews early Wednesday morning.
Around 25 people attended. Most appeared to be middle-aged or older; many of the women wore chapel veils covering their hair. The weekday Masses are usually faster, with less singing, than the High Latin Mass offered on Sundays.
O’Brien declined to talk to a reporter following the Mass, saying that he thought any comments regarding the Latin Mass should come from the archdiocese.
Maher, 41, recalls the first time he attended a Latin Mass. The Denham Springs native was 20 at the time and in the seminary. He said he tagged along with a friend who asked him to help serve at the Mass.
“I walked out and said, ‘What in the world was that?’” he recalled. “It was very, very different.”
But he embraced it and now loves saying Latin Mass.
“Each little gesture has a value and a purpose and a meaning. There’s a lot of chanting — it’s part of the obligation,” he said. “And your Latin has to be up to snuff.”
Franatovich said it’s often easy to spot first-timers sitting in the pews of a Latin Mass.
“It’s so interesting to watch them,” he said, adding that the reactions are often a mix, with some seeming to enjoy it and others not so much.
It’s not for everyone, he says.
“You’re less focused on the words, and more on the actions and motions, I think,” Franatovich said.
This story includes reporting from The Associated Press.
Louisiana
U.S. citizen stopped in Lafayette, shackled, and detained in Louisiana ICE facility | The Lens
LAFAYETTE, LOUISIANA —
On Wednesday, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained a U.S.-born woman at a checkpoint in a residential area of Lafayette.
The young mother of four, who is Spanish-speaking, was already anxious as she approached the checkpoint that morning, because her baby daughter was spiking a high fever. At the agents’ request, she showed her ID and social security card. But they called it fake, and she was detained, handcuffed, shackled at the ankles, interrogated, and ultimately transported to South Louisiana ICE Processing Center in Basile. ICE held here there for about five hours, away from her sick child, and released the woman around 2 a.m. after a lawyer intervened on her behalf.
The woman asked that her name not be published for fear of retaliation against herself and her family.
Her ordeal began early Wednesday morning, as her 7-year-old daughter was waiting for the school bus, when she was alerted to the presence of ICE agents at the entrance to her apartment complex. She wasn’t worried for herself — she was born in Colorado — but she feared that ICE might stop her daughter, who is Mexican-American.
But when the mother approached the checkpoint on foot around 8 a.m., a deputy from the Lafayette Sheriff’s Office waved her over and demanded identification. She presented the deputies with her state-issued Louisiana ID and Social Security card, which she keeps on her at all times.
At first, she wasn’t worried. “I wasn’t hiding anything,” she explained through a translator. “I’m not doing anything illegal.”
But the deputies looked and insisted that both her ID and Social Security card were fake. They asked her where she was born. She answered their questions, but they soon called over ICE agents, who also accused her of providing a forged ID, she says.
“He said, ‘Who is making these IDs in numbers for you guys? Because I also have another one from another person, and it looks just like this. So they are fake. Yours is fake too.’”
When she tried to speak up and explain, they told her to stay silent.
(Photos supplied by neighbors)Detained and interrogated
For the next 20 minutes, she said, the agents had her wait. She saw them talking on the phone — she wasn’t sure if the call was about her — but they kept coming back saying the ID was forged.
Agents then detained her, put her into a white unmarked vehicle, and took her to what appears to be an unlisted U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) field office in Lafayette. While it is not listed on the USCIS website, two other Lafayette residents confirmed that ICE brings detained people to that office, and that it has government seals on its signage and framed photos of President Trump and Vice President JD Vance on the wall.
There, she was handcuffed and shackled at the ankles. Agents interrogated her, demanding that she name the person who “did these fake papers for you.”
The woman pleaded with them to contact authorities in Colorado to verify her Social Security card. She even provided additional paperwork from her phone, including tax documents for the IRS.
Her ordeal illustrates how ICE’s aggressive new policies and warrant-less arrests have led to what legal experts say are an alarming pattern of rights violations against both immigrants and U.S. citizens.
The woman was incorrectly assigned an Alien Registration number in 2022 when she entered the U.S. from Mexico and presented a Mexican ID at the border.
At the time, she was appointed a lawyer who told her that since she was a U.S. citizen, her immigration case would be dropped. Yet somehow, the case appears to have proceeded without her knowledge or involvement. An immigration judge in New Orleans issued a final order of removal in January 2024.
The Lens reviewed a copy of the woman’s ID and was able to quickly confirm its authenticity by entering her name and license number into the state’s official digital credential app, LA Wallet. The app brought up an image of the same ID with her photo, full name, and date of birth, and identifies the ID as valid.
The Lens has also reviewed a copy of the woman’s birth certificate, which lists the same full name and date of birth, and her place of birth in Colorado.
Accusations of forgery seem to have become part of the ICE playbook, especially with Latino people, as recounted by other U.S. citizens who have been detained. “They kept telling me I’m a criminal because I’m showing false papers, and that my penalty was going to be much higher because I’m hiding the person who created them,” the woman said.
That same day, one of the woman’s neighbors began working on her release. The neighbor, who also asked his name be withheld for safety reasons, had watched a sheriff’s bus and unmarked cars without plates begin setting up what appeared to be a checkpoint around 6 a.m. on Wednesday, he said. The checkpoint was at the only entrance to their apartment complex, where most residents are Black and Hispanic, he said.
Few residents wanted to drive through a law-enforcement checkpoint, he said. “People were scared to go to work.”
After hearing that the woman had been wrongly detained, the neighbor, who is also U.S.-born and Latino, sprang into action. He picked up the woman’s birth certificate from her distraught mother, who was “trying hard not to cry in front of her grandchildren,” he said.
He then made a copy of the birth certificate and brought that to the ICE office. But that still wasn’t enough for the agents. “They said, ‘Oh, we need the original copy…because this could be AI.’”
The neighbor tried to convince them, but stopped when an agent raised his voice in anger and said that they would not be releasing the woman.
Taken to Basile in shackles
After hours of questioning, ICE transported the shackled young mother to Basile, about an hour away, arriving around 6 p.m. She was processed and booked into the South Louisiana ICE Processing Center, which is operated by the private prison company GEO Group.
There she was put inside a shared detention area with people awaiting deportation. “I thought of my kids,” she said. “And my little five-month-old, because she had a high fever.” Before ICE took her, she’d wanted to take the baby to the doctor. Her mother, who was now watching the children, was frightened and would be unable to bring the baby to the hospital if the fever worsened.
“The whole time that I was there, I was just thinking about my kids and being afraid for my little one,” she said. While she was hopeful that she would be released soon, she knew some damage could never be undone. “If something were to happen to my five-month-old, they [ICE] wouldn’t be able to bring her back,” she said.
Immigration attorney Bridget Pranzatelli was able to secure the woman’s release by sending identification documents to ICE over email. Around 2 a.m., about 18 hours after she’d first encountered the deputies, the woman was released. ICE agents drove her back to Lafayette.
She never got an apology, nor an explanation. ICE kept her Social Security card. They also told her she cannot leave the state, she says. Though immigration courts have no jurisdiction over U.S. citizens, ICE officers gave her instructional documents, also reviewed by The Lens.
One form, labeled “Order of Supervision,” instructs her to report back to ICE in person next month. The other document is a letter about her release, saying that “ICE will continue to make efforts to obtain your travel document that will allow the United States government to carry out your removal.”
The woman plans to go to the ICE check-in accompanied by an immigration lawyer to clarify to the agency that she is in fact a U.S. citizen.
The ordeal suggests serious gaps in ICE’s ability or willingness to investigate people’s immigration status before arresting them, amid what has long been called a “detain first, investigate second” approach. “There is just no justification for a U.S. citizen to be in immigration customs enforcement detention,” Pranzatelli emphasized.
In jurisdictions like Lafayette with 287(g) agreements, “where the local law enforcement ends up getting deputized to do these federal immigration enforcement functions,” that risk of unjustified detentions is heightened, Pranzatelli said. “No one along that chain is doing the due diligence necessary to be sure this sort of thing doesn’t happen.”
More neighbor photos of roadblock, taken from safe distances.
The focus of the ICE roadblock seemed to be vehicles with out-of-state plates, neighbors said.Local law enforcement often lacks immigration expertise
Lafayette Parish Sheriff Mark Garber has praised his department’s partnership with ICE — specifically noting that it would help his deputies quickly determine a person’s immigration status. But there is little to back his claims that the partnership enhances public safety. Research instead shows that involving local law enforcement in federal immigration matters puts public safety at risk by making undocumented victims less likely to report crimes, for fear of being asked about their immigration status.
That should matter in Lafayette Parish, in the heart of Cajun country, which has become the fastest-growing place in the state thanks to both domestic and international migration, Census data shows. Lafayette’s growth makes it an outlier in Louisiana, which is grappling with severe population decline.
But in December, the Lafayette sheriff’s office entered a 287(g) agreement with ICE, which empowers deputies to detain individuals suspected of immigration infractions, even if they aren’t suspected of having committed a crime. Over the last year, sheriff’s offices across the state have signed agreements with ICE. Sheriff Garber opted to partner with ICE under the “warrant service officer and task force models,” a particularly aggressive form of the partnership, which allows specially trained deputies to arrest people suspected of immigration offenses, according to The Current, an online newsroom in Lafayette.
The task force program has been criticized for encouraging racial profiling. The 287(g) agreement has faced significant pushback from religious and civil rights leaders and sparked protests in Lafayette.
The task force program is what allowed sheriff’s deputies to work alongside ICE agents to create the checkpoint that resulted in the woman’s arrest.
When reached for comment Friday, Staff Sgt. Chris Cormier of the Lafayette Parish Sheriff’s Office confirmed that the “interaction” took place. But he incorrectly maintained that the woman’s ID was fake. Some of his claims about other key details were also inconsistent with The Lens’ findings.
“She approached our deputies with her phony ID,” Cormier said. “She approached us, okay? She approached us. She had a fake ID.” When asked how deputies made that determination, he said that “our databases will tell us that it’s fake or not.”
When asked why deputies then handed her over to ICE, Cormier said it was “because she couldn’t prove her citizenship.” He claimed that “a lot of people a lot of times have forged IDs, and they try to bamboozle us.” Since Lafayette is a college town that presumably sees its share of underage drinking, The Lens asked whether it was standard practice to transfer all people with suspected fake IDs into ICE custody.
“On occasion we can do that, and have,” Cormier said.
The office’s new federal partnership with ICE made the woman’s detention possible, he said. “That’s part of what the 287(g) program allows, is when you can’t determine someone’s citizenship, we can contact ICE and they can further investigate.” ICE should have determined the woman’s citizenship status before detaining her in a facility, he said.
Despite the woman’s release and proof of life-long citizenship, Cormier seemed to maintain, incorrectly, that she was deportable. “If I’m not mistaken, she was already deported a time before,” he told The Lens.
This is untrue. U.S. citizens cannot be legally deported.
Deputies go through an online training put on by the Office of Homeland Security to take part in the task force partnership with ICE, Cormier said. ICE did not respond to a media inquiry about the situation by press time.
The woman plans to pursue a lawsuit against the Sheriff’s Office and ICE. “My kids have trauma,” she said.
Related
-
Washington, D.C3 minutes agoCentral Oregon NJROTC cadets preparing for Memorial Day Parade in Washington, D.C.
-
Cleveland, OH9 minutes agoNortheast Ohio task force arrests 13 in sex-buying sting tied to trafficking crackdown
-
Austin, TX15 minutes ago‘Happy to be free.’ Austin church celebrates teen’s return after weeks in ICE custody
-
Alabama21 minutes agoThree Takeaways from No. 1 Alabama’s Sweep of LSU in Supers
-
Alaska27 minutes agoAPD investigating overnight shooting in area of Lyn Ary Park
-
Arizona33 minutes agoArizona Diamondbacks News, 5/25: Memorial Day
-
Arkansas39 minutes agoArkansas State Police investigating after deadly shooting in Gould
-
California45 minutes agoChemical tank crack eases explosion fears as 50,000 residents flee California