MACON, Ga. — When the crush of inflation became too much to bear a year and a half ago, Rashad James and Justin Williams began hauling their smoker into an abandoned parking lot off Macon’s Route 41, dishing out $10 to $20 platters of pork chops, ribs and chicken four days a week.
Georgia
Black men helped power Biden’s 2020 Georgia win. Some are wavering.
That side hustle formed with family and friends — Smoke’s Grill — has provided a financial safety net for the two commercial truck drivers in an economy that has felt unrelenting. Both men cast ballots for Joe Biden in 2020, hoping he could usher in more opportunity, higher-paying jobs and less expensive health care for Black men like themselves. But this year they are undecided — frustrated by how little has changed nearly four years after Black voters helped Biden flip Georgia and gave Democrats control of the Senate by electing Raphael G. Warnock and Jon Ossoff in the 2021 Georgia runoff elections.
“Nothing’s changing. It feels like the economy is getting worse,” said James, 34, noting that everything has risen in price — from the green peppers and onions at his prep station to the plasticware they serve customers who pull up in pickup trucks during Macon’s lunch rush. Flipping chicken and wings as smoke billowed from the grill, Williams — who juggles a third job as a mobile DJ — said his decision about whom to vote for will come down to whether he concludes Donald Trump can improve the economy if he’s back in the White House.
“I’m kind of like: ‘Give him another chance. Let’s see,’” Williams, 36, said. “Because this is not going to cut it.”
The economy is doing well by many traditional measures. The Biden campaign has pointed to record-low Black unemployment during his administration, as well as policies intended to ease household costs, like ensuring more Black Americans are covered by health insurance and capping the price of insulin at $35 a month for seniors. But pessimistic views of the economy, like those expressed by Williams and James, are widespread even as inflation has cooled — confounding economists and frustrating the Biden campaign because it appears to be a major factor in his softening support.
The openness of some Black men to voting for Trump — despite his history of racist and offensive comments — is often rooted in the belief that the Biden administration has not done enough to ease their economic struggles. A defection by a significant number of them could be disastrous for Biden’s campaign.
Biden won 83 percent of Black men in Georgia, according to exit polls, when his slender 2020 victory made him the first Democrat to win the Peach State since 1992. Black men are a critical constituency this year in this and other battleground states, from Pennsylvania to Michigan, that Biden will need to win to retain the White House. But as polls show softening Democratic support within that voter group, Trump and his allies are courting onetime Biden voters like Williams and James — cognizant that even a small shift in a state like Georgia could mean the difference between winning and losing.
A Washington Post-Ipsos poll conducted in April found that 63 percent of Black men were certain to vote this year, down slightly from 68 percent in June 2020. About 7 in 10 Black men say they will “definitely” or “probably” vote for Biden this fall (69 percent) while 28 percent say the same for Trump, according to a Washington Post-Schar School poll of swing-state voters in six key states, including Georgia. Half say they will definitely not vote for Trump.
In Georgia, Black men favored Biden over Trump 76 percent to 20 percent in a head-to-head matchup in a Quinnipiac University poll from late May and early June. But 35 percent of Black men in Georgia said Trump would do a better job handling the economy and 32 percent of Black men said Trump would be better at addressing immigration issues, consistently two of the top concerns for voters in this campaign.
In more than two dozen interviews with Black men in Macon and the surrounding rural counties in middle Georgia, there were many voters like James and Williams who are undecided and conflicted about their choice in November.
They often expressed wariness of Trump — particularly his undeniable thirst for power and the role he played in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. But there is also a deeply ingrained belief among many who spoke to The Post that Trump would act more aggressively than Biden to improve the economy. The struggle to keep up with rising prices has intensified many of those voters’ frustration with Biden’s handling of the influx of immigrants into the United States and the amount of money his administration is spending on aid to Ukraine and Israel.
The interviews also were conducted before last week’s presidential debate, where both Biden and Trump made direct appeals to Black voters but Biden also was heavily critiqued for an uneven performance. The president noted the growth in jobs and the number of small Black businesses during his time in office, as well as his efforts to reduce child-care costs and crack down on housing discrimination. He added that he didn’t blame Black voters “for being disappointed” because “inflation is hurting them badly.”
Trump interjected that Biden “caused the inflation — and it’s killing Black and Hispanic families.” But he also drew backlash on social media for claiming that Biden’s “big kill on the Black people” was “the millions of people that he’s allowed to come in through the border,” who the former president said are “taking Black jobs now.” Questions about what constitutes a “Black job” began trending on X, and economists noted there is no data to back Trump’s assertion.
Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University in Atlanta, said there is no evidence yet that a significant realignment of Black voters is taking place, calling polling data “noisy” with “lots of fluctuations.” But she said she will not be surprised if more Black men vote Republican this cycle, in part because of the masculine tone of Trump’s messaging, as he portrays himself as strong and powerful and mocks Biden as weak. In Gillespie’s own work, she has traced a gender gap between Black men and Black women — showing Black men to be less Democratic in their voting patterns — going back to 1972. The one year that was the exception: 2008, when Barack Obama ran to become the first Black president.
Sensing opportunity, the MAGA Inc. super PAC backing Trump’s bid began running ads this spring voiced by Black narrators on predominantly Black radio stations in the Macon media market — which encompasses the majority-Black Macon-Bibb County, surrounding rural counties, and the historic birthplaces of music greats like Little Richard and Otis Redding.
The radio ads echoed assertions that Trump has long made, claiming Biden’s policies have hurt Black Americans and that his would benefit them. Targeting moderate and conservative Black voters in a heavily Baptist area, the super PAC ads accused Biden of failing to rein in inflation, coddling immigrants and going too far to protect the rights of transgender people. “Keeping men out of girls’ sports and out of girls’ locker rooms is just common sense,” the narrator in one of the MAGA Inc. radio ads said.
MAGA Inc. then aired a TV ad in Macon featuring a Black narrator who tells a fictional Biden campaign worker that he won’t vote for the president again because of inflation and a claim that the administration is helping undocumented immigrants pay rent, which the Biden campaign said is false. (To back up the claim, MAGA Inc. pointed to a Michigan immigrant rent assistance program that relies, in part, on federal grants).
Quentin Fulks, the principal deputy campaign manager for the Biden campaign, dismissed the MAGA Inc. ads as offensive, charging that they peddle “some of the worst stereotypes” about the views of Black men.
“When you know that you don’t have a record to run on, even to consolidate your own base, you pivot to trying to spread disinformation and lies to their [your opponent’s] base in an effort to suppress the vote, sow doubt and create chaos,” said Fulks, who was Warnock’s campaign manager.
One of Biden’s challenges is that some of the Black men who are paying close attention in Macon are deeply disquieted by the influx of migrants at the U.S.’s southern border and the amount of money that his administration has committed to stopping Russia’s war in Ukraine.
Carling Colbert, a 61-year-old retired warehouse worker from Macon, described the inflow of immigrants over the last few years as his biggest disappointment after voting for Biden in 2020: “There’s too many people coming across the border, getting all the jobs and I don’t like that,” he said. “Trump was better on that. He tried to build the wall.” (Biden administration officials said Wednesday that the number of migrants crossing the southern border illegally has dropped more than 40 percent in the weeks since new restrictions on asylum claims were announced.)
Colbert also admitted with a rueful laugh that Trump’s ambitions remind him of Kim Jong Un, the North Korean leader: “He might become a dictator. I worry about that.”
Taylor Budowich, the CEO of MAGA Inc., argued that Biden “spent his first term putting illegals, criminals, and radical transgender activists in front of the issues that matter to all Americans — especially Black Americans.”
“President Trump wants to put Black America first,” he said. During a recent event at a Detroit church, Trump pointed to economic gains for Black Americans during his administration and vowed to reduce crime affecting that community by pushing for a greater police presence in a second term. He also touted his success in pushing through the sentencing reform measure known as the First Step Act.
For months, the Biden campaign has invested heavily in boosting its support among Black voters. Biden recently delivered the commencement address at Morehouse College, the historically Black, all-male institution in Atlanta. Late last month, his campaign launched “Black Voters for Biden-Harris” in Philadelphia to shore up support with more targeted messaging about the administration’s accomplishments. The intensive effort to reach Black voters this summer includes an eight-figure ad buy and voter outreach at summer festivals, concerts and other culturally relevant events that bring out high numbers of Black Americans.
In Macon, the Biden campaign countered MAGA Inc.’s messaging with an ad referencing Trump’s disrespectful language about Black Americans and the 1970s federal lawsuit that his real estate company faced for discriminating against Black families. The ad also argues Trump “stood with violent White supremacists” and notes that he warned of a bloodbath if he loses the next election.
The dueling campaign ads commanded the attention of Macon voters. Eighteen-year-old Jayden Owens, who was keeping an eye on five of his siblings at a Macon playground on a recent afternoon, said he initially believed Trump might be stronger on his top concern: crime. But then Owens heard Trump’s comments referencing a bloodbath: “I’m like, a bloodbath — if you don’t win the election? We don’t need that.”
Walter Smith, a 72-year-old former county commissioner from next-door Peach County, is worried that Trump’s messages are reshaping the views of Black male voters in his state who are not following politics closely: “He is a two-headed snake; he’ll say or do anything to persuade you,” Smith said of Trump, noting he changes the channel in disgust every time the MAGA Inc. television ads come on.
Still, he said Biden needs to be more aggressive: “You cannot forget the elementary things that you do,” Smith said. “Four years went by. You’ve got to go back out there, revisit these people and tell them what changes have been made.”
Johnny Houseworth, a 64-year-old retired bus driver and Army veteran from Macon, said he could never vote for Trump because he “gave the confederacy everything they wanted” and described the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol as Trump’s effort “to start another Civil War.” Americans “can’t give him that much power” again, Houseworth said.
But Houseworth, who plans to back independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr., described Biden as too ineffectual on the world stage — pointing to Vladimir Putin’s continuing aggression in Ukraine, as well as the civilian death toll in Gaza as examples of Biden’s limited influence on the actions of world leaders like the Russian president and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
“He makes us look weak,” said Houseworth, who supported Biden four years ago. “You give [Ukraine] all this money; but you’ve got homeless people right here — and yet, you want to go over there and help other people?”
Kevin Brown, a 35-year-old who does electrical work and is in school to advance those skills, said he’s noticed more openness to Trump’s arguments this year among Black men — largely because of the attraction to Trump’s “business-savvy” at a moment when it feels difficult to get ahead: “A lot of people feel like he’s racist. I don’t feel like he’s racist. I just feel like he doesn’t go with the bulls—.”
“Sometimes it feels like [Biden] is just talking. It feels like nothing changing — things are getting worse,” Brown said, explaining why there is less stigma attached to supporting Trump in the Black community. “I did vote for [Trump] in 2016 — I didn’t tell anybody, but I did it,” he said.
This year, he said, he’ll probably do it again.
Emily Guskin and Scott Clement contributed to this report.
Georgia football landed a pair of commitments Sunday for its 2027 recruiting class.
Wide receiver Taurean Rawlins from Mount Vernon School in Atlanta posted on his X account on May 31 that he’s pledged to the Bulldogs.
Georgia also picked up a commitment from offensive tackle DJ Dotson from Hattiesburg, Miss., he posted on his Instagram account.
Both are rated 3-star prospects.
“I loved the support and love they showed towards me and my family,” Dotson said in a text message to the Athens Banner-Herald.
The 6-foot, 175-pound Rawlins is rated the No. 58 wide receiver in the 2027 class and the No. 478 overall prospect.
Rawlins had 67 catches for 1,395 yards and 17 touchdowns last season, according to MaxPreps.
Rawlins and Dotson give Georgia 10 commitments for this cycle.
Rawlins is the first wide receiver commitment. He also had offers from Ohio State, Florida and Michigan.
Georgia signed four wide receivers in its 2026 class: Craig Dandridge, Ryan Mosley, Dallas Dickerson and late addition Tre Shields.
Rawlins’ coach at Mount Vernon is former Georgia star wide receiver Terrence Edwards.
The 6-foot-7, 330-pound Dotson is rated as the nation’s No. 85 offensive tackle prospect and the No. 851 overall prospect.
He picked Georgia over Ole Miss, LSU and Georgia Tech, according to 247Sports.
Georgia also has offensive line commitments in its 2027 class from Kelsey Adams from Langston Hughes, Abram Eisenhower from Lowndes and Ty Johnson from Mount Pleasant, S.C.
Georgia
A Georgia Wildlife Haven Forged by Fire and Peat Nears UNESCO Recognition – Inside Climate News
FOLKSTON, Ga.—The world’s smallest heron hops from blade to blade in a patch of tall grass, testing its footing above the dark water as it searches for an evening meal.
“This was already worth the trip out today,” Joshua Howard said earlier this month from a gray flat-bottomed tour boat just a few yards away. The tiny creatures, called Least Bitterns, are secretive birds, not easy to spot.
With one quick movement of its neck, which seems to take up most of its body, the tiny heron plunges into the water and comes up with a fish. Howard and his guide continue down the swamp between walls of Spanish moss-adorned cypress trees and alligators, hoping to find more of the birds and wildlife that call the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge home.
By July, the vast swamp Howard has visited since childhood and still tries to reach at least once a week could be internationally recognized as a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site.
The Okefenokee, on the Florida border in southeast Georgia, hosts the largest blackwater swamp in North America, a slow-moving wilderness roughly five times the size of Atlanta. It began forming hundreds of thousands of years ago, as the Atlantic Ocean retreated and left behind Trail Ridge, a long, low fossilized beach dune, and a shallow depression that trapped water between the ridge and higher uplands to the west.
The Okefenokee is a blackwater swamp, meaning its dark waters are stained by tannins released from decaying vegetation and cypress trees. Beneath the dense canopy, the water takes on the color of steeped tea, reflecting cypress trunks and drifting lily pads like dark glass.
The refuge was established in 1937 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, following a series of visits from Cornell biologist Francis Harper. Harper had come to admire both the swamp’s landscape and its people, but it was his wife—who had once tutored Roosevelt’s children—who ultimately helped push the president toward protecting the land.
The refuge’s latest conservation effort now depends partly on another layer of federal and international politics. The Okefenokee’s UNESCO nomination comes amid renewed uncertainty over the United States’ relationship with the organization.
Earlier this year, President Donald Trump moved to again withdraw the United States from UNESCO, though the withdrawal would not take effect until December—months after a decision on the Okefenokee nomination is expected. The United States also remains part of the World Heritage Convention, the international agreement governing World Heritage Sites.
In addition, World Heritage designations have continued in the United States during previous periods when the country was formally withdrawn from UNESCO, including under both Trump and President Ronald Reagan. The Okefenokee effort has also received support from prominent Republicans, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and former Georgia Gov. Sonny Perdue, who served as Trump’s agriculture secretary.
Still, regardless of shifting politics around UNESCO, the landscape at the center of the nomination remains largely unchanged.
Today, the Okefenokee stands as a protected wilderness of blackwater channels, peat and dense wetland forests, supporting a rich array of wildlife and plant life.
A great blue heron and a barred owl perch among Spanish moss in the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge. Credit: Ryan Krugman/Inside Climate News
As Howard floated through the swamp at the refuge’s eastern entrance for about an hour and a half, he saw nearly 200 alligators, owl fledglings, hawks, herons and more. What he somewhat incredulously called an “above average” number of encounters was partly driven by drought conditions that pushed animals toward remaining water, though abundant wildlife sightings are far from unusual.
Across the swamp, an estimated 15,000 alligators inhabit the blackwater alongside almost 250 bird and 64 reptile species. Black bears and bobcats move through the uplands, and there are rumors of Florida panthers wandering the refuge. It is also a stronghold for endangered species, including red-cockaded woodpeckers, wood storks and eastern indigo snakes.
To fully experience the Okefenokee, visitors often paddle deep into the backcountry by canoe or kayak, traveling through areas inaccessible to motorboats. Along the way, they pass open prairies filled with lilies, wildflowers and carnivorous plants, including the Okefenokee giant pitcher plant, which can grow more than four feet tall and traps insects inside its tubular leaves.
Some visitors spend nights on raised wooden platforms scattered throughout the swamp, with multi-day trips carrying paddlers far into the blackwater wilderness. Yet even with those routes, only about 5 percent of the Okefenokee is currently accessible to humans.
Despite being one of the best-preserved wetlands in North America, and especially on the eastern seaboard, the Okefenokee has repeatedly faced pressure from industry and development. Before it became a wildlife refuge and federally designated wilderness area nearly a century ago, logging companies cut through vast cypress forests, disrupting habitats and the natural systems that shaped the swamp.
Later, the Suwanee Canal Company attempted to drain the Okefenokee to clear the way for development. The company planned to carve a canal through Trail Ridge and connect the swamp to the Suwannee River, but water repeatedly flowed back into the basin. The project ultimately collapsed, driving the company into bankruptcy before the canal could be completed.
More recently, the Okefenokee has faced renewed pressure from a high-profile mining dispute near Trail Ridge and continued development across the Florida border. Yet the swamp’s beauty and biodiversity continue to draw roughly 800,000 visitors each year—and now the attention of UNESCO.
The Okefenokee was first placed on the United States’ tentative UNESCO World Heritage list in 1981, but the nomination stalled for decades. In 2023, the Department of the Interior authorized work on a formal nomination, a push driven in large part by advocates including Kim Bednarek, executive director of Okefenokee Swamp Park.
The nonprofit, which runs tours and educational programs near and in the refuge, helped lead the campaign and raise money for the years-long nomination process. To qualify, researchers and advocates had to demonstrate the swamp’s “outstanding universal value,” the central standard for World Heritage designation.
The nomination was formally submitted in January 2025. Later that year, scientists with the International Union for Conservation of Nature, which advises UNESCO on natural sites, visited the swamp as part of the evaluation process. Advocates are now awaiting a recommendation from the organization ahead of a final decision expected this July at the UNESCO World Heritage Committee meeting in Busan, South Korea.
UNESCO’s standard of “outstanding universal value” is reserved for places considered significant not just to one country, but to humanity. Advocates and scientists argue the Okefenokee qualifies because of its biodiversity and the remarkable condition of its peatlands, which have remained largely intact for thousands of years and are a natural carbon sink.
Peatlands form when organic material builds up faster than it decomposes. In the Okefenokee, still blackwater, low oxygen levels and acidic conditions—created largely by tannins from cypress trees—slow decay enough for layers of plant matter to accumulate over thousands of years.
“We do not have a similar peatland in the world in the subtropics,” said Hans Joosten, one of the world’s leading peatland experts. According to Joosten, the swamp’s location—sandwiched between the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic—provides the humidity and rainfall needed to sustain this rare subtropical peatland.
An inch of peat can take more than 50 years to form. In parts of the Okefenokee, those layers reach more than 15 feet deep, storing an estimated 124 million tons of carbon and forming one of North America’s most significant peat systems.
Many of the estimated 15,000 Alligators in the Okefenokee are tagged as part of research initiatives. Credit: Ryan Krugman
The swamp’s Muscogee Creek name, often translated as “land of the trembling earth,” reflects what lies beneath its surface. Deep peat can shift, swell and occasionally rise toward the top, where visitors may see methane bubbles break through the blackwater or floating mats of peat drifting at the surface. Those peat mats can become platforms for new plant growth, reshaping the swamp as they move and settle.
The biodiversity hotspot is supported by another cycle, one much faster than peat formation. The swamp is frequently reshaped and renewed through natural wildfires. The fires clear dense vegetation and invasive species, return nutrients to the soil, and maintain the open conditions needed for fire-dependent ecosystems like the longleaf pine, one of the most endangered forest types in North America.
“To be put on the same list as places like the Grand Canyon and Yellowstone would just be amazing,” Howard said with a Southern drawl as he floated along the remnants of the Suwannee Canal.
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Howard, tall and broad with silvering hair and an easy smile, had arrived at the swamp after a long day working as a school administrator in Charlton County. “You want to know why I think this place deserves to be on that list?” he asked. “Because when I got here this evening, I was stressed and now I am not.”
Howard has been coming to the swamp for almost 50 years and has spent the last seven serving as president of Friends of the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge, a nonprofit that helps raise money for its preservation. While the group is not directly involved in the UNESCO bid, Howard said its members strongly support the designation.
If approved in July, the designation would make the Okefenokee Georgia’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site and the first national wildlife refuge in the country to receive the status.
For Bednarek, the recognition would do more than honor the swamp’s ecology. It could fundamentally change how the Okefenokee is seen internationally. National wildlife refuges typically operate with far less tourism, funding and global visibility than national parks.
“They have this iconic brand that refuges don’t,” Bednarek said. UNESCO World Heritage status, she said, functions differently. “It’s a global brand that people travel far and wide to see.”
For now, though, the Okefenokee remains what it has long been: a slow-moving wilderness of blackwater, peat and cypress.
As dusk settled over the swamp, Howard’s guide cut the boat motor and the sounds of insects and distant birds filled the blackwater again. Methane bubbles continued rising quietly to the surface, signs of the trembling earth beneath the water.
In July, delegates in South Korea will decide whether the Okefenokee receives World Heritage status. But the swamp itself will keep moving at its own pace.
About This Story
Perhaps you noticed: This story, like all the news we publish, is free to read. That’s because Inside Climate News is a 501c3 nonprofit organization. We do not charge a subscription fee, lock our news behind a paywall, or clutter our website with ads. We make our news on climate and the environment freely available to you and anyone who wants it.
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Ryan Krugman
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Ryan Krugman is a recent graduate of Columbia University’s Climate School focusing on climate change reporting and communications. He also holds a Bachelor’s degree from St. Lawrence University where he studied Environmental Science and Sociology. As a former Inside Climate News fellow, he is now reporting on climate and environmental issues in New England and Georgia.
Live updates from Athens, Georgia as the Bulldogs take on Liberty in game two of the Athens Regional.
The Georgia Bulldogs are back in action this afternoon as they are set to take on the Liberty Flames for game two of the Athens regional. The Dawgs are coming off a dominant victory over Long Island =, in a game that concluded earlier this morning following a rain delay.
With a win, the Bulldogs will advance to face the winner of a matchup between Liberty and the victor of Boston College and Long Island. First pitch for that game is scheduled to take place this Sunday at 5 p.m. As action continues in Athens, stay tuned with Bulldogs on SI for more updates from today’s game.
Georgia Bulldogs vs Liberty Flames Live Updates:
Editor’s Note**: This article will be updated periodically as action continues throughout today’s game
Top of the First (UGA at Bat)
- Tre Phelps singles to left center field for his first hit of the afternoon.
- Daniel Jackson homers to right center field. Georgia leads 2-0.
- Rylan Lujo flies out to right field.
- Brennan Hudson is walked on a 3-1 count.
- Kenny Ishikawa flies out to right field.
- Ryan Wynn grounds out to second base to retire the side. Georgia leads 2-0.
Bottom of the First (Liberty at Bat)
- Tanner Marsh singles to the pitcher.
- Riley DeCandido strikes out swinging.
- Tanner Marsh steals second to put a runner in scoring position.
- Jordan Jaffe singles to right center field. Tanner Marsh scores. Georgia leads 2-1.
- Jaxon Sorenson is walked on a full count. Jaffe advances to second.
- Nick Barone reaches first on a fielder’s choice. Sorenson is tagged out at second. Jaffe advances to third and scores on a throwing error. Game is tied 2-2.
- Nick Barone is tagged out trying to steal second to retire the side. Game is tied 2-2.
Top of the Second (UGA at Bat)
- Jack Arcamone flies out to right field.
- Kolby Branch is walked on a full count.
- Ryan Black fouled out to the catcher.
- Tre Phelps is walked on a full count. Branch advances to second.
- Daniel Jackson is walked. Tre Phelps advances to second. Kolby Branch advances.
- Rylan Lujo grounds out to third to retire the side. Game is tied 2-2.
Bottom of the Second (Liberty at Bat)
- Easton Swofford grounds out to shortstop.
- Landon Scilley is walked on a 3-1 count.
- Kyle Hvidsten is walked on a 3-0 count. Scilley advances to second.
- Josh Campos lines out to right field.
- Tanner Marsh strikes out swinging to retire the side. Game is tied 2-2.
Top of the Third (UGA at Bat)
- Brennan Hudson flies out to right field.
- Kenny Ishikawa homers to right field. Georgia leads 3-2.
- Ryan Wynn homers to center field. Georgia leads 4-2.
- Nick Arcamone singles to right field.
- Kolby Branch pops up to shortstop.
- Ryan Black flies out to right field.
Bottom of the Third (Liberty at Bat)
- Riley DeCandido flies out to left field
- Jordan Jaffe grounds out to the pitcher.
- Jaxon Sorenson flies out to center field to retire the side. Georgia leads 4-2.
Top of the Fourth (UGA at Bat)
- Tre Phelps grounds out to shortstop.
- Daniel Jackson strikes out swinging on a full count.
- Rylan Lujo singles to left field.
- Brennan Hudson singles through the right side. Lujo advances to second.
- Kenny Ishikawa is walked on a full count. Hudson advances to second, Lujo advances to third.
- Ryan Wynn reaches first on a fielder’s choice. Ishikawa is tagged out at second to retire the side. Georgia leads 4-2.
Bottom of the Fourth (Liberty at Bat)
- Nick Barone grounds out to shortstop.
- Easton Swofford strikes out swinging.
- Landon Scilley grounds out to shortstop to retire the side. Georgia leads 4-2.
Top of the Fifth (UGA at Bat)
- Nick Arcamone strikes out swinging.
- Kolby Branch strikes out looking on a 1-2 count.
- Ryan Black singles to first base.
- Tre Phelps grounds out to third base to retire the side. Georgia leads 4-2.
Bottom of the Fifth (Liberty at Bat)
Top of the Sixth (UGA at Bat)
Bottom of the Sixth (Liberty at Bat)
Top of the Seventh (UGA at Bat)
Bottom of the Seventh (Liberty at Bat)
Top of the Eighth (UGA at Bat)
Bottom of the Eighth (Liberty at Bat)
Top of the Ninth (UGA at Bat)
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