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Comforting the condemned: Inside the execution chamber with reverend focused on humanity

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Comforting the condemned: Inside the execution chamber with reverend focused on humanity



The Rev. Jeff Hood of Little Rock, Arkansas, has witnessed seven executions, including the nation’s most recent, that of David Hosier in Missouri. Hood helps ‘make them feel like a human being.’

When the Rev. Jeff Hood entered Missouri’s execution chamber this past week, he saw something hauntingly out of the ordinary: himself.

The window to the death chamber is one-way, meaning witnesses can see inmates but inmates cannot see who is watching them, Hood told USA TODAY, adding that every other execution he’s witnessed in other states has been in a room with a two-way window.

“It’s like a house of horrors,” Hood said. “It’s very, very bizarre.”

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Hood walked in to find his friend, David Hosier − a man condemned to die for the 2009 murder of a former lover − strapped to the gurney. Hosier’s final words to the reverend before Missouri executed him: “Give ’em hell, Jeff.” Encouragement for Hood to keep fighting against the ultimate punishment.

As Hood put his hand on Hosier’s shoulder and began to read scripture, the intravenous line to deliver the lethal injection was near Hood’s elbow. Soon the reverend was able to see the pentobarbital − or as he calls it, “poison” − travel to end Hosier’s life.

When time of death was pronounced at 6:11 p.m. on Tuesday, Hosier became the seventh man Hood has seen executed.

Hood says witnessing executions makes him feel ‘like a murderer’

In 2022, the Supreme Court ruled that spiritual advisers must be allowed into execution chambers if death row inmates want them. Since then, the 40-year-old Hood − who lives in Little Rock, Arkansas with his wife and five children − has made it one of his missions to comfort the condemned in their final weeks, hours and minutes.

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“My job is to come into their lives when they have six to three months left to live and become their best friend,” Hood told USA TODAY in an interview shortly after Hosier’s execution. “I become their best friend in order to be their best friend when they die.”

After seven executions, Hood said it doesn’t get any easier. If anything, it’s gotten harder.

“You feel like a murderer,” he said. “I’m called to be there for my guy. I’m called to pray. I’m called to read scripture.  For all of my good intentions, I ultimately do nothing to stop it … I sit there and watch someone I love be murdered. In my inaction, I join the team of murderers.

“Being a part of the entire process is moral torture,” he added.

But Hood feels compelled to continue the work. Three inmates have asked him to accompany them to their executions in the next six months, and he works with about two dozen others throughout the country. This despite what he says have been numerous death threats against him and his family.

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Why?

“Giving someone a voice, that’s the only thing that can make them feel like a human being,” he said.

Hood witnessed world’s first nitrogen gas execution

While Hood says every execution he’s witnessed is disturbing, he’s particularly haunted by that of Kenneth Eugene Smith, who was put to death by nitrogen gas in Alabama in January for his role in a murder-for-hire plot of a preacher’s wife in 1988.

“He literally was heaving back and forth, his face was hitting the front of the mask,” Hood says. “Mucus and slobber were drizzling down the front of the inside of the mask … It was like his veins all over his body were spidering and that there were ants up on his skin that were moving in every single direction.”

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Marty Roney, a reporter with the Montgomery Advertiser − part of the USA TODAY Network − was also among witnesses and reported that Smith “appeared to convulse and shake vigorously for about four minutes after the nitrogen gas apparently began flowing through his full-face mask,” and that “it was another two to three minutes before he appeared to lose consciousness, all while gasping for air to the extent that the gurney shook several times.”

By appearances, lethal injections almost look like medical procedures, Hood said, while the nitrogen gas method “looks like a very vicious, horrible murder.”

Among Smith’s last words before he suffocated: “Tonight, Alabama caused humanity to take a step backward.”

In a statement following Smith’s execution, Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall noted that it “marked the first time in the nation – and the world – that nitrogen hypoxia was used as the method of execution.”

The state “has achieved something historic,” he added. Alabama is set to execute another inmate, Alan Eugene Miller, with nitrogen gas in September. Miller, who was convicted of killing three people during two workplace shootings in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1999, is arguing against the method in a lawsuit, saying it’s cruel and unusual punishment.

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Hood focuses on love at most recent execution

At the most recent execution Hood attended, that of David Hosier on June 11, he said he read from the Bible as he held the inmate’s shoulder.

As we was reading, Hood says Hosier repeated the phrase, “Give ’em hell,” an apparent reference to Hood’s hope to see the death penalty abolished.

Hosier was convicted in the 2009 shooting death of his former lover, Angela Gilpin, a married mother of two sons. Gilpin was seeing Hosier while she was separated from her husband but had decided to make her marriage work and broke it off with Hosier, who always maintained his innocence.

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Hood said that Hosier was 100% convinced of his innocence and that he wasn’t just “putting on a show.” Hood gave Hosier absolution for his sins and did not confess to the crime in his final moments.

While Hood says he was being tortured by his own emotions during the process, his focus was on ensuring Hosier felt love and felt like a human being.

 “I think that in the last few weeks, David got a lot of his dignity back,” Hood said.

“I’m the luckiest man on Earth,” Hosier said in a final statement sent to reporters shortly before he was put to death. “I’ve been able to speak the the truth of my innocence … I leave you all with love.”

Contributing: Marty Roney of the Montgomery Advertiser

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Arkansas TV’s CEO discusses funding surge to possibly keep PBS

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Arkansas TV’s CEO discusses funding surge to possibly keep PBS


CONWAY, Ark. – Three months after Friends of Arkansas PBS formed to try to preserve PBS programming in the Natural State, it now looks like a legitimate possibility. After a whirlwind few months, Carlton Wing, CEO & Executive Director of Arkansas TV, is ready for any outcome.

Wing, since taking over the role around six months ago, has spearheaded a rebrand and the disaffiliation from PBS, which was set to take place at the end of June.

The dues cost Arkansas TV $2.5 million a year, and with that cost, they felt they couldn’t stay afloat after federal funding cuts, while retaining PBS programming.

In turn, they became the first state to say they’d end the partnership.

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“Whatever politics happened, happened way above us in Washington D.C., we have to deal with the financial realities of how we keep public television alive,” Wing said.

He said they immediately entered into emergency budgeting, attempting to get the network out of the red. A grim financial outlook at the time from his perspective.

“The financial realities are there, and we have to deal with that financial reality regardless of one of our providers of public television content,” Wing said.

When the announcement gained traction, a group, spearheaded by former first ladies of Arkansas Barbara Pryor and Gay White, formed to try and keep PBS alive.

“We recognize that there’s a lot of emotions tied to anything that we like,” Wing said.

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Friends of Arkansas PBS gained enough eyeballs to bring top PBS executives, including CEO Paula Kerger, to the state.

“Well, you have to understand what they’re doing when they come is they’re trying to protect that paycheck that has come from Arkansas for decades now,” Wing said.

The momentum was enough to get the Arkansas Public Television Commission to vote to pause the disaffiliation until their next quarterly meeting, creating a window for funds to be raised in the meantime.

Since a pledge of $1 million a year for the next three years coming from an anonymous donor, along with the Arkansas TV Foundation creating a separate dues fund, that’s allowed them to commit to $1.5 million a year as well over the next three.

While Wing has helped the station plan to increase local programming from 5% to 30%, that won’t change, but things may have to be arranged now that they’re closing in on the funds needed to retain PBS.

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“People recognized this is a very real situation and stepped up to be able to make that happen. We’re not quite there yet, but everything is heading in the right direction. There’s still money that needs to be raised,” Wing said.

He has maintained his stance throughout, while conversations may be political above him, this decision is strictly fiscal on his and the station’s end.

“I have said many times that people have tried to make this a red vs blue issue. It’s all about green and about whether you operate in the black or red,” Wing said.

Wing has said that despite being painted as his opposition, his relationship with Pryor and White is far from that.

“My wife and I went and had lunch with them just a couple of weeks ago, and they’re so excited to be involved with a cause,” Wing said.

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He was also adamant that he doesn’t have some form of vendetta against PBS; in fact, it’s played a pivotal role in helping his own daughter, who’s set to graduate with an MBA from the University of Chicago soon.

“PBS played a very vital role in her enthusiastically learning how to read. Yes we absolutely want that, we just have to be able to afford it because I can’t jeopardize the whole network to be able to pay for one provider of public television,” Wing said.

Still, the commission would need to vote to approve resuming the partnership, a vote that would be held at the next quarterly meeting on June 4th.

“I’m hesitant to predict because I don’t know what’s going to happen between now and that meeting,” Wing said on the vote.

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Arkansas’ upcoming Medicaid work requirement will avoid mistakes of 2018 version, official says | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

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Arkansas’ upcoming Medicaid work requirement will avoid mistakes of 2018 version, official says | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette


An Arkansas Department of Human Services official said Friday that the state took lessons from its previous attempt at implementing a Medicaid work requirement, such as the importance of providing clear communications and using simple design and personal interaction rather than relying on technology that it will take into account when beginning its new requirement next year.



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Facts matter | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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Facts matter | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


The University of Arkansas-Little Rock’s William H. Bowen School of Law began as UA-Fayetteville’s night division (yes, in Little Rock) in 1965. A decade later, the Legislature created UA-Little Rock’s law school; transferred thereto Fayetteville’s night program; and added a full-time component.

In 2023, Colin Crawford became Bowen’s dean. Shortly thereafter, he suggested killing Bowen’s in-person night program and replacing it with yet another online law school. When confronted with a buzzsaw of opposition in Arkansas’ legal community, Crawford paused this misadventure.

Today, Arkansas-based part-time law students have the option of either attending the state’s only in-person night law school or enrolling in one of several existing online schools. If Bowen’s night program goes online, Arkansans lose this choice.

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Last week, I wrote about state Sen. Dan Sullivan’s efforts to curtail new attempts to replace Bowen’s night program with an online one and his delivery of Ten Commandments posters to Bowen for display.

I relayed Crawford’s unexpected public inquisition of Sullivan, wherein Crawford charged: “So you brought those 19 [framed Ten] Commandments to the law school. You could have gone [elsewhere] . . . but you came here to the law school, and I believe, haven’t gone elsewhere . . . [And] you also then submitted a piece of ‘special legislation’ that would have had the effect of tying up the university budget if, if the law school did not, was, was not prohibited from having an online program. So the question is, because I’ve been asked it many times, what’s [your] beef with us. Why [are you] singling out the school of law?”

Sullivan answered, correcting Crawford’s misrepresentations: “First of all, I’m not singling [the law school] out. I took [the posters previously] to Jonesboro schools. I think I had 400 that I took–close to that–[and] I took [several of] them to Arkansas State University . . . [And] why did I take the position of putting a hold on the [university’s] budget? [I did so] because I had a number of people in the law school and outside of law school, former graduates–people who are attorneys that went to school here that are now in the profession–[raise concerns]. People talk[ed] about retaliation; they were afraid to–if they brought [concerns]–they’d be retaliated against.”

My colleague Josh Silverstein elaborated on the retaliation: “The dean castigated me in my annual review for my opposition to moving the part-time program online and, surprisingly, for criticisms against the online proposal leveled by others whom I don’t control. He later accused me of resisting the change in bad faith, even though much of the Bowen community is similarly opposed.”

The saga continues.

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In August, I wrote a column–which this paper nominated for several journalism awards–stating:

“Why put the Bowen night class online in the first place? At a recent faculty meeting, an administrator stated that the purpose is to enlarge the night class. She highlighted that the incoming night class has 38 students. But that’s not the whole story. Here’s the rest:

” m Both the forthcoming day and night classes have been closed for some time, because they’re completely full.

” m The night class has 38 students in it simply because the school capped the class at 38–not due to lack of demand. Earlier in the year, the class was capped at 40, and it had–you guessed it–40 students. The administration then reduced the size of the night class to 38. If you want the night class to be larger than 38, then allow it to be larger than 38.

” m If the school wants to enroll a larger night class with, say, 50 students, we could do so with qualified folks ready to attend.

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“    m Finally, the school’s admissions policy states: ‘The Law School will enroll each academic year an entering class of approximately 140 applicants to its combined full and part-time divisions.’ The current incoming class has 158 students. Call me old school, but I don’t understand this new math in which having 18 extra students reflects under-enrollment.”

That column remains 100 percent correct, because this paper and I painstakingly verify our information. That column’s source: Bowen’s then-admissions dean. (She also confirmed the information presented today.)

Nonetheless, in my annual evaluation at Bowen, Crawford took issue with the contents of that previous column, which I wrote as a journalist for this paper. (My Democrat-Gazette boss assures me that he won’t be evaluating my law-school performance–nor my cooking, for that matter!)

Crawford wrote: “I write to offer observations about certain activities of yours during the evaluation period that were disruptive to the School of Law community. Specifically, in summer 2025, you publicly stated that the School of Law had ‘excess demand’ for its part-time program that the administration has capped enrollment in the program. However, as reported to the faculty earlier in the Spring by the then Assistant Dean of Admissions, many of the students admitted to the part-time program preferred to be in the full-time program, for which there were no available spaces. There was no excess demand for the part-time program and that was announced at a faculty meeting. Moreover, as the Associate Dean of Academic Affairs has reported on many occasions, the number of any class is dictated by our faculty capacity to cover the labor-intensive research and writing classes–each to a section of no more than 20 students. Inaccurate references to an excess of demand and administrative caps on part-time enrollment were harmful to the work of your colleagues, who, earlier in 2025, voted overwhelmingly in support of a proposal to develop a hybrid part-time program; some of them spent their summers developing courses to that end.”

Crawford is wrong: Bowen did cap the night class, and there was excess demand.

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Bowen admitted 38 students to that night class. The admissions dean stated that Bowen easily could’ve enrolled 50 qualified applicants. So why only 38? As Crawford confessed: because of a lack of supply of faculty. Fifty qualified applicants, but only 38 admitted, equals excess demand (by definition).

Bowen’s math further confounds. In a faculty meeting, the associate dean stated: “[W]e have 38 students coming into the part-time program . . . [and] nine of them expressed a preference for the full-time. So if we had space in the full-time, that would have been down to 29.”

Uh, no. The school admitted 38 applicants. If nine vanished, Bowen would just admit the next nine.

Moreover, whether nine students preferred the day program is irrelevant. Maybe some favored attending Yale. Wanting to go elsewhere doesn’t diminish demand for Bowen’s night school–when the alternatives aren’t available.

In fact, the day program routinely cannibalizes the night class by exceeding the school’s written-policy goal of 90 students for the former by–wait for it–30-plus students. Wanna guess where that overage should’ve been offered admission? Yep, the night school.

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Finally, like with Silverstein, Crawford bizarrely criticized me for the contents of a student column that opposed Bowen going online, because those authors thanked us for our input. Even worse, the dean was explicitly informed that I never reviewed the substance of the students’ article and Silverstein recommended written changes to the very items Crawford whinged about. Sigh.

The proposal to put online Arkansas’ singular-historic night law school didn’t fail because disfavored interlocutors contradicted the party line or had “beef” with Bowen. Rather, that effort collapsed because it is an awful idea (and justifiably reviled by Arkansas’ legal community).

So, rest assured, I will continue to inform you Dear Readers about this topic and others–threadbare false claims of inaccuracy, harm, or disruption notwithstanding–because facts matter.

This is your right to know.


Robert Steinbuch, the Arkansas Bar Foundation Professor at the Bowen Law School, is a Fulbright Scholar and author of the treatise “The Arkansas Freedom of Information Act.” His views do not necessarily reflect those of his employer.

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