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A fight for abortion rights in America’s most pro-life state could ripple across the South

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A fight for abortion rights in America’s most pro-life state could ripple across the South


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LITTLE ROCK, Arkansas — Kristin Stuart stood in the street, clipboard in hand, at a Pride festival in downtown Little Rock — the 200,000-person capital of the otherwise largely rural state. 

Stuart was a volunteer collecting signatures for a ballot measure to reverse the state’s near total ban on abortions, which went into effect after the U.S. Supreme Courts’ Dobbs decision in 2022. 

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She and the other volunteers didn’t seem to mind the baking midday June heat as they sallied forth from their tent’s shade to engage the festively dressed passersby. 

Mostly, she was met with enthusiastic responses, but she worked to explain the current ban even to those initially unsympathetic to the proposed constitutional amendment. 

“Sometimes it changes their mind. Sometimes it doesn’t,” she said. “But every signature counts.” 

Even some Republicans have told Stuart the Arkansas law, which allows for abortion only to save the life of the mother, goes too far. 

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Arkansas, where Republicans control all three branches of government, has been ranked the most pro-life state for the past four years by the anti-abortion group Americans United for Life. In 2023, no abortions were performed here, according to the Arkansas Department of Health. 

Organizers hope many Arkansas voters view abortion in less black-and-white terms than the state’s GOP leaders. To get the measure on the ballot — let alone win in November — they know they will need support from conservatives in a state that former President Donald Trump won in 2020 with 62% of the vote. 

The Arkansas amendment is one of 10 proposed ballot initiatives across the U.S. to expand or restore abortion access. The Arkansas measure, however, is less permissive than the others, and not a single national abortion rights organization has officially backed the effort. 

Even the name of the organizing committee, Arkansans for Limited Government, signals this different approach, one that supporters hope could be a model for other efforts across the conservative South to restore some access to abortion, even if it isn’t to the level guaranteed by Roe v. Wade. 

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“We do have a lot of folks in more rural counties and smaller counties who are not supportive of abortion, but even more so they’re not supportive of the government intervening in it,” said Lauren Cowles, executive director of Arkansans for Limited Government. 

The birth of a ballot measure 

Ezra Smith had pretty much given up on Arkansas politics. After college, he worked on political campaigns. He was elected president of the Young Democrats of Arkansas in 2013 and traveled to all 75 counties in the state. He watched as Republicans took power in the state that launched the career of President Bill Clinton. 

“We were fighting a huge tide. I said, ‘Not only is it unproductive, but it’s really hard personally to deal with,’” said Smith, a lawyer in Fayetteville, the home of the state’s flagship university and one of the few islands of blue in the conservative state. 

He saw Arkansans abandon Democrats over two issues: a dislike of President Barack Obama and abortion. 

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This year, Smith returned to politics, coordinating volunteers collecting signatures across the state for the abortion ballot measure. Abortion, the issue that once made Smith feel defeated, could be a winner this election. But with Arkansas’ near total ban on abortion, the issue feels more urgent to him than party politics. 

“I don’t really care about this being a helpful issue for Democrats,” he said. “That’s not why I’m doing this.” 

Smith was part of a group of Arkansans that began talking after the U.S. Supreme Court issued the Dobbs ruling in June 2022 and Arkansas’ trigger ban went into effect. By November, they registered a ballot question committee called Arkansans for Limited Government. 

Abortion bans across the US: Which 14 states have abortion bans?

The name was chosen to cast Arkansas’ abortion ban as government overreach and win the support of conservative voters wary of government power. 

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The Arkansas Family Council, which advocates for Christian policies, rejects the idea that allowing wider access to abortion would be a check on government power. But Jerry Cox, the group’s founder and president, does worry the argument could sway some conservative voters in the state. 

“The voter I’m most concerned about are the people who take an extreme libertarian view,” Cox said. 

Even though the ballot measure is more restrictive than similar efforts in other states, it covers 99% of the abortions performed in Arkansas before Dobbs, according to Arkansans for Limited Government.  

Before Roe was overturned, abortions were legal nationwide without state restrictions until the 24th week of pregnancy. 

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“We found 18 weeks seems to be a timeframe at which most Arkansans are comfortable,” Cowles said. “You start using the word ‘viability’ and 24 weeks and many Arkansans are uncomfortable with that.” 

Women in Arkansas are still getting abortions, if they can travel. Last year, more than 2,600 women in the state went to Kansas and Illinois for the procedure, according to data from the Guttmacher Institute, an abortion rights research organization. Before Dobbs, roughly 3,000 abortions were performed annually in Arkansas. 

The organizers also think the reality of living in a state where abortion is only available to save the life of a mother, but not to preserve her health, has changed attitudes about the procedure. 

“The number of stories I’ve heard from people on why they’re signing, I think the evidence is there that this has left the political buzzword space and become a reality to so many people,” Smith said. 

The politics of abortion 

Even before the Dobbs decision, Americans’ views on abortion were more complex — and less passionate — than the political rhetoric would suggest, said Steven Greene, a political science professor at North Carolina State University who has studied the subject for decades. 

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“There really are a lot of people who think abortion should be mostly legal, but they aren’t quite sure when and don’t have the strongest feelings on it,” Greene said. 

Region by region: How these states could broaden abortion access

Lynette Panique, a volunteer who was canvassing at the Pride event in Little Rock for the ballot measure, inhabits that middle ground of the abortion debate. Until 10 years ago, she would have called herself “strictly pro-life.” 

“Even as a Christian,” she said, “I still believe in the right to choose, just because it’s not a black and white issue.” 

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Republicans’ staunch opposition to abortion appealed to a passionate base, Greene said. The protections Roe v. Wade provided for 50 years meant that Republicans with more ambivalent attitudes on abortion could view their party’s fierce anti-abortion stance as merely rhetorical. 

The Democratic Party, Greene said, has also hardened its stance on abortion in recent years. 

“People (in the party) have said we need to be proud of abortion and we just need to defend that,” he said. “I think that’s bad politics.” 

What a win in Arkansas would mean nationally 

So far, national abortion rights organizations have not backed the Arkansas ballot initiative. Planned Parenthood objects to an 18-week limit on abortions. The organization believes that with more years of on-the-ground organizing in the state, Arkansas voters would accept abortion access without time limits. 

“The work is not yet done,” said Sarah Standiford, the national campaign director for the Planned Parenthood Action Fund. “I think there’s an opportunity to create a longer onramp to a measure that will more fully provide care and restore care.” 

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But the Arkansas ballot organizers say they cannot wait. State politicians have been working to curtail the ability of voters to introduce ballot measures. The legislature recently increased the threshold for how many counties need to be represented to get a measure on the ballot from 15 to 50. 

“State legislatures are trying to eliminate this process for enacting citizen driven change,” Cowles said. 

The ballot organizers are confident they will submit more than the required 90,704 signatures needed by the July 5 deadline. 

“If it qualifies, I believe it will pass,” said Janine Parry, an expert on direct democracy at the University of Arkansas. “The current policy of basically a total ban has only been supported by about 15% of Arkansans for 30 years.” 

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Cox of the Arkansas Family Council, however, thinks the organizers have misjudged their fellow Arkansans. 

“Arkansas is a much more conservative state than Ohio or any other state where abortion has been on the ballot,” he said. 

A win in a deep red, Southern state could upend the national debate on abortion, the organizers believe. It could make Republican politicians, they say, rethink their support for anti-abortion measures nationwide. 

Still, Greene, the political scientist, is skeptical a win for abortion rights in Arkansas would have an effect beyond the state.  

When abortion is presented as a ballot measure, voters have supported easing restrictions, even in conservative states like Ohio. But those same voters still elect politicians who oppose abortion. And in the South, only Arkansas, Florida and Oklahoma currently allow voter-driven ballot measures. 

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Most voters, Greene believes, support some abortion access, but the issue is not a high enough priority to determine which politicians they elect. 

“I think the evidence is pretty clear that state legislators who vote for very extreme bans do not seem to be punished for it,” he said. “Certainly not in red states.” 



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Arkansas

ARKANSAS A-Z: Norris Church Mailer — From Atkins to literary fame | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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ARKANSAS A-Z: Norris Church Mailer — From Atkins to literary fame | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


Norris Church Mailer became a model, actress and author after moving to New York to be with renowned writer Norman Mailer following their chance meeting in Arkansas at an event in Russellville. She published two semi-autobiographical novels, “Windchill Summer” and “Cheap Diamonds,” as well as a memoir, “A Ticket to the Circus,” which centers on her three-decade marriage to Mailer.

Born on Jan. 31, 1949, in Moses Lake, Wash., Norris Church Mailer began life as Barbara Jean Davis, being named for a little girl who lived next door. Her parents were homemaker Gaynell Phillips Davis and construction worker James Davis. They had briefly relocated from Arkansas to Washington state for her father’s work on the O’Sullivan Dam near Moses Lake. After the family returned to Arkansas, Barbara grew up in Atkins, where the family lived a simple life in the country without hot running water in the house or an indoor toilet. They attended a small, strict fundamentalist church several times a week. When Barbara was 3 years old, her mother saw an advertisement for the Little Miss Little Rock Contest and entered the child, who won.

The family moved from the country into town when Barbara was in first grade. There, they lived in a house with modern conveniences, including indoor plumbing. Barbara had a childhood friend whose name, Cherry, became the name of the heroine in her two novels.

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Barbara attended school in the Atkins School District. After graduating from high school in 1967, she enrolled at Arkansas Polytechnic College (which later became Arkansas Tech University) in nearby Russellville. In 1969, she married her high school sweetheart, Larry Norris; two years later, they had a son, Matthew. In 1974, the marriage ended in divorce.

Norris Church Mailer signs books during an April 2010 “A Ticket to the Circus” book-tour stop at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock.
(Arkansas Democrat-Gazette/Helaine R. Williams)

 

With her young son, Barbara moved to Russellville, where she worked as a high school art teacher. In 1975, she met renowned writer Norman Mailer at a party in Russellville when he was there on a visit. The party was held at the home of a mutual friend, author Francis Irby Gwaltney, who at the time was teaching at Arkansas Tech. Gwaltney and Mailer had become friends during World War II and remained close through the years.

Barbara stated in her autobiography that there was instant chemistry when she and Mailer met. Although she was several inches taller than Mailer, half his age and from a vastly different background, she said she knew the two would be together.

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At the time they met, Mailer was in the process of breaking up with his fourth wife and seeing another woman who would (for the space of one day) become his fifth. Hailing from Brooklyn, N.Y., the Harvard-educated Mailer was a bestselling author whose World War II novel “The Naked and the Dead” (1948) brought him early fame. He won the Pulitzer Prize in 1968 for “Armies of the Night” and another Pulitzer in 1979 for “The Executioner’s Song.”

After meeting Mailer in Russellville in 1975, Barbara followed him to New York. Their son, John Buffalo Mailer, was born in 1978. The couple married in 1980 (the same year he divorced his fourth wife and then married and divorced his fifth), with Barbara becoming Mailer’s sixth and final wife.

When Barbara began a successful career as a model, her husband suggested she change her name to Norris Church Mailer. The name was composed from her previous married name, and “Church,” based on her religious background when growing up in Arkansas. She and Mailer often entertained top-tier celebrities at their homes in New York and Provincetown, Mass. Billed as “Norris Mailer,” she appeared with her husband in the movie “Ragtime” (1981) and also had small roles in a few other films.

“Windchill Summer,” a semi-autobiographical novel by Norris Church Mailer that takes place in the fictional town of Sweet Valley, Arkansas; published in 2000
(Courtesy of Ballantine Books)

 

Church Mailer’s first novel, “Windchill Summer,” was published in 2000, depicting a coming-of-age story about a girl named Cherry Marshall growing up in Arkansas during the Vietnam War era. Its sequel, “Cheap Diamonds,” released in 2007, followed Marshall’s story as an aspiring model from Arkansas arriving in New York City during the 1970s. Church Mailer’s 2010 memoir, “A Ticket to the Circus,” described her tumultuous life with Norman Mailer. Among other things, she claimed in her memoir to have had a brief romantic relationship with future President Bill Clinton, who was in his late 20s at the time.

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In 2000, Norris Church Mailer was diagnosed with a malignant gastrointestinal tumor. Defying the odds, she lived 10 years, nursing her husband through his final illness until he died in 2007. On Nov. 21, 2010, Church Mailer died at her home in New York. Wilkes University in Pennsylvania established the Norris Church Mailer Fellowship in Creative Writing in 2004. — Nancy Hendricks

This story is taken from the online Encyclopedia of Arkansas, a project of the Central Arkansas Library System. Visit the site at encyclopediaofarkansas.net.

“Cheap Diamonds” by Norris Church Mailer
(Courtesy of Ballantine Books)

 



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All of Arkansas under high fire danger in March as burn bans spread statewide

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All of Arkansas under high fire danger in March as burn bans spread statewide


The Arkansas Department of Agriculture is urging residents to stay alert as we face a high risk of wildfires in the state.

All of Arkansas is now under a high fire danger, with more than half of all counties under burn bans.

Officials say dry conditions, above-average temperatures, and strong winds are making fires both easier to start—and harder to control.

They’re urging everyone to avoid outdoor burning, properly extinguish cigarettes, and use caution with machinery in dry areas.

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“Right now, everybody just needs to postpone burning……Hopefully see things improve over the next few days.”

So far in March, more than 300 fires have burned more than nine-thousand acres.



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What John Calipari said about Dairus Acuff after Arkansas basketball’s Sweet 16 exit

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What John Calipari said about Dairus Acuff after Arkansas basketball’s Sweet 16 exit


SAN JOSE, Calif. — A humbling loss to Arizona means Darius Acuff Jr.’s career with Arkansas basketball is likely over.

Acuff is projected to be a top-10 pick in the 2026 NBA Draft. He scored a game-high 28 points as the No. 4 Razorbacks (28-9) fell to the No. 1 Wildcats (35-2) 109-88 in the Sweet 16 of the NCAA Tournament on Thursday, March 26.

After the loss, John Calipari reflected on Acuff’s historic season. The Hall of Fame coach will remember the Detroit native’s fierce spirit while hunting victories.

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“(Acuff) was the ultimate competitor. He had a will to win and would make baskets because he wasn’t afraid to miss late in games,” Calipari said. “He and Meleek (Thomas) and the other guys, they set the stage for growth. You’re going to have an opportunity to get better, but it’s hard. The league is hard. You’ve got to be a gym rat if you really want to do this. Those guys proved it. I had a ball coaching them.”

Acuff became just the third person to win the SEC Player of the Year and Freshman of the Year awards handed out by both the coaches and media, joining Anthony Davis (2012) and Brandon Miller (2023). He became the league’s first player since Pete Maravich to lead the SEC in both scoring and assists.

His final season-long stats were 23.5 points and 6.4 assists per game. He shot 48.4% from the field and 44% on 3-pointers.

Acuff was short on words in his final press conference with the Hogs, but he didn’t bring up his individual accolades when asked what he will remember the most from a dynamic collegiate season.

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“Brotherhood, for sure,” Acuff said. “With the team, great support from the fans. I don’t know, a lot of good stuff. It was a great year, for sure.”

Arkansas fans won’t soon forget his dominance.

Jackson Fuller covers Arkansas football, basketball and baseball for the Southwest Times Record, part of the USA TODAY Network. Reach him at jfuller@usatodayco.com or follow him @jacksonfuller16 on X, formerly known as Twitter. 



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