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A fight for abortion rights in America’s most pro-life state could ripple across the South

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A fight for abortion rights in America’s most pro-life state could ripple across the South


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LITTLE ROCK, Arkansas — Kristin Stuart stood in the street, clipboard in hand, at a Pride festival in downtown Little Rock — the 200,000-person capital of the otherwise largely rural state. 

Stuart was a volunteer collecting signatures for a ballot measure to reverse the state’s near total ban on abortions, which went into effect after the U.S. Supreme Courts’ Dobbs decision in 2022. 

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She and the other volunteers didn’t seem to mind the baking midday June heat as they sallied forth from their tent’s shade to engage the festively dressed passersby. 

Mostly, she was met with enthusiastic responses, but she worked to explain the current ban even to those initially unsympathetic to the proposed constitutional amendment. 

“Sometimes it changes their mind. Sometimes it doesn’t,” she said. “But every signature counts.” 

Even some Republicans have told Stuart the Arkansas law, which allows for abortion only to save the life of the mother, goes too far. 

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Arkansas, where Republicans control all three branches of government, has been ranked the most pro-life state for the past four years by the anti-abortion group Americans United for Life. In 2023, no abortions were performed here, according to the Arkansas Department of Health. 

Organizers hope many Arkansas voters view abortion in less black-and-white terms than the state’s GOP leaders. To get the measure on the ballot — let alone win in November — they know they will need support from conservatives in a state that former President Donald Trump won in 2020 with 62% of the vote. 

The Arkansas amendment is one of 10 proposed ballot initiatives across the U.S. to expand or restore abortion access. The Arkansas measure, however, is less permissive than the others, and not a single national abortion rights organization has officially backed the effort. 

Even the name of the organizing committee, Arkansans for Limited Government, signals this different approach, one that supporters hope could be a model for other efforts across the conservative South to restore some access to abortion, even if it isn’t to the level guaranteed by Roe v. Wade. 

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“We do have a lot of folks in more rural counties and smaller counties who are not supportive of abortion, but even more so they’re not supportive of the government intervening in it,” said Lauren Cowles, executive director of Arkansans for Limited Government. 

The birth of a ballot measure 

Ezra Smith had pretty much given up on Arkansas politics. After college, he worked on political campaigns. He was elected president of the Young Democrats of Arkansas in 2013 and traveled to all 75 counties in the state. He watched as Republicans took power in the state that launched the career of President Bill Clinton. 

“We were fighting a huge tide. I said, ‘Not only is it unproductive, but it’s really hard personally to deal with,’” said Smith, a lawyer in Fayetteville, the home of the state’s flagship university and one of the few islands of blue in the conservative state. 

He saw Arkansans abandon Democrats over two issues: a dislike of President Barack Obama and abortion. 

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This year, Smith returned to politics, coordinating volunteers collecting signatures across the state for the abortion ballot measure. Abortion, the issue that once made Smith feel defeated, could be a winner this election. But with Arkansas’ near total ban on abortion, the issue feels more urgent to him than party politics. 

“I don’t really care about this being a helpful issue for Democrats,” he said. “That’s not why I’m doing this.” 

Smith was part of a group of Arkansans that began talking after the U.S. Supreme Court issued the Dobbs ruling in June 2022 and Arkansas’ trigger ban went into effect. By November, they registered a ballot question committee called Arkansans for Limited Government. 

Abortion bans across the US: Which 14 states have abortion bans?

The name was chosen to cast Arkansas’ abortion ban as government overreach and win the support of conservative voters wary of government power. 

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The Arkansas Family Council, which advocates for Christian policies, rejects the idea that allowing wider access to abortion would be a check on government power. But Jerry Cox, the group’s founder and president, does worry the argument could sway some conservative voters in the state. 

“The voter I’m most concerned about are the people who take an extreme libertarian view,” Cox said. 

Even though the ballot measure is more restrictive than similar efforts in other states, it covers 99% of the abortions performed in Arkansas before Dobbs, according to Arkansans for Limited Government.  

Before Roe was overturned, abortions were legal nationwide without state restrictions until the 24th week of pregnancy. 

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“We found 18 weeks seems to be a timeframe at which most Arkansans are comfortable,” Cowles said. “You start using the word ‘viability’ and 24 weeks and many Arkansans are uncomfortable with that.” 

Women in Arkansas are still getting abortions, if they can travel. Last year, more than 2,600 women in the state went to Kansas and Illinois for the procedure, according to data from the Guttmacher Institute, an abortion rights research organization. Before Dobbs, roughly 3,000 abortions were performed annually in Arkansas. 

The organizers also think the reality of living in a state where abortion is only available to save the life of a mother, but not to preserve her health, has changed attitudes about the procedure. 

“The number of stories I’ve heard from people on why they’re signing, I think the evidence is there that this has left the political buzzword space and become a reality to so many people,” Smith said. 

The politics of abortion 

Even before the Dobbs decision, Americans’ views on abortion were more complex — and less passionate — than the political rhetoric would suggest, said Steven Greene, a political science professor at North Carolina State University who has studied the subject for decades. 

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“There really are a lot of people who think abortion should be mostly legal, but they aren’t quite sure when and don’t have the strongest feelings on it,” Greene said. 

Region by region: How these states could broaden abortion access

Lynette Panique, a volunteer who was canvassing at the Pride event in Little Rock for the ballot measure, inhabits that middle ground of the abortion debate. Until 10 years ago, she would have called herself “strictly pro-life.” 

“Even as a Christian,” she said, “I still believe in the right to choose, just because it’s not a black and white issue.” 

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Republicans’ staunch opposition to abortion appealed to a passionate base, Greene said. The protections Roe v. Wade provided for 50 years meant that Republicans with more ambivalent attitudes on abortion could view their party’s fierce anti-abortion stance as merely rhetorical. 

The Democratic Party, Greene said, has also hardened its stance on abortion in recent years. 

“People (in the party) have said we need to be proud of abortion and we just need to defend that,” he said. “I think that’s bad politics.” 

What a win in Arkansas would mean nationally 

So far, national abortion rights organizations have not backed the Arkansas ballot initiative. Planned Parenthood objects to an 18-week limit on abortions. The organization believes that with more years of on-the-ground organizing in the state, Arkansas voters would accept abortion access without time limits. 

“The work is not yet done,” said Sarah Standiford, the national campaign director for the Planned Parenthood Action Fund. “I think there’s an opportunity to create a longer onramp to a measure that will more fully provide care and restore care.” 

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But the Arkansas ballot organizers say they cannot wait. State politicians have been working to curtail the ability of voters to introduce ballot measures. The legislature recently increased the threshold for how many counties need to be represented to get a measure on the ballot from 15 to 50. 

“State legislatures are trying to eliminate this process for enacting citizen driven change,” Cowles said. 

The ballot organizers are confident they will submit more than the required 90,704 signatures needed by the July 5 deadline. 

“If it qualifies, I believe it will pass,” said Janine Parry, an expert on direct democracy at the University of Arkansas. “The current policy of basically a total ban has only been supported by about 15% of Arkansans for 30 years.” 

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Cox of the Arkansas Family Council, however, thinks the organizers have misjudged their fellow Arkansans. 

“Arkansas is a much more conservative state than Ohio or any other state where abortion has been on the ballot,” he said. 

A win in a deep red, Southern state could upend the national debate on abortion, the organizers believe. It could make Republican politicians, they say, rethink their support for anti-abortion measures nationwide. 

Still, Greene, the political scientist, is skeptical a win for abortion rights in Arkansas would have an effect beyond the state.  

When abortion is presented as a ballot measure, voters have supported easing restrictions, even in conservative states like Ohio. But those same voters still elect politicians who oppose abortion. And in the South, only Arkansas, Florida and Oklahoma currently allow voter-driven ballot measures. 

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Most voters, Greene believes, support some abortion access, but the issue is not a high enough priority to determine which politicians they elect. 

“I think the evidence is pretty clear that state legislators who vote for very extreme bans do not seem to be punished for it,” he said. “Certainly not in red states.” 



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Arkansas

Awash in Christmas’ glow | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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Awash in Christmas’ glow | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


Editor’s note: This is a revised and updated version of a column first appearing Christmas Eve 2015.

On a Saturday morning that spring, I sat alone, having breakfast at Leo’s in Hillcrest. A text came in from Gwen Moritz, then editor of Arkansas Business and regular estate-scale scavenger.

She said she was at that moment looking quite possibly at the very item I’d written longingly about in a Christmas column.

She was at an estate sale at a house maybe five blocks away. I hurried over and went upstairs.

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Indeed, she’d found it, or, more precisely, one very much like it.

There was a brief discussion of estate-sale strategy. You could take a chance that the item wouldn’t sell, in which case you could get it for less on Sunday afternoon.

I took no chance. Full price. Right now. Into my Jeep. Then into the attic, until it was time.

And now it is time.

If all goes according to recent tradition this evening, at or about midnight, I will sit in a comfortable chair next to a deeply warming splash of Jameson whiskey.

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I will turn off all lamps, overhead lights, smartphones, laptops and television sets. I will gather the beagles Roscoe and Sophie at my feet. Shalah will be nearby, pleased to behold my rare serenity.

In the darkness, I will gaze upon, and lose myself in, the vintage 6-foot aluminum Christmas tree, circa ’65, in the corner, a wonder of glorious nostalgia and tackiness.

I will watch the slow-circling color wheel transform the shiny tinfoil of the tree to a calm deep blue and then a peaceful yellow and then a shining green and then an understated red, and back around.

I will listen for the brief grinding sound each time the wheel reintroduces blue.

I will escape to childhood, to life at 10 to 12 in that flat-topped, four-room house at the end of a graveled lane in southwest Little Rock. I will recall a tree like this one, and a permanently creaking color wheel a little bigger and better than this modern online discovery.

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I will be returned to that hardwood floor of the mid-1960s, flat on my stomach, eyes fixed, deep in my happy certainly that this exotic aluminum tree–framed by a picture window outlined in blinking lights–was surely the most magnificent among all monuments of the season.

I will remember the happiness and safety of those 1960s Christmases–of, in fact, an entire childhood.

I will be thankful for the hardworking low-income parents who provided that happy and safe childhood, and the little fundamentalist church that nurtured it, and the public school that educated it, and the community that encouraged it, and the backyard that was a field of dreams–a baseball park, a football stadium, a basketball arena, a golf course.

It was there I threw and caught the passes, even punted high and ran to make the fair catch.

It was there I provided the roar of the crowd and the play-by-play announcing and color commentary.

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I concocted a baseball card for myself, one with impressive statistics and a brief biography that included the nickname: “Fly Ball Brummett.”

My dad told me that you don’t want to hit fly balls, boy, because they get caught for outs. And I explained that fly balls sent airborne by “Fly Ball Brummett” arced like gentle bombs to distant places no outfielder could reach.

He said I was talking about line drives. I said these soar higher than that.

We’d argue that way, and more seriously, for a few more years, and then each of us would realize that the other was smarter than we had thought. Then we got along fairly well.

Cigarettes took him much too young, younger by seven years than I am now. My mom gave me his cufflinks and tie clasp that first Christmas without him. I fled the room teary, much as he’d fled the room that Sunday afternoon years before when I coaxed enough Okinawa memories out of him that he mentioned “Sarge.”

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After a half-hour of Jameson sips and color-wheel hypnosis, I will head to bed. And I will think about Mom, gone now three years, after four years in a nursing home for what they call “cognitive decline.” I will wonder if she remembered at the end, if but for a fleeting moment, that aluminum tree and color wheel of our cozy, happy little home.

It’s more likely that she remembered instead in those last years the very thing I’d spent those moments remembering–the safety and happiness of childhood, her own, which is where she spent her final days.

There are far worse places to be.


John Brummett, whose column appears regularly in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, is a member of the Arkansas Writers’ Hall of Fame. Email him at jbrummett@arkansasonline.com. Read his @johnbrummett feed on X, formerly Twitter.

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Arkansas

Applications available to catch gar | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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Applications available to catch gar | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


Today at 7:00 p.m.

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Arkansas Game and Fish



Arkansas Game and Fish Commission biologist Chelsea Gilliland works with a 187-pound alligator gar.
(Courtesy photo/Arkansas Game and Fish)

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Anglers interested in hooking an epic-sized trophy fish can apply for a 2025 alligator gar tag through Dec. 31.

Many Arkansas anglers travel all the way to the Gulf of Mexico each year in search of trophy fish like tarpon and sailfish. Most don’t know they are passing up a similar opportunity right here in Arkansas.

While not truly a dinosaur, the alligator gar was alive during the Cretaceous period. Individual gar take decades to reach 6 feet long. They are the second largest species of freshwater fish in North America, only topped by the white sturgeon. They frequently grow longer than 7 feet and weigh more than 200 pounds. The largest fish ever caught in Arkansas was an alligator gar in the Red River that weighed 241 pounds, more than 100 pounds heavier than the state’s next largest Arkansas catch, a 116-pound blue catfish that once held a world record.

Anyone may fish for alligator gar on a catch-and-release basis with an alligator gar permit, but a trophy tag is required to keep an alligator gar longer than 36 inches.

Interested anglers can enter the free online drawing through Dec. 31 for one of 200 alligator gar trophy tags for the 2025 season. Applications are available under the “Fishing License” section of the Game and Fish online license system at https://ar-web.s3licensing.com.

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The drawing will occur Jan. 2. Applicants will be notified of the results by email.

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Approximately 18% of Arkansas’ state positions are vacant, data shows • Arkansas Advocate

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Approximately 18% of Arkansas’ state positions are vacant, data shows • Arkansas Advocate


Nearly 18% of 66,000 Arkansas executive branch and higher education jobs remained unfilled this year, according to available data.

The Arkansas Department of Veteran Affairs (ADVA) reported the highest percentage of staff vacancies in a single department, according to the Department of Transformation and Shared Services. Of the agency’s 303 total positions, nearly 59% were unfilled as of Dec. 5.

“The vast majority of our vacancies are direct care nursing positions at our two State Veterans Homes,” retired Army Maj. Gen. Kendall Penn, the department secretary, said in a statement. “However, our veteran residents are still getting exceptional care at both homes through a combination of state government-employed nurses and nurses provided by contracted staffing agencies.”

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Penn, who was appointed in January 2023, will resign from his position on Dec. 31, 2024. Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders on Dec. 17 named retired Air National Guard Col. Robert Ator II as Penn’s successor. 

“[Arkansas] state government continues to face a significant challenge trying to match the market rate for nursing positions, as well as additional ADVA high vacancy and low volume positions, such as those in food service and maintenance,” Penn said. “These challenged areas artificially inflate our overall department vacancy rate.”

Retired Army Maj. Gen. Kendall Penn, the state department secretary of Veteran Affairs. (Courtesy photo)

Penn said the department hopes to reduce its vacancy rate in 2025 using a combination of special compensation recruitment and retention bonuses. Penn also noted competitive salary increases may stem from Arkansas Forward — an initiative from the governor that aims to increase government efficiency — which he said could help with vacancies.

While Veteran Affairs had the highest vacancy rate among departments, the Department of Finance and Administration’s Division of Racing reported a 78% vacancy rate with 11 of its 14 positions empty as of Dec. 5.

But DFA isn’t planning to hire any additional full-time staff to the three positions it already has filled, spokesperson Scott Hardin said.

“The Racing Division’s needs are met in full each year,” Hardin said. “The Division utilizes seasonal, extra-help positions for those that work in live racing for a certain period each year. It allows the state to meet all needs throughout the live racing season. In addition, three full-time employees oversee the day-to-day operation of the division.”

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Higher education positions at colleges and universities are also on the state payroll. According to Arkansas Department of Education data from October, Southeast Arkansas Community College reported the highest vacancy rate at 66%. Of the school’s 365 available positions, 243 were vacant.

The University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences offers the most positions of any college or university with over 11,000 jobs. Data shows UAMS has one of the lowest vacancy rates among higher education institutions at 8.5%.

‘Arkansas Forward’

In November, Sanders announced a proposed overhaul of the state employee pay plan through the Arkansas Forward initiative, which officials have said aims to improve government efficiency.

Arkansas state employee pay plan overhaul boosts salaries for hard-to-fill jobs

The proposed pay plan would cost an estimated $120 million annually and provide pay raises to 14,539 employees. It would also add two pay table distinctions, professionals and law enforcement and safety, to an existing four classifications: general, information technology, medical professional and senior executive.

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The pay plan does not propose decreasing any available jobs, though it would consolidate roughly 2,000 job titles into approximately 800, officials said.

If approved by the Legislature, the pay plan would go into effect in July 2025.

According to a 900-page progress report on Arkansas Forward the governor’s office released on Dec. 16, the whole initiative could save the state $300 million over the next six years by implementing cost-saving measures.

The report suggests that many Arkansas cabinet-level agencies need to upgrade their salary schedules to compete in the job market.

In addition to the employee pay plan, the initiative also calls for the integration of information technology across all state agencies, a centralized state procurement process and renegotiated contracts, the sale of old state vehicles and a reduction to the government’s physical footprint by identifying cost savings in real estate.

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The report provides examples of “compensation levers,” or instances in which an employee would receive a bonus based on their performance. The report also recommends one-time annual bonuses for people who “perform above baseline,” and “spot bonuses” that are awarded outside the normal evaluation cycle to employees meeting their performance expectations.

YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE.

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“I’ve made no secret that I believe that Arkansas’ current state employee pay plan is broken,” Sanders said at a November press conference announcing her proposed pay revamp. “It’s confusing, it doesn’t reward hard work and it’s not recruiting new hires for our most in-demand positions.”

The initiative would increase the entry-level salaries of correctional officers, social services employees and Arkansas State Police officers at double-digit percentages. Officials often describe these positions as the state’s toughest to fill.

According to data from the state Department of Transformation and Shared Services, the Department of Human Services reported 20% of its positions were vacant.

State Police reported a vacancy rate of about 10%, and spokesperson Cindy Murphy said the agency had 74 vacant officer positions on Dec. 4.

The vacancy rate across all correctional departments and agencies was nearly 30% as of Dec. 5.  Shari Gray, a spokesperson for the Department of Corrections, said 1,010 security positions — including correctional officers — were vacant.

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At the Board of Corrections’ monthly December meeting, members discussed extending shifts of most employees at Community Correction Centers from 8 hours to 12 hours. The change in shifts would both reduce the need to hire more staff and ensure that there’s enough around-the-clock supervision to allow more inmates to be moved from county jails to the state-run centers.

Statewide job openings

The roughly 12,000 vacant state jobs are a small portion of Arkansas’ total job openings. In September, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported Arkansas had 102,000 job openings. Arkansas tied with Alaska for the nation’s highest job openings rate at 6.9%, according to the BLS. The national rate was 4.5%.

According to the most recent BLS data from October, Arkansas’ total job openings decreased to 82,000 for a rate of 5.6%. The national rate was 4.6%.

Michael Pakko (Arkansas Secretary of State)

Though Arkansas has been at the top of the rankings in recent years, Michael Pakko, chief economist at the University of Arkansas-Little Rock’s Arkansas Economic Development Institute, said the inflated rates are a nationwide phenomenon.

“On one hand, it means that we have a robust labor market where there’s plenty of opportunities for workers and job seekers,” Pakko said. “On the other hand, it probably does indicate a mismatch that we need to address in order to utilize our full potential.”

The BLS defines open jobs as full-time, part-time or seasonal positions that could start within 30 days and an employer is actively recruiting outside workers.

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The number of jobs available can also contribute to a higher quit rate because workers feel comfortable that there are other opportunities out there, Pakko said. The perception, however, puts more constraints on employers, and they may have to offer higher wages to keep staff.

Nationwide, about 1.7 million fewer people were active in the workforce this November than in February 2020, before the COVID-19 pandemic. According to a U.S. Chamber of Commerce survey of unemployed workers, about half said they are now not willing to take jobs that don’t offer remote work. One in three respondents said they were focused on gaining new skills, education or training before reentering the job market, and 17% had retired.

“As baby boomers are aging and retiring, we’re losing a lot of that cohort of workers, and then it’s a matter of offsetting that with higher participation from younger-aged groups,” Pakko said.

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