Politics

The Trump Resistance Won’t Be Putting on ‘Pussy Hats’ This Time

Published

10 months ago

January 19, 2025

The Trump Resistance Won’t Be Putting on ‘Pussy Hats’ This Time

The week after Election Day in 2016, Shirley Morganelli, a women’s health nurse and lifelong Democrat, invited a dozen friends over to the living room of her rowhouse in Bethlehem, Pa., for a glass of wine. Actually, many glasses.

“Misery loves company,” she said.

Ms. Morganelli’s friends, mostly women then in their 50s and 60s, were teachers, nurses, artists and ardent supporters of Hillary Clinton. Some of them had dressed in suffragist white to cast their votes that day, expecting to celebrate the election of America’s first female president. Instead, they had ended the night consoling their college-aged daughters.

“When she called me at three o’clock in the morning — I get all choked up now, because it was the first time I couldn’t say, ‘Everything’s going to be all right,’” said Angela Sinkler, a nurse and former school board member in Bethlehem.

The get-together — Ms. Morganelli called it “unhappy hour” — became a regular event. By the end of the month, commiserating had turned into organizing. They started with writing postcards to elected officials calling on them to oppose Donald J. Trump’s agenda, then moved on to raising money for a local Planned Parenthood chapter and joining in community protests.

Local political candidates began showing up to their gatherings, too, and the group, now called Lehigh Valley ROAR, turned to campaigning. In 2018, several members were elected to City Council in Bethlehem, and Susan Wild, the city solicitor in nearby Allentown and old friend of Ms. Morganelli’s, was elected to Congress with the group’s support.

Lehigh Valley ROAR was one of more than 2,000 similar grass-roots groups formed in the wake of Mr. Trump’s first election — a moment of mass organization larger than even the Tea Party movement at its peak during President Barack Obama’s first term, said Theda Skocpol, a Harvard University professor of government and sociology who has studied both movements.

A vast majority of the groups were led by women, and many traced a similar arc to Ms. Morganelli’s, their shock at Mr. Trump’s election sparking political activism and then, often, electoral victories.

But then there was the defeat of Vice President Kamala Harris in November.

As Mr. Trump returns to the White House on Monday with a popular vote majority and a governing trifecta in Washington, there are few signs of the sort of mass public protest that birthed “the resistance” the last time he took office.

Mr. Trump’s inauguration in 2017 was met with the largest single-day public demonstration in American history. Although thousands marched in Washington Saturday and smaller protests were held in other cities, their numbers fell far short of the hundreds of thousands that rallied eight years ago.

Organizers of the 2017 efforts say this shift reflects the lessons learned from the street protests that took place early in the first Trump presidency, tactics that were quickly abandoned in favor of more strategic organizing — and that opposition to a second Trump term is unlikely to take the same forms.

But some concede that the opposition is more uncertain than it once was. Congressional Democrats and governors now openly debate the wisdom of locking arms against Mr. Trump’s agenda, as they eventually did during his first presidency. And Democrats still now bear scars from last year’s conflicts over Israel’s invasions of Gaza and Lebanon, their embrace of identity politics and President Biden’s aborted candidacy.

In 2017, “everything felt bigger, more important,” said Krista Suh, a screenwriter in Los Angeles. When the Women’s March was announced for the day after Mr. Trump’s swearing-in, Ms. Suh, a novice knitter, came up with a pattern for a cat-eared pink cap to wear to the protest and posted it online.

Within days, “pussy hats” became a ubiquitous emblem of anti-Trump dissent.

Ms. Suh has stayed somewhat politically involved; she canvassed for Ms. Harris in Arizona. But she had no plans to protest this weekend.

“I feel like I’m just so much more jaded now,” she said.

‘He Won the Popular Vote’

When members of Lehigh Valley ROAR assembled once again in Ms. Morganelli’s living room this month, days before Mr. Trump would return to the White House, few were certain about what they should do next. They had canvassed and phone-banked for Ms. Harris. “You name it, we did it,” Ms. Morganelli said.

Ms. Wild had lost her seat, too.

In the corner of Ms. Morganelli’s living room, a cardboard cutout of Mr. Obama still wore a pink hat from the 2017 Women’s March, which most of the group members had attended. But none of them were going to Washington to protest Mr. Trump’s inauguration.

Some members had come to question the effectiveness of the Women’s March. Others were now more concerned about the safety of demonstrating. Last fall, one member’s car was broken into by someone who also tore up the Harris yard signs she had in the back seat.

Four years after the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, Ms. Morganelli was ambivalent about the optics of protesting the outcome of a fair election.

“This time, he won the popular vote,” she said, referring to the president-elect. “As good Americans and good Democrats, you have to accept that, right?”

Instead of protest, the group planned to get together to drink wine and write thank-you notes to Mr. Biden. “Moving forward, all we can do is try to be our best selves as good citizens,” Ms. Morganelli wrote on the group’s Facebook page.

A Resistance With Some Regrets

In its early days, the opposition to Mr. Trump seemed to practically organize itself. Grieving liberals poured their energy into any vessel available. People who had never organized a protest in their lives were transformed into leaders of demonstrations of historic scale, sometimes overnight, as was the case for Naomi Lindquester.

Jolted by Mr. Trump’s election, Ms. Lindquester, then a 42-year-old elementary schoolteacher in Denver, created a Facebook event called Women’s March on Denver. She thought she would have to beg her friends to attend.

Instead, the day after Mr. Trump’s inauguration, a crowd estimated at more than 100,000 people arrived at the State Capitol to denounce the new president. It was likely the largest demonstration in the history of Colorado.

The Women’s March protests drew some 500,000 attendees to Washington and hundreds of thousands more rallied across the country. But the groups that materialized to organize them, often led by media-savvy young urban professionals, soon found themselves struggling to maintain momentum and, at times, infighting.

The national Women’s March organization splintered after one organizer accused others of antisemitism. Other groups disintegrated amid more prosaic conflicts over priorities and egos.

“It got really ugly, really fast,” said Ms. Lindquester, who has not spoken with her fellow organizers of the Denver march since they fell out in late 2018.

Many such groups, she believes, were victims of their sudden celebrity. “I’ll be really honest with you,” she said, “I very much enjoyed my 15 minutes of fame.”

Since November, Ms. Lindquester has found herself questioning the impact of the march she organized. “The fact that we did that ginormous march and he still got re-elected a second time?” she said.

She has mostly stepped back from public politics — a shift that was in part a result of her move from Denver to a small, conservative town elsewhere in the state, and the heightened scrutiny on teachers’ politics in recent years.

While she was proud of her role in the 2017 protest, “I don’t talk to anyone about that, because I will hear about it if I do,” she said.

In a Facebook post this month she suggested a list of actions that she argued would make a bigger difference now than marching: Plant trees. Volunteer in the community. “Engage with people who think differently than you and find your common ground.”

A New Message: ‘This Is Hard.’

Some argue that the energy is still out there, but the goals are different. Ezra Levin, the executive director of Indivisible, an organization he co-founded in 2017 to channel grass-roots opposition to Mr. Trump, said the group had registered more new local chapters since November than it had at any other point since 2017.

In a new blueprint for action released shortly after the election, Indivisible urged its members to focus not just on Mr. Trump and Congress but also on local elected officials — particularly Democrats in blue states that could serve as a bulwark for resisting Mr. Trump’s policies.

It conceded that “too often in Trump 1.0, we embraced the aesthetics of protests instead of using them as part of a strategy.”

“You shouldn’t start with a tactic,” Mr. Levin said. “You should start with a goal.”

In Ms. Morganelli’s living room, the Lehigh Valley ROAR members spoke of leaning on one another even more as some family members drifted away from their politics in recent years: children who had grown enamored with right-wing survivalism or opposition to vaccines during the coronavirus pandemic, or turned on Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris over their support for Israel.

“I lost my liberal, progressive son to Joe Rogan,” one said, as others nodded in sympathy.

They felt alienated from younger Democratic activists who seemed to see fighting Mr. Trump as a lesser priority than matters of ideological purity.

“If you’re not lefty-left enough, they are willing to sacrifice their vote and throw it away,” either by not voting or voting for a third-party candidate, said Lori McFarland, a member of the group who is now the chairwoman of the Lehigh County Democratic Committee. “And they’ve just set us back.”

Ms. Suh, the “pussy hat” creator, has not sought to reprise her role in the protest movement. She thought that a unifying phenomenon like her hat would still be possible — but the message should now be something different than the defiance of early 2017.

“I think,” she said, “it has to be something like: ‘I hear you. This is hard.’”

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Politics

Video: Kristi Noem Hands $10,000 Bonuses to Some T.S.A. Agents

Published

13 hours ago

November 14, 2025

Press Room

Video: Kristi Noem Hands ,000 Bonuses to Some T.S.A. Agents

new video loaded: Kristi Noem Hands $10,000 Bonuses to Some T.S.A. Agents

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Kristi Noem Hands $10,000 Bonuses to Some T.S.A. Agents

The secretary for Homeland Security, Kristi Noem, awarded $10,000 checks to Transportation Security Administration workers who “went above and beyond” during the shutdown.

: Every single one of these individuals served with exemplary service. They went above and beyond. They helped individuals. They served extra shifts.
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The secretary for Homeland Security, Kristi Noem, awarded $10,000 checks to Transportation Security Administration workers who “went above and beyond” during the shutdown.

By Shawn Paik

November 13, 2025

Politics

DNC staffers ruthlessly mocked for fuming over remote work reversal: ‘Get yourselves together’

Published

14 hours ago

November 14, 2025

Press Room

DNC staffers ruthlessly mocked for fuming over remote work reversal: ‘Get yourselves together’

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Democratic National Committee employees were mercilessly mocked this week after news came out that staffers were very unhappy with a recent directive from DNC Chairman Ken Martin end to remote work for employees who will now be required to show up to the office five days a week.

Leadership of the union representing DNC employees put out a statement following news of the new directive, describing it as “callous.” Reports from those on the staff-wide call also described an immediate flurry of thumbs-down emojis and other signs of anger upon news of the new requirement.

“It was shocking to see the DNC chair disregard staff’s valid concerns on today’s team call,” they wrote. “D.N.C. staff worked extremely hard to support historic wins for Democrats up and down the ballot last Tuesday, and this change feels especially callous considering the current economic conditions created by the Trump administration.” Martin reportedly told employees that if they don’t like the new policy, they should go find a job elsewhere.

And Martin wasn’t the only Democrat who had some harsh and pointed words for the Democratic Party staffers. Neera Tanden, former President Joe Biden’s domestic policy advisor, had a similar message for DNC staffers, suggesting there were many eager folks waiting in line who would likely be more than willing to go into the office.

PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRATS TURN ON PARTY LEADERSHIP AFTER GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWN ENDS WITHOUT HEALTHCARE GUARANTEES

Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin speaking from the DNC’s home studio. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

“If you think democracy is on the line – working in the office is not a big ask,” Tanden wrote in a post on X. “And there are plenty of other people willing to step up. Get yourselves together people.”

A left-wing group, the Center for New Liberalism, echoed the view that the staffers “should look elsewhere” if working from home is a “must-have.”

“When you accept a job on a campaign, or with an org like the DNC, DCCC, etc, your single purpose is to win the election. It is a demanding job that requires long hours & sacrifices,” the group wrote on X. “The other part of this is that I suspect [work from home] staff are probably losing opportunities for themselves by not being in the office. Campaigns require a lot of personal sacrifice, but the people who are good at their job and work to make themselves noticed in the office usually tend to go on to do big things!”

One Florida-based Democratic strategist, Steve Schale, who led Barack Obama’s statewide efforts in Florida in 2008 and returned to help his campaign in 2012, said the DNC should implement a “requirement” to ensure those who want to work at the DNC really have what it takes.

“There should be a requirement that to work at the DNC that you’ve done at least two cycles on an actual battleground campaign, where terms like flex hours & hybrid work don’t exist,” Schale wrote on X.

6 HOUSE DEMOCRATS EXPLAIN BREAKING WITH PARTY TO END SHUTDOWN

A man is seen walking in front of the Democratic National Committee’s headquarters located in Washington, D.C. (Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

Meanwhile, Republicans did not spare the opportunity to slam Democratic Party staffers as well.

“You can’t make this up — the DNC union is pissed that the Chairman is calling staff back into the office 5 days a week,” former Trump White House press secretary, Sean Spicer, said after learning of the anger. GOP strategist, Matt Gorman, quipped that the image of DNC staffers logging onto a Zoom call in their pajamas amid all the chaos of Biden’s reelection “is hilarious.”

“The best part is that they still get two full months before they actually have to get out of bed 5 days week,” GOP National Press Secretary Kiersten Pels said. “Is this a political committee or a daycare?”

Martin reportedly told his employees that the work-from-home policy the DNC implemented during COVID was never meant to be permanent, describing it as a “Band-Aid” that has long needed to be ripped off. He did say that remote work would still be allowed on a case-by-case basis, however.

Neera Tanden, one of former President Joe Biden’s top advisors in the White House, was among those Democrats who slammed DNC staffers for being upset of having to go back into the office full-time, as opposed to remote work. (Chandan Khanna/AFP via Getty Images)

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The staffer’s union said it is considering all options in terms of challenging the measure. The group previously ratified a collective bargaining agreement with the DNC over the summer that “reaffirms its commitment to making hybrid work available,” but also includes language that allows for a full return to in-person working as long as there is a 60-day notice period, according to the New York Times.

Earlier this year, the Congressional Progressive Staff Association sent a letter to top House and Senate leaders proposing a rotating 32-hour work week for congressional staffers, arguing it would be a more “sustainable approach to work on a national level.”

The proposal was widely mocked, however.

“Why not be bold and ask for a 0-hour workweek?” quipped Rep. Ritchie Torres, D-N.Y., at the time. “I wonder how blue-collar Americans would feel about white-collar workers demanding a 32-hour workweek.”

Politics

Trickle of revelations fuels scandal over Trump’s ties to Epstein

Published

16 hours ago

November 14, 2025

Press Room

Trickle of revelations fuels scandal over Trump’s ties to Epstein

WASHINGTON — A slow drip of revelations detailing President Trump’s ties to Jeffrey Epstein that have burdened the White House all year has turned into a deluge after House lawmakers released reams of documents that imply the president may have intimate knowledge of his friend’s criminal activity.

The scope of Epstein’s interest in Trump became clear Thursday as media organizations combed through more than 20,000 documents from the convicted sex offender’s estate released by the House Oversight Committee, prompting a bipartisan majority in the House — including up to half of Republican lawmakers — to pledge support for a measure to compel the Justice Department to release all files related to its investigation of Epstein.

In one email discovered Thursday, sent by Epstein to himself months before he died by suicide in federal custody, he wrote: “Trump knew.” The White House has denied that Trump knew about or was involved in Epstein’s years-long operation that abused over 200 women and girls.

The scandal comes at a precarious political moment for Trump, who faces a 36% approval rating, according to the latest Associated Press-NORC survey, and whose grip on the Republican Party and MAGA movement has begun to slip as his final term in office begins winding down leading up to next year’s midterm elections.

Attempts by the Trump administration to quash the scandal have failed to shake interest in the case from the public across the political spectrum.

The records paint the most expansive picture yet of Trump’s relationship with Epstein, the subject of unending fascination and conspiracy theories online, as well as growing bipartisan interest in Congress.

In several emails, Epstein, a disgraced financier who maintained a close friendship with Trump until a falling-out in the mid-2000s, said that the latter “knew about the girls” involved in his operation and that Trump “spent hours” with one in private. Epstein also alleged that he could “take him down” with damaging information.

In several exchanges, Epstein portrayed himself as someone who knew Trump well. Emails show how he tracked Trump’s business practices and the evolution of the president’s political endeavors.

Other communications show Epstein closely monitoring Trump’s movements at the beginning of his first term in office, at one point attempting to communicate with the Russian government to share his “insight” into Trump’s proclivities and thinking.

White House officials attempted to thwart the effort to release the files Wednesday, holding a tense meeting with a GOP congresswoman in the White House Situation Room, a move the administration said demonstrated its willingness “to sit down with members of Congress to address their concerns.”

But House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York accused the White House and Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) of “running a pedophile protection program” for trying to block efforts to release the Epstein files.

The legislative effort in the House does not guarantee a vote in the Senate, much less bipartisan approval of the measure there. And the president — who has for months condemned his supporters for their repeated calls for transparency in the case — would almost certainly veto the bill if it makes it to his desk.

Epstein died in a federal prison in Manhattan awaiting trial on charges of sex trafficking in 2019. His death was ruled a suicide by the New York City medical examiner and the Justice Department’s inspector general.

As reporters sift through the documents in the coming days, Trump’s relationship with Epstein is likely to remain in the spotlight.

In one email Epstein sent to himself shortly before his imprisonment and death, he wrote that Trump knew of the financier’s sexual activity during a period where he was accused of wrongdoing.

“Trump knew of it,” he wrote, “and came to my house many times during that period.”

“He never got a massage,” Epstein added. Epstein paid for “massages” from girls that often led to sexual activity.

Trump has blamed Democrats for the issue bubbling up again.

“Democrats are using the Jeffrey Epstein Hoax to try and deflect from their massive failures, in particular, their most recent one — THE SHUTDOWN!” the president wrote Wednesday in a social media post, hours after the records were made public.

Trump made a public appearance later that day to sign legislation ending the government shutdown but declined to answer as reporters shouted questions about Epstein after the event.

Trump comes up in several emails

The newly released correspondence gives a rare look at how Epstein, in his own words, related to Trump in ways that were not previously known. In some cases, Epstein’s correspondence suggests the president knew more about Epstein’s criminal conduct than Trump has let on.

In the months leading up to Epstein’s arrest on sex trafficking charges, he mentioned Trump in a few emails that imply the latter knew about the financier’s victims.

In January 2019, Epstein wrote to author Michael Wolff that Trump “knew about the girls,” as he discussed his membership at Mar-a-Lago, the president’s South Florida private club and resort.

Trump has said that he ended his relationship with Epstein because he had “hired away” one of his female employees at Mar-a-Lago. The White House has also said Trump banned Epstein from his club because he was “being a creep.”

“Trump said he asked me to resign, never a member ever,” Epstein wrote in the email to Wolff.

One of the employees was Virginia Giuffre, one of Epstein’s survivors who died by suicide this year. Giuffre said in a civil case deposition that she never witnessed Trump sexually abuse minors in Epstein’s home.

Republicans in the House Oversight Committee identified Giuffre as one of the victims whose names are redacted in an April 2011 email.

In that email, Epstein wrote to Ghislaine Maxwell, a former associate who was later sentenced for conspiring with Epstein to sexually abuse minors, that Trump was “the dog that hasn’t barked.”

“[Victim] spent hours at my house with him,” Epstein wrote. “He has never once been mentioned.”

“I have been thinking about that…,” Maxwell replied.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters Wednesday that the emails “prove absolutely nothing other than the fact that President Trump did nothing wrong.”

News over the summer that Trump had penned a lewd birthday card to Epstein, drawing the silhouette of a naked woman with a note reading, “may every day be another wonderful secret,” had sparked panic in the West Wing that the files could have prolific mentions of Trump.