Politics
Opinion: Why do Arizona Republicans keep dressing up like cowboys?
When Arizona Sen. Barry Goldwater contemplated a run for president in the 1964 election, he introduced himself to a national audience by releasing a photo of himself dressed in a buckskin jacket, cowboy hat and jeans, holding an antique rifle on his knee. He looked every inch the frontiersman — except for the swimming pool in the background.
Those who knew Goldwater might have chuckled at another detail. Although his family had genuine 19th century Arizona roots, they had made their fortune in department stores, not ranching. One of Barry’s only contributions to the business before he left to chase a political career was designing a line of blouses and drapes featuring cattle brands.
The use of retail cowboy duds to project a conservative image of toughness, independence and suspicion of government is an Arizona tradition at least as old as Goldwater’s failed presidential campaign.
But even as the real trade of cowboying has virtually disappeared in modern Arizona — direct cattle sales make up less than 0.0014% of the state’s GDP — the strategic use of Western attire to broadcast right-leaning ideology has only increased and seems to be getting even stronger.
“As big as Arizona has grown, it is in our political DNA,” Republican political consultant Stan Barnes said of cowboy iconography. “When you come to Arizona, you’re subject to the culture, and if you’re in political life, you see that culture distilled.”
Of the 90 members of the 2024 Arizona Legislature, five are wearing cowboy hats in their official state portraits. All of them are Republicans. But only one is an actual rancher with cattle. “It means someone who rides for the brand,” said that lawmaker, Rep. David Cook, known at the Capitol as a down-to-earth deal maker. He compares his governing philosophy to moving livestock. “You get them all together and move them together,” he said.
The politician-cowpoke theme comes drenched in several ironies, not least of which is that when Arizona was run by a Democratic Party machine for most of the 20th century, there were far more ranchers serving in public office and their livery was both more common and less partisan.
Gov. Jack Williams declared the bolo tie “Arizona’s official neckwear” in 1971, and when Tom Prezelski, a Democrat from Tucson, wore his own ornamental leather cravat on the floor of the Legislature 15 years ago, nobody blinked. Now he gets a different question when he wears it: “Have you turned into a Republican?”
“You now adopt the fashion to make a political statement,” Prezelski complained. “It’s all code. It didn’t used to be that way. Now you get all these Republicans looking like norteño musicians.” Anyone who wants a front row to Deep Arizona should go to the state Capitol whenever the state’s 15 county sheriffs arrive to lobby for something. Nearly all of them wear cowboy hats, looking like a family reunion out of Wyatt Earp days.
Here lies another irony. As a profession, cowboying flourished only for a brief period, roughly from 1865 to 1895, when it was a low-paid agricultural job, often taken up by Mexican immigrants and African Americans — not the core of today’s Republican base, to say the least.
The equestrian tradition of Western cattle raising is derivative not of anything Anglos brought to conquered Indigenous land but of the northern Mexican vaquero tradition. The cowboy hat is a modified sombrero. Even the core lingo comes from the Spanish language: lariat, corral, chaps.
But historical details don’t seem to matter. The aesthetics are used to conjure up a politics of frontier individualism — they go hand in hand. “One does affect the other,” said Barnes. “They feed off each other.”
These signifiers work because voters embrace them too. It’s a common story for newcomers to Arizona to lean into the fantasy Western lifestyle by decorating their homes with oil paintings of shootouts and roundups. Even interior design carries political influences these days.
“A lot of people respond to it,” said Jim West, a longtime Phoenix country disc jockey. “It boils down to looking out for yourself, taking care of your people, and small government.”
But not every politician can pull off the look.
Mark Finchem, a former police officer from Michigan, ran a heavily MAGA conspiracy-oriented campaign for secretary of state in 2022. On the campaign trail, he sported an unconvincing combination of string tie and cowboy hat. That earned him the nickname Kalamazoo cosplay cowboy.
Some see a darker message in the aesthetic. J. Gray Sweeney, a professor emeritus of art history at Arizona State University, wrote in an article, “Racism, Nationalism, and Nostalgia in Cowboy Art,” that “the supporters of western art are willing to do everything in their power to protect the cherished fantasy of America’s ‘winning of the West,’ ” which is “premised on nationalistic and conservative values.”
That impulse has gotten only stronger in recent years, especially in the Trump era, Sweeney explained to me. “I can tell you without any reservations whatsoever that the people who collected this kind of nostalgia-ridden art are uniformly conservative politically, as the art is about preserving some values that are regressive and largely of a white supremacist type.”
Of course, the supposed golden age of the Arizona rangelands in the late 19th century was also a time when Anglo settlement depended on government largesse in the form of land giveaways to the railroads, loose mining concessions and military supply contracts. A later generation of ranchers would never have stayed in business if it weren’t for generous public grazing leases, plus federal dams for all that water.
So when Arizona politicians take to dressing up Western-style, they’re paying homage to an era not of rugged individualism but of a Washington-driven economy subsidized by taxpayers. Giddyup!
Tom Zoellner is the author of “Rim to River: Looking into the Heart of Arizona.”
Politics
Trump admin backs off controversial $2B fund, clearing path for stalled GOP immigration bill
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The Department of Justice (DOJ) pressed pause on the Trump administration’s “anti-weaponization” fund on Monday, giving Senate Republicans runway to hammer through a massive immigration enforcement funding package in the process.
The DOJ announced on X that it would abide by a Virginia federal court’s order to not move forward with the fund. It comes as Republicans in the upper chamber punted their plan to advance a $72 billion immigration enforcement package over deep concerns about who could access the flow of taxpayer dollars from the nearly $2 billion fund.
The DOJ said in a statement that it “disagrees strongly with the decision on the Anti-Weaponization Fund” by the Virginia district court, “wherein the Court stated that, under no circumstances, may the Department of Justice proceed with the Anti-Weaponization Fund recently established in order to make up for the tremendous abuse, harm, and hate unfairly shown to so many people.”
SENATE GOP ERUPTS OVER TRUMP DOJ ‘ANTI-WEAPONIZATION’ FUND, PUNTS ICE, BORDER PATROL FUNDING
President Donald Trump looks on during a swearing-in ceremony for new Chairman of the Federal Reserve Kevin Warsh in the East Room of the White House in Washington, D.C., on May 22, 2026. (Aaron Schwartz/AFP via Getty Images)
“This fund was open to anybody who was so weaponized, targeted, or persecuted, whether they were Democrat, Republican, Conservative, Independent, or otherwise,” the agency said. “The Department will abide by the Court’s ruling.”
For the time being, that could ease Republicans’ concerns over whether those convicted of assaulting police officers on Jan. 6, 2021, could access the money. And it will likely allow the GOP to restart the budget reconciliation process with that political pressure point now sidelined.
It comes as Democrats are gearing up for a deluge of bills and amendments that likely could have passed had the administration not halted the fund. But still, it’s unclear if it means the fund has totally been nixed, or if it’s just a temporary pause.
GOP’S PRIMED FOR PRIMARY SEASON PAYBACK ON TRUMP’S MOST AMBITIOUS, CONTROVERSIAL POLICY
When asked if he thought Democratic amendments and bills would survive, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said that the administration would have to be crystal clear about what happens next.
“If the administration effectively shuts it down, and makes that very, very clear, and that, to me, should answer the question,” Thune said.
Whether the fund has permanently come to an end is still an open question. Fox News Digital was referred to the DOJ by the White House for comment, and the DOJ did not immediately respond.
Given that grey area, Senate Democrats plan to move full-steam ahead with their slate of legislation and amendments geared toward completely terminating the “anti-weaponization” fund.
CONGRESS BARRELS TOWARD DEADLINE PILE-UP AS GOP DIVISIONS THREATEN TRUMP AGENDA
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer speaks during a news conference after a weekly Democrat policy luncheon at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on April 14, 2026. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
“If Trump and Republicans are truly abandoning this corrupt scheme, they should have zero problem banning it in law,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said on X. “This week, Senate Democrats will push legislation to ban this slush fund and ensure no president can ever do this again. Trump’s word is nowhere near enough.”
Schumer had already primed Democrats to take advantage of the brewing dissent within the GOP with an aggressive legislative strategy during the forthcoming “vote-a-rama,” where both sides of the aisle will get a near unlimited number of amendments to vote on for the immigration package.
Sen. Jacky Rosen, D-Nev., already plans to introduce three bills that would redirect the funding to address growing affordability concerns in the country.
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“My bills will redirect the $1.8 BILLION slush fund money to SNAP, Medicaid, and law enforcement programs like those that help our local police departments hire more officers,” Rosen said on X.
“You work hard for your money, and I’ll be damned if I let Donald Trump or anyone else use it for a slush fund for their friends. Let’s see if Washington Republicans agree,” she continued.
Politics
’60 Minutes’ veteran Scott Pelley rips CBS News bosses, saying they are ‘murdering’ the program
Nick Bilton, the new executive producer of “60 Minutes,” received a hostile welcome Monday from the CBS News program’s most respected correspondent Scott Pelley as the staff is still reeling over last week’s firings.
In the first staff meeting since Bilton was named last week, Pelley accused CBS News Editor-in-chief Bari Weiss of “murdering” the country’s most-watched news program, which recently finished the TV season with a 9 percent ratings increase. Recordings of the meeting were circulated to journalists.
“She is murdering ‘60 Minutes,’” Pelley said. “She does not love this place. She was brought in to kill it, and she’s been doing exactly that.” Pelley also attacked the credentials of Bilton, a former New York Times tech reporter and documentary filmmaker who like Weiss has no previous experience running a TV news operation.
Bilton was named to replace Tanya Simon on Thursday, an unexpected move that also came with the firing of correspondents Sharyn Alfonsi and Cecilia Vega. The moves were enacted by Weiss, who has targeted the prestigious program for changes since she arrived at the network last fall.
David Ellison, chief executive of CBS News parent Paramount, brought in Weiss — a skeptic of legacy media — with a mandate to move the division more to the political center. But many critics have seen the move as an attempt to placate the Trump administration while Ellison seeks regulatory approval for his deal to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery,
“60 Minutes,” has long been in Trump’s cross hairs. The president sued the program last year over the editing of an interview with his 2024 opponent former Vice President Kamala Harris. The suit was settled just ahead of the Federal Communications Commission clearing the way for Ellison’s Skydance Media takeover of Paramount.
One person close to “60 Minutes” said attendees at the meeting in the Manhattan West Side offices described it as something they had never witnessed in their careers. The confrontation — and the applause Pelley received from his colleagues during the meeting — also demonstrates how CBS News management may have underestimated the staff’s devotion to the program, now closing in on its sixth decade, that has long been considered the most powerful and respected platform in TV journalism.
A representative for CBS News declined comment on the meeting.
Pelley is held in especially high stature at the network due to his work over the years in dangerous war zones. When he was anchor at the “CBS Evening News,” he displayed photos of CBS News journalists who have died in the line of duty for the network going back to George Polk, who was killed during Greece’s civil war in 1948.
People close to CBS News management said both Bilton and Weiss reached out to Pelley last week to discuss the changes and their plans for the program’s future but he did not respond.
One CBS News veteran said the tense meeting “reads like Scott wants to be fired.”
Weiss has maintained she is committed to expanding the “60 Minutes” brand so it generates viewing and revenue outside of its Sunday night broadcast. But she has also clashed with producers and correspondents over the handling of stories such as Alfonsi’s report on the Trump administration’s use of harsh El Salvador prisons to hold undocumented Venezuelan migrants.
Alfonsi’s message to colleagues saying the segment was held for political reasons led to her dismissal from the program.
Vega posted a message last week claiming she had been facing pressure to insert political bias into her stories. “I very much fear what comes next for … the future of the legendary broadcast,” Vega said in a social media post on Thursday, referring to “60 Minutes.”
A CBS News representative said last week that Vega’s claims “are not based in reality.”
Bilton has tried to reassure veterans at the program that he remains committed to the program’s mandate to provide tough, investigative journalism. The words he’s used in several meetings are that next season will not be much different than the successful year the program just completed.
“He’s very much committed to continuing and extending the kind of journalism that ’60 Minutes’ has been known for.” said one person close to Bilton.
Politics
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