Politics
Abortion ban has supercharged Arizona politics. What will GOP legislators do?
Abortion politics and policy are clashing here like in no other state as the Republican-led Legislature convenes Wednesday to sort out the aftermath of a ruling allowing a statewide ban to take effect within weeks.
It adds more uncertainty for a state that has sometimes felt like the center of the political universe since President Biden’s 2020 victory here helped seal his election, prompting the first false cries from former President Trump that the election was rigged.
Republicans here are anxious and divided over how to handle the newest political surprise, delivered last week when the state Supreme Court ruled that a nearly complete ban — which had been on the books since 1864, before Arizona became a state — could take effect. The state currently permits abortions until the 15th week of pregnancy.
The focus on abortion, already a rallying cause for Democrats, has bolstered that party’s belief that it can use its support for reproductive rights to overcome voters’ angst over the economy and immigration and win a state that has gone their way in only two presidential elections since 1948. But leaders of an abortion rights ballot measure are trying to keep the party at arm’s length because they believe they can win broader support from Republicans and independents.
Still, the increasing number of rallies, signature-gathering events and political speeches over the last week are making the November election feel much more urgent here than in other parts of the country, where campaigns do not normally draw attention until the early fall.
“This is a huge political situation,” said state Sen. Anna Hernandez, a Democrat from Phoenix, who said she has heard from constituents in both parties who are upset with the near-total ban.
A Tuesday morning rally on a highway beside a strip mall, one of dozens around the state in the last week, drew more than 30 people waving “Remember in November” signs and carrying handcuffs to underscore the 1864 abortion statute’s threat of arrest for people who perform or help a woman obtain one. One man held a picture of Trump’s face covered by a red slash.
“It’s horrifying. It’s absolutely dangerous for all women — whether they want to be pregnant, whether they don’t want to be pregnant,” said Nancy Gillenwater, 63, a Scottsdale resident who said she had an abortion when she was 14 and another at 41, after having children.
Gillenwater, who became an active Planned Parenthood volunteer and storyteller when the U.S. Supreme Court overturned nationwide abortion rights in 2022, said she worries that her daughter can’t safely start a family and that her son-in-law, an emergency room physician, will face criminal prosecution for saving women’s lives.
Tuesday’s rally was one of dozens held across the swing state by residents decrying the 1864 law and emphasizing: “Remember in November.”
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Mari Urbina, national managing director of Indivisible, the anti-Trump group that organized the rally, had flown in from Washington to support state efforts. She said that since the state Supreme Court’s decision, her group had signed up hundreds of volunteer organizers here who agreed to contact friends and neighbors. Other left-leaning groups reported similar spikes in fundraising and activism.
The Legislature is looking at a pair of issues that will shape the short-term and long-term future of abortion here: whether to repeal the 1864 law, and whether to add more ballot questions to put before voters in the November election to compete with the abortion rights measure.
But Republicans, who hold one-vote majorities in Arizona’s House and Senate, are internally conflicted between the desire to impose strict abortion restrictions and the political reality that the issue could cost them elections, including the presidency.
Those dynamics erupted into a chaotic session last Wednesday, the day after the state Supreme Court ruling, with cries of “Shame! Shame!” and no action.
Since then, Republicans have been strategizing behind closed doors, with public pressure from Trump, who had previously said states should decide abortion law on their own, “to remedy what has happened.”
Repealing the 1864 measure would draw unanimous support from Democratic lawmakers and need the votes of only two Republicans in each chamber.
Even before the court ruled last week, abortion rights proponents said they had gathered enough signatures to put a statewide measure on the ballot that would lift virtually all abortion restrictions, including the current legal ban after 15 weeks. Two of the state Supreme Court justices who supported last week’s ruling will also be on the November ballot, which could draw more interest from abortion rights voters.
Abortion is the top issue for suburban women in seven swing states, according to a Wall Street Journal poll in March, in which 39% of those respondents cited the issue, far surpassing immigration (16%) and the economy (7%) in the seven states polled, including Arizona.
“I’m not saying that’s the deciding factor. But it’s the biggest factor, because we women vote,” said Nancy Musser, a 69-year-old Democrat who works an administrative job in the Maricopa County probation department.
Republicans are worried about that abortion rights measure and are considering how to counter it.
An internal GOP strategy presentation, first reported by NBC, showed Republicans were considering placing one or two competing measures on the November ballot that would draw down support from the abortion rights measure.
One idea under discussion would ask voters to consider what the presentation called “a 14-week law disguised as a 15-week law.” The Legislature can place measures on the ballot directly, and Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs has no legal right to veto them.
Dawn Penich, communications director for Arizonans for Abortion Access, which is sponsoring the abortion rights measure, accused the Legislature of “deception and political game-playing.”
Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs is powerless to stop the Republican-led Arizona Legislature if it decides to put an antiabortion measure or two on November’s ballot.
(Ross D. Franklin / Associated Press)
Republican House Speaker Ben Toma said in a statement: “The document presents ideas drafted for internal discussion and consideration within the caucus. I’ve publicly stated that we are looking at options to address this subject, and this is simply part of that.”
Even if the issue of abortion helps Democrats, there is no guarantee it will help Biden win the state, where many voters cite the economy as their top concern. The same Wall Street Journal poll of swing state voters found Trump leading in Arizona by 5 percentage points, and receiving much higher marks on the economy and immigration.
“Women should be able to decide,” said Nick Tsontakis, a 68-year-old architect. But he will vote for Trump, he said, feeling satisfied with Trump’s position that abortion laws should be up to the states.
Jose Salvador, a 42-year-old Democrat, agrees, calling the Supreme Court’s decision a mistake. But after voting for Biden in the last election, he has decided to vote for Trump, largely due to immigration and the economy, he said.
“Right now, the country is hurting financially,” he said. “And we need to take care of that first before we focus our resources on on this other issue.”
Politics
San Diego sues to stop border barrier construction
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The city of San Diego sued the federal government to stop the construction of razor wire fencing on city-owned land near the U.S.-Mexico border, accusing federal agencies of trespassing and causing environmental damage.
The city filed the complaint in the U.S. District Court for Southern California on Monday. The complaint named Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth among the defendants.
The city accused the federal government of acting without legal authority when they entered city property in Marron Valley and began installing razor wire fencing.
“The City of San Diego will not allow federal agencies to disregard the law and damage City property,” said City Attorney Heather Ferbert in a news release. She said the lawsuit aims to protect sensitive habitats and ensure environmental commitments are upheld.
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San Diego is suing the federal government to stop the construction of razor wire fencing on city property in Marron Valley. (Justin Hamel/Bloomberg via Getty Images, File)
According to the lawsuit, federal personnel including U.S. Marines accessed the land without the city’s consent, and damaged environmentally sensitive areas protected under long-standing conservation agreements.
DHS Secretary Kristi Noem and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth were among the federal officials named in San Diego’s lawsuit. (Reuters/Brian Snyder; AP Photo/Alex Brandon)
San Diego argues the fencing has blocked the city’s ability to manage and assess its own property and could jeopardize compliance with environmental obligations.
An American flag can be seen through the barbed wire surrounding the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on October 4, 2025 in San Diego, California. (Kevin Carter/Getty Images)
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The lawsuit also accuses the federal government of trespassing and beginning construction without proper authority or environmental review, and unconstitutionally taking the land in violation of the Fifth Amendment.
Fox News Digital reached out to DHS and the Pentagon for comment.
Politics
Commentary: Tim Walz isn’t the only governor plagued by fraud. Newsom may be targeted next
Former vice presidential contender and current aw-shucks Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz announced this week that he won’t run for a third term, dogged by a scandal over child care funds that may or may not be going to fraudsters.
It’s a politically driven mess that not coincidentally focuses on a Black immigrant community, tying the real problem of scammers stealing government funds to the growing MAGA frenzy around an imaginary version of America that thrives on whiteness and Christianity.
Despite the ugliness of current racial politics in America, the fraud remains real, and not just in Minnesota. California has lost billions to cheats in the last few years, leaving our own governor, who also harbors D.C. dreams, vulnerable to the same sort of attack that has taken down Walz.
As we edge closer to the 2028 presidential election, Republicans and Democrats alike will probably come at Gavin Newsom with critiques of the state’s handling of COVID-19 funds, unemployment insurance and community college financial aid to name a few of the honeypots that have been successfully swiped by thieves during his tenure.
In fact, President Trump said as much on his social media barf-fest this week.
“California, under Governor Gavin Newscum, is more corrupt than Minnesota, if that’s possible??? The Fraud Investigation of California has begun,” he wrote.
Right-wing commentator Benny Johnson also said he’s conducting his own “investigation.” And Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton is claiming his fraud tip line has turned up “(c)orruption, fraud and abuse on an epic scale.”
Just to bring home that this vulnerability is serious and bipartisan, Rep. Ro Khanna, the Silicon Valley congressman rumored to have his own interest in the Oval Office, is also circling the fraud feast like a vulture eyeing his next meal.
“I want to hear from residents in my district and across the state about waste, mismanagement, inefficiencies, or fraud that we must tackle,” Khanna wrote on social media.
Newsom’s spokesman Izzy Gardon questioned the validity of many fraud claims.
“In the actual world where adults govern,” Gardon said, “Gavin Newsom has been cleaning house. Since taking office, he’s blocked over $125 BILLION in fraud, arrested criminal parasites leaching off of taxpayers, and protected taxpayers from the exact kind of scam artists Trump celebrates, excuses, and pardons.”
What exactly are we talking about here? Well, it’s a pick-your-scandal type of thing. Even before the federal government dumped billions in aid into the states during the pandemic, California’s unemployment system was plagued by inefficiencies and yes, scammers. But when the world shut down and folks needed that government cash to survive, malfeasance skyrocketed.
Every thief with a half-baked plan — including CEOs, prisoners behind bars and overseas organized crime rackets — came for California’s cash, and seemingly got it. The sad part is these weren’t criminal geniuses. More often than not, they were low-level swindlers looking at a system full of holes because it was trying to do too much too fast.
In a matter of months, billions had been siphoned away. A state audit in 2021 found that at least $10 billion had been paid out on suspicious unemployment claims — never mind small business loans or other types of aid. An investigation by CalMatters in 2023 suggested the final figure may be up to triple that amount for unemployment. In truth, no one knows exactly how much was stolen — in California, or across the country.
It hasn’t entirely stopped. California is still paying out fraudulent unemployment claims at too high a rate, totaling up to $1.5 billion over the last few years — more than $500 million in 2024 alone, according to the state auditor.
But that’s not all. Enterprising thieves looked elsewhere when COVID-19 money largely dried up. Recently, that has been our community colleges, where millions in federal student aid has been lost to grifters who use bots to sign up for classes, receive government money to help with school, then disappear. Another CalMatters investigation using data obtained from a public records request found that up to 34% of community college applications in 2024 may have been false — though that number represents fraudulent admissions that were flagged and blocked, Gardon points out.
Still, community college fraud will probably be a bigger issue for Newsom because it’s fresher, and can be tied (albeit disingenuously) to immigrants and progressive policies.
California allows undocumented residents to enroll in community colleges, and it made those classes free — two terrific policies that have been exploited by the unscrupulous. For a while, community colleges didn’t do enough to ensure that students were real people, because they didn’t require enough proof of identity. This was in part to accommodate vulnerable students such as foster kids, homeless people and undocumented folks who lacked papers.
With no up-front costs for attempting to enroll, phonies threw thousands of identities at the system’s 116 schools, which were technologically unprepared for the assaults. These “ghost” students were often accepted and given grants and loans.
My former colleague Kaitlyn Huamani reported that in 2024, scammers stole roughly $8.4 million in federal financial aid and more than $2.7 million in state aid from our community colleges. That‘s a pittance compared with the tens of billions that was handed out in state and federal financial aid, but more than enough for a political fiasco.
As Walz would probably explain if nuanced policy conversations were still a thing, it’s both a fair and unfair criticism to blame these robberies on a governor alone — state government should be careful of its cash and aggressive in protecting it, and the buck stops with the governor, but crises and technology have collided to create opportunities for swindlers that frankly few governmental leaders, from the feds on down, have handled with any skill or luck.
The crooks have simply been smarter and faster than the rest of us to capitalize first on the pandemic, then on evolving technology including AI that makes scamming easier and scalable to levels our institutions were unprepared to handle.
Since being so roundly fleeced during the pandemic, multiple state and federal agencies have taken steps in combating fraud — including community colleges using their own AI tools to stop fake students before they get in.
And the state is holding thieves accountable. Newsom hired a former Trump-appointed federal prosecutor, McGregor Scott, to go after scam artists on unemployment. And other county, state and federal prosecutors have also dedicated resources to clawing back some of the lost money.
With the slow pace of our courts (burdened by their own aging technology), many of those cases are still ongoing or just winding up. For example, 24 L.A. County employees were charged in recent months with allegedly stealing more than $740,000 in unemployment benefits, which really is chump change in this whole mess.
Another California man recently pleaded guilty to allegedly cheating his way into $15.9 million in federal loans through the Paycheck Protection Program and Economic Injury Disaster Loan programs.
And in one of the most colorful schemes, four Californians with nicknames including “Red boy” and “Scooby” allegedly ran a scam that boosted nearly $250 million in federal tax refunds before three of them attempted to murder the fourth to keep him from ratting them out to the feds.
There are literally hundreds of cases across the country of pandemic fraud. And these schemes are just the tip of the cash-berg. Fraudsters are also targeting fire relief funds, food benefits — really, any pot of public money is fair game to them. And the truth is, the majority of that stolen money is gone for good.
So it’s hard to hear the numbers and not be shocked and angry, especially as the Golden State is faced with a budget shortfall that may be as much as $18 billion.
Whether you blame Newsom personally or not for all this fraud, it’s hard to be forgiving of so much public money being handed to scoundrels when our schools are in need, our healthcare in jeopardy and our bills on an upward trajectory.
The failure is going to stick to somebody, and it doesn’t take a criminal mastermind to figure out who it’s going to be.
Politics
Wyoming Supreme Court rules laws restricting abortion violate state constitution
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The Wyoming Supreme Court ruled on Tuesday that a pair of laws restricting abortion access violate the state constitution, including the country’s first explicit ban on abortion pills.
The court, in a 4-1 ruling, sided with the state’s only abortion clinic and others who had sued over the abortion bans passed since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, which returned the power to make laws on abortion back to the states.
Despite Wyoming being one of the most conservative states, the ruling handed down by justices who were all appointed by Republican governors upheld every previous lower court ruling that the abortion bans violated the state constitution.
Wellspring Health Access in Casper, the abortion access advocacy group Chelsea’s Fund and four women, including two obstetricians, argued that the laws violated a state constitutional amendment affirming that competent adults have the right to make their own health care decisions.
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The Wyoming Supreme Court ruled that a pair of laws restricting abortion access violate the state constitution. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
Voters approved the constitutional amendment in 2012 in response to the federal Affordable Care Act, which is also known as Obamacare.
The justices in Wyoming found that the amendment was not written to apply to abortion but noted that it is not their job to “add words” to the state constitution.
“But lawmakers could ask Wyoming voters to consider a constitutional amendment that would more clearly address this issue,” the justices wrote.
Wellspring Health Access President Julie Burkhart said in a statement that the ruling upholds abortion as “essential health care” that should not be met with government interference.
“Our clinic will remain open and ready to provide compassionate reproductive health care, including abortions, and our patients in Wyoming will be able to obtain this care without having to travel out of state,” Burkhart said.
Wellspring Health Access opened as the only clinic in the state to offer surgical abortions in 2023, a year after a firebombing stopped construction and delayed its opening. A woman is serving a five-year prison sentence after she admitted to breaking in and lighting gasoline that she poured over the clinic floors.
Wellspring Health Access opened as the only clinic in the state to offer surgical abortions in 2023, a year after a firebombing stopped construction. (AP)
Attorneys representing the state had argued that abortion cannot violate the Wyoming constitution because it is not a form of health care.
Republican Gov. Mark Gordon expressed disappointment in the ruling and called on state lawmakers meeting later this winter to pass a constitutional amendment prohibiting abortion that residents could vote on this fall.
An amendment like that would require a two-thirds vote to be introduced as a nonbudget matter in the monthlong legislative session that will primarily address the state budget, although it would have significant support in the Republican-dominated legislature.
“This ruling may settle, for now, a legal question, but it does not settle the moral one, nor does it reflect where many Wyoming citizens stand, including myself. It is time for this issue to go before the people for a vote,” Gordon said in a statement.
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Gov. Mark Gordon expressed disappointment in the ruling. (Getty Images)
One of the laws overturned by the state’s high court attempted to ban abortion, but with exceptions in cases where it is needed to protect a pregnant woman’s life or in cases of rape or incest. The other law would have made Wyoming the only state to explicitly ban abortion pills, although other states have implemented de facto bans on abortion medication by broadly restricting abortion.
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Abortion has remained legal in the state since Teton County District Judge Melissa Owens blocked the bans while the lawsuit challenging the restrictions moved forward. Owens struck down the laws as unconstitutional in 2024.
Last year, Wyoming passed additional laws requiring abortion clinics to be licensed surgical centers and women to receive ultrasounds before having medication abortions. A judge in a separate lawsuit blocked those laws from taking effect while that case moves forward.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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